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Psychological Review - Harvard Graduate School of Education ...

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496 KURT W. FISCHER<br />

various <strong>of</strong> his own characteristics to various<br />

aspects <strong>of</strong> the career that he is considering.<br />

At LevelS, abstract mappings, the person<br />

can relate one abstract identity concept with<br />

another. For example, he can coarsely<br />

relate his own career identity with his conception<br />

<strong>of</strong> his potential spouse's career<br />

identity: Perhaps he sees his own career<br />

identity as requiring that his spouse be in a<br />

closely related career or perhaps as requiring<br />

that his spouse be primarily a homemaker.<br />

Level 9 abstract systems produce a much<br />

more flexible, differentiated relation between<br />

two identity concepts. For instance,<br />

the person can relate two aspects <strong>of</strong> his<br />

own and his spouse's identity, such as<br />

career and parental identities, and thus consider<br />

in a more differentiated way what his<br />

own identity requires <strong>of</strong> his spouse's<br />

identity and what his spouse's identity<br />

requires <strong>of</strong> his own identity.<br />

Finally, at Level 10, systems <strong>of</strong> abstract<br />

systems, this person can coordinate two or<br />

more abstract identity systems. He might<br />

relate his own and his spouse's career and<br />

parental identities now (one Level 9 system)<br />

with their career and parental identities<br />

10 years ago when they were first married<br />

(a second Level 9 system). The result is a<br />

higher-level conception <strong>of</strong> what their joint<br />

career and parental identities have been like<br />

during their marriage.<br />

Although I know <strong>of</strong> no rigorous tests <strong>of</strong><br />

this or any other developmental sequences<br />

in abstract skills during adolescence and<br />

adulthood, several investigators have reported<br />

data that generally support the predictions<br />

<strong>of</strong> development from Levels 7 to 10.<br />

Some <strong>of</strong> the most detailed findings involve<br />

developments in the history <strong>of</strong> science. Both<br />

Miller (Note 5) and Gruber (1973; Gruber &<br />

Barrett, 1974) have described developments<br />

<strong>of</strong> scientific theory that seemed to them to<br />

roughly follow Piaget's description <strong>of</strong> cognitive<br />

development from the pre-operational<br />

period to the formal operational period.<br />

Miller illustrates this parallel for the development<br />

<strong>of</strong> quantum mechanics, and<br />

Gruber for the development <strong>of</strong> Darwin's<br />

theory <strong>of</strong> evolution. If these scientific<br />

theories were developing through Levels 7<br />

to 10, their progression would resemble the<br />

progression from pre-operational to formal<br />

operational thought, according to skill<br />

theory, because both the Piagetian periods<br />

and the scientific progressions involve<br />

development within a tier from Levels I<br />

to IV. 8 Oddly, Piaget too (1970; Piaget in<br />

Beth & Piaget, 1961/1966) has suggested<br />

that there may be general parallels between<br />

the development <strong>of</strong> scientific theories and<br />

the development <strong>of</strong> cognition in the child.<br />

I say "oddly" because his position on<br />

formal operations seems to preclude such<br />

parallels.<br />

Within Piaget's framework, cognitive development<br />

virtually ends with formal operations:<br />

Adolescents entering the formal<br />

operational period have achieved fully<br />

logical thinking, and there is little more for<br />

them to do, except perhaps to extend their<br />

logical thinking to new content areas (Piaget,<br />

1972). Many people have been dissatisfied<br />

with this conception <strong>of</strong> formal operations<br />

(e.g., Arlin, 1975; Gruber & Voneche, 1976;<br />

Riegel, 1975; Wason, 1977), but there has<br />

been no alternative position for analyzing<br />

development beyond early adolescence.<br />

Consequently, major age differences in the<br />

acquisition <strong>of</strong> various <strong>of</strong> Piaget's formal<br />

operational tasks have been interpreted primarily<br />

as resulting from performance<br />

factors, not from developmental changes<br />

(Inhelder & Piaget, 1955/1958; Martarano,<br />

1977; Neimark, 1975). According to skill<br />

theory, many <strong>of</strong> these age differences may<br />

well arise because the tasks require v different<br />

levels <strong>of</strong> abstraction.<br />

Piagetian scientific tasks and the rarefied<br />

atmosphere <strong>of</strong> theory construction are not<br />

the only places that skills should develop<br />

through Levels 7 to 10. Most adults probably<br />

master at least a few skills beyond<br />

Level 7, like the hypothesized identity concepts.<br />

Other skills that probably belong to<br />

Levels 7 to 10 include moral judgment, the<br />

managerial skills <strong>of</strong> the director <strong>of</strong> a corporation<br />

or a school system, the skills required<br />

to write an effective essay or novel, and the<br />

skills involved in programming and operat-<br />

8 Within the present theory, Piaget's pre-operational,<br />

concrete operational, and formal operational periods<br />

are explained by Levels 4 to 7.

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