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JOURNAL OF EURASIAN STUDIES Journal of the Gábor Bálint de ...

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January-March 2013 <strong>JOURNAL</strong> <strong>OF</strong> <strong>EURASIAN</strong> <strong>STUDIES</strong> Volume V., Issue 1.<br />

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suspected that <strong>the</strong> Carter administration would give Israel permanent jurisdiction over <strong>the</strong> Muslim holy<br />

places and <strong>de</strong>prive Palestinians <strong>of</strong> a future homeland, <strong>the</strong> Soviet intervention in Afghanistan spelt more<br />

danger for <strong>the</strong>se nations. Egypt <strong>of</strong>fered military bases and entered into joint military exercises with <strong>the</strong><br />

US. Saudi Arabia <strong>de</strong>nounced <strong>the</strong> invasion and became <strong>the</strong> first nation to commit itself to a boycott <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

Moscow Olympics. Iraq, which was consi<strong>de</strong>red a Soviet ally prior to <strong>the</strong> intervention con<strong>de</strong>mned <strong>the</strong><br />

Soviet act and linked it with Soviet activities in o<strong>the</strong>r regions, such as its incursion into North Yemen. A<br />

Conference <strong>of</strong> Islamic nations convened in Rawalpindi in January 1980, issued a joint <strong>de</strong>nunciation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

Soviet invasion. Ironically, <strong>the</strong> same conference issued a mil<strong>de</strong>r <strong>de</strong>nunciation <strong>of</strong> US support for Israel<br />

which happened for <strong>the</strong> first time. The invasion also led to <strong>the</strong> institutionalisation <strong>of</strong> Sino-American<br />

military cooperation. In <strong>the</strong> US, <strong>the</strong> priorities <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> domestic political <strong>de</strong>bate were shifted away from<br />

economic problems towards foreign security issues. The focus <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>de</strong>fence budget <strong>de</strong>bate was altered<br />

in favour <strong>of</strong> conventional armaments and logistical programmes at <strong>the</strong> cost <strong>of</strong> strategic nuclear weapons<br />

(William H. Overholt, 1980:205-217). An American nation <strong>de</strong>eply divi<strong>de</strong>d since Vietnam and Watergate<br />

respon<strong>de</strong>d with remarkable unity to what was seen as a major foreign policy challenge. In Iran, <strong>the</strong><br />

Islamic revolutionaries maintained distance from <strong>the</strong> US and <strong>the</strong> Soviet Union. Just after Soviet<br />

intervention, Iran provi<strong>de</strong>d assistance to various Shiite groups in Afghanistan to thwart <strong>the</strong> possibility <strong>of</strong><br />

a pro-Soviet regime <strong>the</strong>re.<br />

To ti<strong>de</strong> over <strong>the</strong> emerging situations in Afghanistan, <strong>the</strong> Soviet Union adopted a three pronged<br />

strategy. Militarily, <strong>the</strong> USSR followed <strong>the</strong> policy <strong>of</strong> <strong>de</strong>feating <strong>the</strong> important Mujahi<strong>de</strong>en units,<br />

protecting Soviet lines <strong>of</strong> supply, particularly <strong>the</strong> Panjsher Valley and acquiring full control over <strong>the</strong><br />

cities and lines <strong>of</strong> communication. Politically, it tried to install a suitable candidate at <strong>the</strong> helm <strong>of</strong> affairs<br />

and broa<strong>de</strong>n <strong>the</strong> base <strong>of</strong> PDPA so that it could become more popular. In fact, <strong>the</strong> Soviet Union instituted<br />

Barbrak Karmal, its preferred man, as <strong>the</strong> head <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Afghan government and instructed him to broa<strong>de</strong>n<br />

his base. Diplomatically, <strong>the</strong> Soviet Union worked for <strong>the</strong> recognition <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Karmal regime, and at <strong>the</strong><br />

same time, held out <strong>the</strong> prospect <strong>of</strong> negotiated settlement <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Afghan issue. It encouraged <strong>the</strong> UN to<br />

continue talks towards a settlement <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Afghan crisis until 1984.<br />

As part <strong>of</strong> its diplomacy, <strong>the</strong> Soviet Union tried to woo Iran and Pakistan so as <strong>the</strong>y would not take a<br />

hardline anti-Soviet stance against its intervention in Afghanistan. After <strong>the</strong> Islamic Revolution, Iran<br />

anticipated UN sanctions against it on <strong>the</strong> issue <strong>of</strong> hostage crisis and blocka<strong>de</strong> <strong>of</strong> all <strong>of</strong> Iran’s ports in <strong>the</strong><br />

Persian Gulf. However, <strong>the</strong> erstwhile Soviet ambassador assured that Iran could use <strong>the</strong> Soviet Union as<br />

a transit route to Europe. Later, while <strong>the</strong> Soviet forces occupied most <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> important regions in<br />

Afghanistan, it did not dominate <strong>the</strong> Hazarjat region in central Afghanistan, <strong>the</strong> stronghold <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Shia<br />

community (Mohsen Milani, 2006: 238). The Soviet Union did not want to antagonise Iran which had<br />

already turned anti-American.<br />

Towards Pakistan, <strong>the</strong> Soviet Union adopted a carrot and stick policy. Sometimes it <strong>of</strong>fered economic<br />

and technical assistance and o<strong>the</strong>r times threatened its in<strong>de</strong>pen<strong>de</strong>nce. Gromyko, <strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong>n Foreign<br />

Minister <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> USSR, had warned Pakistan that “it will lose its in<strong>de</strong>pen<strong>de</strong>nce if it continues its present<br />

policy <strong>of</strong> supporting Afghan Mujahiddin in Afghanistan” (Zahid Ali Khan and Shabir Ahmad, 2010).<br />

The Soviet Union to win away non-aligned India to its si<strong>de</strong> raised <strong>the</strong> spectre <strong>of</strong> Chinese and US<br />

aggression in <strong>the</strong> region. The Pravda argued that India's fears <strong>of</strong> US and Chinese attempts to “encircle<br />

India” were justified. After <strong>the</strong> intervention, Moscow immediately sent its Foreign Minister Andrei<br />

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