29.08.2013 Views

Chapter 2 - LOT publications

Chapter 2 - LOT publications

Chapter 2 - LOT publications

SHOW MORE
SHOW LESS

Create successful ePaper yourself

Turn your PDF publications into a flip-book with our unique Google optimized e-Paper software.

<strong>Chapter</strong> 2<br />

12. k’orp’p’is-n k’orop’p’-is-e<br />

grasshopper-NOM jump- CAUS 1 -3M:PF<br />

‘A grasshopper jumped.’<br />

13. k’orp’p’is-n barr-is-e<br />

grasshopper-NOM fly- CAUS 1 -3M:PF<br />

‘A grasshopper flew.’<br />

(12) and (13) are intransitive causative of motion verbs. All structures have only one<br />

agentive subject. Despite the presence of the causative marking –is- no additional<br />

subject is introduced. There are also similar verbs such as daadd-is- ‘to start walking<br />

(for a child)’. This intransitive causative is derived from a nominal form daaddee<br />

‘walking of a child’. Verbs such as t’all-is- ‘to struggle to survive’ and k’at’t’is-<br />

‘to walk cautiously and slowly’ are intransitive causatives which are derived<br />

from ideophones. The fact that –is- could be dropped when the corresponding stems<br />

are used with the verb jeɗ ‘to say’ to express the same concept shows that –is- is not<br />

part of the verb root. For instance verbs such as k’orop’p’ jeɗ- ‘to jump/ lit., to say<br />

jump’, barr jeɗ- ‘to fly/lit., to say fly’, t’alt’al jeɗ- ‘to struggle for survival’, k’at’<br />

jeɗ- ‘to stop/lit., to say stop’ are ideophonic verbs. In these forms the causative –is-<br />

alternates with the verb to say jeɗ- ‘say’. Sound emission intransitive causatives<br />

include verbs such as korr-is- /korr jeɗ- ‘to moan’, č’all-is- / č’all jeɗ- ‘to be<br />

quiet’, girr-is / girr jeɗ- ‘to blaze’, etc. Ideophones can be used as verbs either by<br />

compounding them into the verb ‘to say’ or by verbalizing them through a causative<br />

suffix –is, CAUS 1 . Note that this de-ideophonic verbalizing causative is different in<br />

form from the de-adjectival verbalizer –(e)ess- CAUS 3 .<br />

2.4. The Semantics of Oromo Causatives<br />

I discuss the meanings of Oromo causatives on the basis of Kulikov (2001). According<br />

to Kulikov (2001: 891-893), causative meanings are characterized as direct vs.<br />

indirect, permissive, assistive, declarative and deliberate vs. accidental causation. He<br />

also notes that causative verbs may have reciprocal, intensive, iterative and distributive<br />

meanings although such meanings are less motivated since they are not associated<br />

with the core function of the causative (Kulikov 2001: 894); I do not discuss<br />

such cases since they are not observed in Oromo (Meč’a dialect).<br />

In Oromo only direct, indirect, assistive and similative 7 causations are relevant for<br />

the grammatical system of the language. Direct and indirect causations are known<br />

by different terms such as contact vs. distant; immediate vs. mediated (Kulikov<br />

2001: 892). Shibatani and Pardeshi (2001: 88) propose the terms ‘manipulative’ and<br />

‘directive’. Direct causatives are causatives in which the causer manipulates the<br />

7<br />

Similative causatives resemble what is called “declarative” in Kulikov (2001). I use the term<br />

‘similative’ because such causatives express meanings such as ‘look like’.<br />

20

Hooray! Your file is uploaded and ready to be published.

Saved successfully!

Ooh no, something went wrong!