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16 • THE HOLOCAUST AND COLONIALISM IN UKRAINE 16. See Peter Witte et al., eds., Der Dienstkalender Heinrich Himmlers 1941/1942 (Hamburg: Christians, 1999), p. 191; Commander of the Order Police in Ukraine, Otto von Oelhafen testimony, Nuremberg, May 1947, NARA RG 238 (Nuremberg Trials) roll 50, m1019. Secrecy was also addressed. A lower-level SS-Police official, Ernst Consee, who was in charge of recording the events of SK4a into its official war diary, revealed after the war that the “shooting of Jewish children was an issue that was not to be recorded in the war diary” (Consee statement of 6 September 1965, Trial of Kuno Callsen et al., 207 AR-Z 419/62, Bundesarchiv Aussenstelle Ludwigsburg [hereafter BAL]). See also Klaus-Michael Mallmann, “Die Türöffner der ‘Endlösung’: Zur Genesis des Genozids,” in Die Gestapo im Zweiten Weltkrieg: “Heimatfront” und besetztes Europa, ed. Gerhard Paul and Klaus-Michael Mallmann (Darmstadt: Primus Verlag, 2000), pp. 437–63. 17. Richard Breitman, “Himmler’s Police Auxiliaries in the Occupied Soviet Territories,” Simon Wiesenthal Center Annual, no. 7 (New York: Philosophical Library), pp. 23–39. 18. Himmler specified that these auxiliaries would also be used in mobile battalions outside their native countries; thus Lithuanian (Battalion 11 stationed in Korosten) and Latvian (Battalion 25 stationed at Ovruch) auxiliaries were active in the Zhytomyr region in 1942–43 (NARA RG 242 T-454/R 100/699). On the army formation of Ukrainian Hilfspolizei and militia groups, see 11 July 1941 order, NARA RG 242 T- 501/R 5/000482–3; and 14 September 1941 order, NARA RG 242 T-315/R 2216/000098-100. Another account, though propagandistic, on the formation of Ukrainian auxiliaries is available in Deutsche-Ukraine Zeitung (Lutsk), 2 October 1942, Library of Congress Newspaper Collection, Washington, DC. 19. This particular period was the heyday of army-SS cooperation in anti-Jewish aktionen. Jeckeln had the previous day (August 6) temporarily given over his command of the 1st SS Brigade (IR 8/10) to Sixth Army Field Marshal Reichenau. See Fritz Baade et al., eds., Unsere Ehre Heisst Treue: Kriegstagebuch des Kommandostabes Reichsführer SS (Vienna: Europa Verlag, 1965), p. 24. 20. See eyewitness statements from a postwar trial of a former Wehrmacht soldier, P. A., Landeskriminalamt Nordrhein-Westfalen, 27 February 1964 and 26 January 1966. This statement, photographs, and an essay on the crimes of the Sixth Army are presented by Bernd Boll and Hans Safrian in “Auf dem Weg nach Stalingrad: Die 6. Armee 1941/42,” printed in the exhibit catalog, Vernichtungskrieg: Verbrechen der Wehrmacht 1941 bis 1944, ed. Hannes Heer and Klaus Naumann (Hamburg: Hamburger Edition, 1996), pp. 270–72. 21. According to the statement of J. A. Bauer, Blobel’s driver, the staff of
Wendy Lower • 17 Wochenschau (weekly newsreels of propaganda from the front) was present at the executions (statement of 29 January 1965, Callsen Trial, 207 AR-Z 419/62, BAL). 22. See Hans Mommsen’s “Preussentum und Nationalsozialismus,” in Der Nationalsozialismus: Studien zur Ideologie und Herrschaft, ed. Wolfgang Benz, Hans Buchheim, and Hans Mommsen (Frankfurt am Main: Fischer Taschenbuch Verlag, 1993), pp. 29–41. Blobel’s personnel file is reprinted in Archives of the Holocaust: An International Collection of Selected Documents, ed. Henry Friedlander and Sybil Milton, vol. 11 (New York: Garland, 1989), p. 70. 23. Panning later returned to the region in July 1943 as part of a forensics commission that examined the disinterred bodies of victims of Stalin’s purges in Vinnytsia (Friedrich Herber, Gerichtsmedizin unterm Hakenkreuz [Leipzig: Militzke, 2002], pp. 274–76). 24. See August Häfner, of SK4a, statement of 9 June 1965. Häfner also claimed that the Wehrmacht soldiers clubbed the Jews who were awaiting execution so that when they arrived at the pit, they were covered in blood (Callsen Trial, 207 AR-Z 419/62, BAL). 25. See Ernst Wilhelm Boernecke statement of 5 November 1965, Callsen Trial. According to one account, the brains of the victims were spraying the shooters; one shooter from SK4a named Janssen returned to the Reich to treat a skin rash on his face (August Häfner, statement of 10 June 1965, Callsen Trial). 26. A more common pattern of Army-SD collaboration is illustrated in the actions that occurred in Berdychiv before Jeckeln arrived and dominated the scene. See Ehrenburg and Grossman, p. 14. See also “Abschlussbericht,” Case against Friedrich Becker, 204 AR-Z 129/67, BAL. 27. The underlines are in the original text; the italics are mine. Einsatzgruppe C Ereignismeldung, 17 September 1941, United States Holocaust Memorial Museum Archives (hereafter USHMMA) Acc. 1999.A.1096 (also available at NARA RG 242, T-175, R233, frame 2722384). 28. On Rasch, see Helmut Krausnick and Hans-Heinrich Wilhelm, Die Truppe des Weltanschauungskrieges (Stuttgart: DVA, 1981); and Ronald Headland, Messages of Murder: A Study of the Reports of the Einsatzgruppen of the Security Police and the Security Service, 1941–1943 (Rutherford, NJ: Fairleigh Dickinson University Press, 1992). 29. Heinrich Huhn statement of 13 October 1965, Callsen Trial, ZSt 207 AR-Z 419/62, BAL. 30. See Aly, “Final Solution”; Götz Aly and Susanne Heim, Vordenker der Vernichtung:
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