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B. Existing Services and Sources of Support<br />

This section describes the profile of GBV services and types of support that emerged from<br />

the key informant interviews in Dar es Salaam, Iringa, and Mbeya. As described in the<br />

methodology, the research team interviewed service providers from civil society, health,<br />

legal and justice, and government sectors, as well as “informal” resource persons such as<br />

respected community elders and local leaders. 16 While there is considerable variation in the<br />

services available across locations, the analysis below outlines the package of expected<br />

support for each provider type. Subsequently, in Sections C and D, the paper will discuss<br />

the socio-cultural and structural barriers to help-seeking as well as adequate service<br />

provision.<br />

1. Family and Social Networks<br />

Key informants consistently described the family as the first source of help-seeking for<br />

survivors of GBV. The family’s role is to offer advice, emotional support, and, in the case of<br />

domestic violence, help mediate between the woman and her husband. In general, married<br />

women are expected to first speak with their husband’s family members before reporting<br />

violence to the police. A frequent pathway reported by both service providers and<br />

community members begins with the marital family (often fathers, mothers, and brothersin-law).<br />

If the issue remains unresolved, a survivor may then consult members of her natal<br />

family, and, subsequently, a family meeting can be arranged between both families. Other<br />

members of one’s social network—for example friends, neighbors, and respected elders—<br />

can participate in these meetings, acting as mediators and providing advice. While the<br />

structure and mechanisms of a family meeting differ by community, ultimately the goal is to<br />

find a solution and reconcile the marriage. Only when a problem cannot be solved within the<br />

family or immediate social network is it socially acceptable to approach external sources of<br />

support. For example, the following quotation illustrates the centrality of the family in<br />

addressing GBV.<br />

She [a GBV survivor] was told to keep quiet because it will bring shame, and going to<br />

the police will humiliate their son. I intervened as a social worker but they [her in-laws]<br />

wanted to deal with it within the family, then I had to let go.<br />

Duty Bearer, Mbeya<br />

For unmarried women who experience intimate partner violence their source of help was not<br />

so much the family but rather, friends since their relationship was considered “not formal.”<br />

In cases of stranger violence the role of the family is primarily concerned with emotional<br />

support (rather than reconciliation) and linking the survivor to formal help-seeking<br />

channels.<br />

16 While precise definitions of “formal” versus “informal” providers varied across informants, overall unpaid<br />

individuals or volunteers who do not work out of an office were most often described as informal, for<br />

example elderly members of the community considered to be “wise” and “respected.”<br />

Help-Seeking Pathways and Barriers for Survivors of GBV in Tanzania March 2013<br />

Page 25

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