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Figure 2: Map Drawn by Participants in Women’s PFG (25+ years old), Iringa Pathways are circuitous Another common theme that is visually apparent on several of the maps—and also emerged from the ensuing PFG discussions—is that help-seeking frequently follows a circuitous pathway. Referrals are required at each step, creating bottlenecks and exposing survivors to potential re-traumatization as they are required to narrate their experience on repeated occasions. The result is an exceedingly slow, cumbersome process that neither prioritizes GBV nor responds to violence as an emergency situation. As one female respondent explained in relation to a hypothetical case of domestic violence: They went to a Ten Cell Leader who couldn’t solve the matter, and [then] went to a chairman. He gave them a letter to take to a police station for PF3. From the police station, where she received a PF3, she went to hospital and found herself in a long queue. Female PFG Participant (18-24 years old), Iringa The maps also reveal how survivors must choose to continue at every point along the path, and how any option can become a dead end. Given the circuitous nature of help-seeking and the lack of resources to help women navigate the process, the full onus of responsibility to obtain care and/or access justice falls on the survivor. The survivor herself must decide how best to continue, and whether to press forward and confront the next obstacle in her Help-Seeking Pathways and Barriers for Survivors of GBV in Tanzania March 2013 Page 33
path. Unsurprisingly, study participants revealed a sense of fatigue and frustration when discussing help-seeking options. You can go and report to your parents, then they help you to reconcile until they get tired. Then you go to Ten Cell Leader and they also get tired of you. They tell you to go to the police station, but at the police station they [police officers] need money. Female PFG participant (18-24 years old), Iringa Some existing services are underutilized Many of the existing services (see Part III Section B) were depicted throughout the maps, most notably family, village, and ward-level leaders, the police, and healthcare providers. Somewhat less frequently, WRCs, courts, and district-level officials (e.g., the social welfare officer) were also drawn. It is noteworthy, however, that several services were included either rarely or not at all. For example, CSOs of any kind were rarely depicted, and no group illustrated a shelter or drop-in center. While police appeared across the illustrations, no map explicitly included the Gender and Children’s Desk, and subsequent conversations indicated that awareness of Gender and Children’s Desks outside of the district headquarters is low. 2. Differences in Entry Points The “Pathways of Help-Seeking” maps reflect notable differences in entry points and key gatekeepers based on type of violence, age of the survivor, and a woman’s primary motivation for entering particular channels of help-seeking. The family is central As shown through the example of Jua above, the family or a close member of the family’s social network (such as a mshenga, who is a person responsible for negotiating a marriage) is often the most active resource for a survivor of GBV. This is particularly the case when a survivor’s pathway emphasizes resolution (either based on her own desires or due to fear of negative consequences from pursuing legal action). The following quotes are illustrative of the family’s dominant role. She cannot go the police because the relatives of the husband will say, “What type of a woman are you?”…She will decide to remain at home with pains. Female PFG participant (25+ years old), Dar es Salaam What I mean is that after a woman is beaten, especially in the rural areas, in most cases she runs back home to her mother. There they treat her with warm water and some local herbs…If she has some cuts they treat the wounds. Service Provider, Mbeya Help-Seeking Pathways and Barriers for Survivors of GBV in Tanzania March 2013 Page 34
Page 2 and 3: Help-Seeking Pathways and Barriers
Page 4 and 5: Acknowledgments The authors would l
Page 6 and 7: List of Abbreviations AIDS Acquired
Page 8 and 9: included rape by a stranger, the th
Page 10 and 11: Address structural barriers to help
Page 12 and 13: The Channeling Men’s Positive Inv
Page 14 and 15: have received $21 million, with the
Page 16 and 17: directory of service providers comp
Page 18 and 19: Part III: Results A. Community Perc
Page 20 and 21: In our area I have seen problems an
Page 22 and 23: Being humiliated in public Insults,
Page 24 and 25: 4. Differences in Participants’ P
Page 26 and 27: B. Existing Services and Sources of
Page 28 and 29: Table 2: LGA Service Providers Leve
Page 30 and 31: the police department piloted Gende
Page 32 and 33: C. Pathways of Help-Seeking Given t
Page 36 and 37: Local leaders serve as gatekeepers
Page 38 and 39: It is not very often [to seek legal
Page 40 and 41: D. Barriers to Help-Seeking The cir
Page 42 and 43: 1. Common Socio-Cultural Barriers P
Page 44 and 45: Fear of being blamed for reported r
Page 46 and 47: 2. Common Structural Barriers Gende
Page 48 and 49: When I took my form [PF3] to the ho
Page 50 and 51: 3. Barriers to Specific Types of Su
Page 52 and 53: Corruption was once again cited as
Page 54 and 55: Civil society organizations The key
Page 56 and 57: at large, and (potential) perpetrat
Page 58 and 59: efforts might be grounded in struct
Page 60 and 61: E. Increase Access to Justice for S
Page 62 and 63: Part V: Conclusion The results from
Page 64 and 65: Annex 2: Key Informant Interview Gu
Page 66 and 67: 1. How do these requests differ by
Page 68 and 69: Annex 3: Key Informant Interview Gu
Page 70 and 71: 4. Multi-sectoral coordination a. H
Page 72 and 73: Introduction (10 minutes) 1. Introd
Page 74 and 75: 3. Perceived barriers to accessing
Page 76: Help-Seeking Pathways and Barriers

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