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18 • THE HOLOCAUST AND COLONIALISM IN UKRAINE Auschwitz und die deutschen Pläne für eine neue europäische Ordnung (Frankfurt am Main: Fischer, 1993); and Rolf-Dieter Müller, Hitlers Ostkrieg und die deutsche Siedlungspolitik (Frankfurt am Main: Fischer, 1991). See also Robert Koehl, RKFDV: German Resettlement and Population Policy, 1939–1945: A History of the Reich Commission for the Strengthening of Germandom (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1957); Valdis O. Lumans, Himmler’s Auxiliaries: The Volksdeutsche Mittelstelle and the German National Minorities of Europe, 1933–1945 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1993); and Isabel Heinemann, “Rasse, Siedlung, deutsches Blut”: Das Rasse- und Siedlungshauptamt der SS und die rassenpolitische Neuordnung Europas (Göttingen: Wallstein, 2003). 31. Müller, Hitlers Ostkrieg, p. 8. 32. Doris Bergen argues that the “tenuousness of the notion of ‘Volksdeutsche’ actually contributed to the intensification of anti-Semitism.” Even Himmler told his men at Hegewald to remember that the current sacrifices and hardships they endured in the East were heroic contributions toward Germany’s future Lebensraum. But the more common rationale “on paper” for killing Jews was “to secure the Reich”; this Nazi approach provided an immediate, convincing motivation for actions against the Jews, whom the Nazis deemed the most threatening. See Doris L. Bergen, “The Nazi Concept of ‘Volksdeutsche’ and the Exacerbation of Anti-Semitism in Eastern Europe, 1939–1945,” Journal of Contemporary History 29 (1994), p. 578. The intersection of Volksdeutsche resettlement programs and the persecution of Jews is more apparent in Poland, especially in the Warthegau region. See Sybille Steinbacher, “Musterstadt” Auschwitz: Germanisierungspolitik und Judenmord in Ostoberschlesien (Munich: Saur, 2000); Valdis Lumans, “A Reassessment of Volksdeutsche and Jews in the Volhynia-Galicia- Narew Resettlement,” in The Impact of Nazism: New Perspectives on the Third Reich and Its Legacy, ed. Daniel Rogers and Alan Steinweis (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2003), pp. 81–100. 33. In the summer of 1942, when Zhytomyr’s SD Chief, Franz Razesberger, issued a verbal order to kill the remaining Jews in Berdychiv (many of whom had labored at Hegewald), he explained the murder as a “security precaution.” On the Razesberger order, see Justiz und NS-Verbrechen: Sammlung Deutscher Strafurteile wegen Nationalsozialistischer Tötungsverbrechen, 1945–1966, band 16, Case against Knop et al. (Amsterdam: University Press Amsterdam, 1976), pp. 345–49. 34. Situation report of General Commissar Ernst Leyser, 30 June 1943, NARA, RG 238 (Nuremberg Trials) reel A213/088693. 35. Koch had asked Oelhafen to make Rivne “Judenfrei” before his arrival; when asked about this aktion after the war, Oelhafen told Nuremberg interrogators that “Rowno das war ein kleines Nest, 500–600” (“Rivne, that was a small nest”; “nest” in this context could mean “dump” or “hole in the ground”). Actually, the number of Jews killed was
Wendy Lower • 19 15,000. Oelhafen commanded Order Police Regiments 10 and 11 and was BdO Ukraine from 1 September 1941 to September 1942 (interrogated at Nuremberg, 7 May 1947 and 28 May 1947, NARA RG 238, roll 50, m1019). See Shmuel Spector, The Holocaust of Volhynian Jews, 1941–1944 (Jerusalem: Yad Vashem, 1990). 36. Klemm statement of 22 August 1962, Ludwigsburg, 204 AR-Z 129/67 band 3, p. 830; Statement of Franz Razesberger, 19 January 1957, Ludwigsburg, 204 AR-Z 8/80, band 3, p. 207; band 3, p. 830; Klemm memo about uniform to Rosenberg, 12 July 1943, NARA RG 242, T-454/R 91/000873. 37. Wartime letters sent from Ukraine to Reich, NARA RG242, T-454/R 92/000193–99. 38. Karel Berkhoff, “Hitler’s Clean Slate: Everyday Life in the Reichskommissariat Ukraine, 1941–1944” (PhD diss., University of Toronto, 1998), p. 505. 39. Himmler-Berger correspondence, 28 July 1942, in Reichsfuehrer!: Briefe an und von Himmler, ed. Helmut Heiber (Stuttgart: DVA, 1968), p. 134; Himmler order concerning the Jews of the General Government, dated 19 July 1942, 19/1757, Bundesarchiv NS, Koblenz. 40. Records of the Polish Main Commission Warsaw, Commander of the Sipo SD Volhynia-Podolia 1942, reports dated 8 August 1942 and 15 August 1942, INRW Zbior Zespolow Szczatkowych Jednostek SS i Policji-Sygnatura 77. I am grateful to Martin Dean for these documents. 41. Martin Dean, Collaboration in the Holocaust: Crimes of the Local Police in Belorussia and Ukraine, 1941–1944 (New York: St. Martin’s in association with the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, 2000), p. 96. 42. The Hegewald settlement was promoted in the Deutsche Ukraine Zeitung (Lutsk), 5 May 1943, Library of Congress Newspaper Collection, Washington, DC. For a comparison of facilities in the Ukrainian Volksdeutsche settlements, see the Volksdeutsche Mittelstelle report dated 3 August 1943, NARA RG 242 T-175/R 72/2589157; Wendy Lower, “New Ordering of Space and Race: Nazi Colonial Dreams in Zhytomyr Ukraine, 1941–1944,” German Studies Review 25:2 (2002), pp. 227–44. For Poland and the specific roles of Reich women, see Elisabeth Harvey, Women and the Nazi East: Agents and Witnesses of Germanization (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2003). 43. Collection of anti-Jewish orders, propaganda leaflets, and other materials from the Judaica Institute, Kyiv, microfilm copies held at the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum Archives (currently being accessioned). I am grateful to Vadim Altskan for bringing this material to my attention and assisting with the Russian translations.
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