lit paths in - Linguistics

Split paths in the same domain: The polygrammaticalization of mɨ- in Chini
A striking observation about Chini [afi] (Papua New Guinea) is the prevalence of mɨ, a
morpheme with five distinct functions: (1) a distal demonstrative; (2) a pronoun for certain
grammatical roles for non-humans; (3) an allative applicative of sorts; (4) a marker of inverse
voice; (5) a resultative marker. In this paper, I rely on internal reconstruction and on what is
known about plausible grammaticalization pathways cross-linguistically, and focus on the
syntactic, semantic, and/or pragmatic forces relevant to each of these last three constructions
which caused the pronoun mɨ= to undergo polygrammaticalization along split paths.
A rich area of inquiry in linguistics is the relationship between synchronic
polyfunctionality and diachronic processes involving multiple grammaticalization paths.
Sometimes, synchronic polyfunctionality is due to the retention of the less-grammaticalized
function of a given form alongside its relatively more-grammaticalized function, for instance
reflexive markers which become grammaticalized into markers of middle voice (Kemmer
1993;1992). In other cases, polyfunctionality results from multiple paths split off from a
common origin (cf. Craig 1991). Split grammaticalization paths have been discussed for
languages where multiple paths have occurred in distinct syntactic domains, for instance multiple
paths associated with distinct parts of speech (Craig 1991) or in distinct dependent clause types
(Givón 1991). Here I show how the polygrammaticalization of mɨ has involved split pathways in
the same (i.e., verbal) domain in a way that is dependent on semantic and/or pragmatic factors.
The pathway of the resultative in certain stative clauses and that of the inverse voice
marker in certain transitive clauses are (in part) pragmatically parallel. The non-human pronoun
mɨ= would be (and synchronically still is) used as a resumptive pronoun in clauses where there is
a shifted or contrastive topic. This pragmatic feature can still be seen as a constraint for both
constructions, such as this paratactic clause combination with the resultative:
Topic 1 Contrastive topic 2 Resultative-marked verb
Achirkɨ chi-ni-ndi, aŋɨnɨmkɨ mɨ-chi.
little EXIST-IRR-cease much RES-EXIST
'A little (of the work toward mastering Chini) is completed, (but) much remains.'
In later steps along both pathways, however, the new grammatical function caused the original
non-human meaning of the resumptive pronoun to be bleached. We can see this in the inverse
clause below, where the (left-detached) proximate patient, Airɨmarɨ, is human:
Airɨmarɨ ramɨ ŋgɨ=arwayi mɨ-ay-a.
Airɨmarɨ pig 3SG.POSS.NREFL=lower.armpit INV-bite-R
'As for Airɨmarɨ, the pig had bitten him in his lower armpit.'
A separate development occurred in the pathway resulting in the applicative mɨ-. It functions as
an obligatory register of non-human lexical NP arguments with the semantic role of goal:
Wutmɨ nɨɰɨ arwã mɨ-wu-yi.
fire another jungle APPL;G-head out-PRF
'Another man (fire-maker) heads out into the jungle.'
The pronoun mɨ= came to be used to mark goal arguments of verb roots whose meaning
necessitated a goal. Then, the grammaticalization of two verbal components of certain serial verb
constructions into a translocative suffix and a special kind of perfective suffix caused the use of
the marker to extend to new verbs, and then eventually to all clauses with an expressed goal.
Taken together, the divergent and at times parallel split paths inherent in the
polygrammaticalization of mɨ- add to current knowledge about the historical discourse-based
forces that shape and/or constrain the synchronic grammatical behavior of polyfunctional forms.

References
Craig, Colette. 1991. Ways to go in Rama: a case study in polygrammaticalization. In
Traugott and Heine (eds.), vol. 2: 455-92.
Givón, Talmy. 1991. The evolution of dependent clause morphosyntax in Biblical
Hebrew. In Traugott and Heine (eds.), vol. 2: 257-310.
Kemmer, Suzanne. 1993. The Middle Voice. Amsterdam: Benjamins. Typological Studies
in Language 23.
Kemmer, Suzanne. 1992. Grammatical prototypes and competing motivations in a theory of
linguistic change. In Garry Davis and Gregory Iverson (eds.), Explanation in Historical
Linguistics. Current Issues in Linguistic Theory 84: 145-66. Amsterdam: Benjamins.
Glossing conventions
APPL;G Allative applicative (for goal arguments)
EXIST Existential
INV Inverse voice
IRR Irrealis
PL
Plural
POSS.NREFL Non-reflexive possessive
PRF Perfect aspect
R
Realis
RES Resultative
SG Singular