Chapter 2 - LOT publications

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<strong>Chapter</strong> 2 4b. nam-ičč-i gurbaa fiig-s-e man-DET-NOM boy run- CAUS 1 -3M:PF ‘The man made a boy run.’ 4c. Tarfaa-n nam-ičča-an gurbaa fiig-s-is-e Terfaa-NOM man-DET-INST boy run- CAUS 1 - CAUS 1 -3M:PF ‘Tarfa made the man make a boy run.’ (4a) is a structure of agentive intransitive event. In this structure gurbaa-n is the agent while fiig- ‘run’ is the verb. (4b) is a causative structure in which the causative morpheme –s- and the agent nam-ičč-i ‘the man’ are added to the structure of (4a). In (4c) the causative verb fiigs- ‘make run’ is further causativized by adding additional causative morpheme –is-. This time the agent Tarfaa-n is added as a causer of the event. Transitive verbs are also causativized and further re-causativized by adding causative morphemes and agentive subjects (see Owens 1985a): Owens 1985a: 6. 5a. an Muusaa-n isa eeruu k’očč-isiis-is-e I Muusaa-INST him:ABS field till- CAUS 2 - CAUS 1 -3M:PF ‘Through Musa I made him till a field.’ 5b. an Muusaa-n eeruu isa k’očč-isiis-is-e I Muusaa-INST field him:ABS till- CAUS 2 - CAUS 1 -3M:PF ‘I made Musa make him till a field.’ The verb k’očč-isiis- ‘make till’ is a causative verb of a transitive verb k’ot- ‘to till’ while the double causative verb k’očč-isiis-is- ‘made make till’ is derived from the causative verb k’očč-isiis- ‘make till’. In both structures an ‘I’ and Musaa are causer and causee respectively. In (5a) the causee isa ‘him’ precedes the patient eeruu ‘field’; while in (5b) the patient eeruu ‘field’ precedes the causee isa ‘him’. According to Owens, the difference between the two structures is semantic in the sense that in (5a) the intention of the causer is to get isa ‘him’ till the ground through Muusaa. In this case Muusaa is the intermediary participant for the action to take place. But in (5b) the intention of the causer is to get Muusaa (not another person) make the causee isa ‘him’ to till a field. In my dialect (Meč’a) there is no difference, in meaning between (5a) and (5b). It is possibly true for Harar, the dialect that Owens (1985a) studied. Generally, in Oromo the causative suffix is sequentially added to causative verbs to derive double and triple causatives. Of course, one question is posed at this juncture: what is the limit of extending the causativaization process? My observation is that double causative is common in Oromo; and triple causative is rare although the pos- 16
The Causative in Oromo sibility of extending the process is there. If the process goes further than triple causativization, it indicates causation in which X causes Y causes Z causes N (variables such as X, Y, Z, N indicate participants). In such cases only two or three participants are expressed while the rest are omitted. Pragmatically, it is strange if more than two agent arguments precede the complex causative verb. That is why one of the three agents is dropped in most cases. 2.3.2. Causerless/Subjectless (Impersonal) Causatives Oromo causerless causatives have not been treated in the linguistic literature. Yet, there are cases in which causative structures appear without subjects. Subject marking on the verb is sufficient in the sense that no explicit subject or pronoun is required. Impersonal causative constructions have 3M default subject which is unspecified. Most of these verbs are verbs of desire as we observe from the following instances: 6.a ibsaa isa barbaačč-is-a light:ABS him:ABS look for -CAUS 1 -3M:IMPF ‘He needs light.’/lit., ‘It makes him look for light.’ 6b. inni isaan ibsaa barbaačč-is-e he:NOM him:INST light:ABS look for-CAUS 1 -3M:PF ‘He made him look for light.’ 7a. farsoo isa haww-isiis-a local beer:ABS him:ABS wish for- CAUS 2 -3M:IMPF ‘He needs local beer.’ Lit., ‘It makes him wish for local beer.’ 7b. inni farsoo haww-e he:NOM local beer:ABS wish for for-3M:PF ‘He wished for local beer.’ The verb barbaad- ‘look for’ from which barbaačč-is- ‘make look for’ is derived is a transitive verb. This means that when a causative morpheme is added to such a verb, normally, another external argument or causer is added. But in (6) the causative verb barbaačč-is- ‘make look for’ does not show such characteristics. The construction is without an explicit causer. Neither ibsaa ‘light’ nor isa ‘him’ is agent of this structure as both are not marked for nominative case, both are in absolutive forms; ibsaa ‘light’ is a patient and isa ‘him’ is the causee. In causatives with an explicit causer the causee usually precedes the patient as in (6b) where the causee is marked with an intrumnetal suffix and the subject has nominative case. Both (6a) and (7a) are causerless structures. In these structures the subject agreement on the verb shows the subject is a default third person singular masculine. 17
Page 1 and 2: The Causative in Oromo 2. The Causa
Page 3 and 4: The Causative in Oromo The causativ
Page 5: The Causative in Oromo 2a. sibiill-
Page 9 and 10: The Causative in Oromo 10. isaa-n T
Page 11 and 12: The Causative in Oromo causee in br
Page 13 and 14: The Causative in Oromo whatsoever b
Page 15: The Causative in Oromo phemes does

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