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26 RONNIE CANN which at least one logical form can be constructed from the words in sequence within the context of a given class of computational and pragmatic actions with no requirements outstanding. In consequence, the imposition of requirements and their subsequent satisfaction are central to explanations to be given to syntactic phenomena. 2.2. Representing the Content of Noun Phrases In section 1, it was argued (following others) that the interpretation there be clauses (and other clauses involving the copula) depends on the properties of any postcopular noun phrase, in particular its definiteness. These sections sketches the analysis of indefinites, pronouns and definites within Dynamic Syntax which all project expressions of type e. This is made possible 19 by the use of the epsilon calculus of Hilbert and Bernays (1939) where indefinite noun phrases, for example, project epsilon terms, expressions that denote arbitrary witnesses for the set denoted by the common noun (see also Egli and von Heusinger 1995, Kempson et al. 2001, Meyer-Viol 1995, von Heusinger 2004). Despite being of type e, the tree structures that represent the content of such quantified terms is complex, containing two nodes of type e, that of the top node and one embedded within the structure that hosts the variable bound by the quantifier. A quantified term thus consists of a triple: a quantifier, a variable, and a restrictor containing an instance of the variable determined by the content of the common noun. Formulae of the type of common nouns (Ty(cn)) consist of an ordered pair of the distinguished variable and an open proposition in which the variable occurs free. So the content of happy student is Fo(x, Student ′ (x) ∧ Happy ′ (x)). Although it will not be a direct concern of this paper, scope relations are determined through scope statements collected at the relevant propositional node. This is shown as an ordering relation between variables introduced by indefinites and universals and the ‘index of evaluation’ S i . 20 Figure 7 shows the structure projected on parsing the indefinite noun phrase a student, in the string A student sings (with the scope of the indefinite shown as dependent on the index of evaluation). Interacting with tree growth processes of the sort sketched so far is the contextdependent processing of anaphoric expressions. This phenomenon of content underspecification, which is taken here in a representationalist spirit (see Kempson et al. 1998, Kempson et al. 2001: ch. 1 for arguments), involves the lexical projection of a placeholder for some formula value, a METAVARIABLE, 21 that needs to be replaced by some selected term during the construction process. Such replacement is associated with a substitution process that is pragmatic, and systemexternal, restricted only in so far as locality considerations distinguishing individual 19 At least with respect to definite, indefinite and universally quantified noun phrases. 20 See Kempson et al. 2001: ch. 7 and Cann et al. 2005b: ch. 3 for details. 21 Such expressions are called ‘metavariables’ because they range over all formulae of the object language, including variables. They are not themselves part of the object language, but placeholders for expressions that are.
TOWARDS ADYNAMIC ACCOUNT OF BE IN ENGLISH 27 Ty(t),Si
Page 1 and 2: EXISTENCE: SEMANTICS AND SYNTAX
Page 3 and 4: EXISTENCE: SEMANTICS AND SYNTAX edi
Page 5: TABLE OF CONTENTS Preface vii Ilean
Page 9 and 10: ILEANA COMOROVSKI AND KLAUS VON HEU
Page 11 and 12: INTRODUCTION 3 c. Edinstvennyj, kto
Page 13 and 14: INTRODUCTION 5 (4) a. Studenty ne b
Page 15 and 16: INTRODUCTION 7 ilar to the indirect
Page 17 and 18: INTRODUCTION 9 (11) Her antrenör b
Page 19: PART I THE INTERPRETATION OF THE CO
Page 22 and 23: 14 RONNIE CANN f. What I want is a
Page 24 and 25: 16 RONNIE CANN to constructions inv
Page 26 and 27: 18 RONNIE CANN (12) There’s the C
Page 28 and 29: 20 RONNIE CANN (15) a. Neuroses jus
Page 30 and 31: 22 RONNIE CANN ?Ty(t) ↦→ ?Ty(t)
Page 32 and 33: 24 RONNIE CANN to construct a formu
Page 36 and 37: 28 RONNIE CANN (20) a. ??Many types
Page 38 and 39: 30 RONNIE CANN Tn(n),Ty(e),Fo(U), ?
Page 40 and 41: 32 RONNIE CANN starting point the a
Page 42 and 43: 34 RONNIE CANN subject node, yields
Page 44 and 45: 36 RONNIE CANN ?Ty(t) Fo(Mary ′ )
Page 46 and 47: 38 RONNIE CANN ?Ty(t) ↦→ Ty(t),
Page 48 and 49: 40 RONNIE CANN ?Ty(t), ♦ Ty(e),Fo
Page 50 and 51: 42 RONNIE CANN There remains in thi
Page 52 and 53: 44 RONNIE CANN (36) a. LOC(Mary ′
Page 54 and 55: 46 RONNIE CANN Although I do not he
Page 56 and 57: 48 RONNIE CANN McNally, L. (1998) E
Page 58 and 59: 50 ILEANA COMOROVSKI While the dist
Page 60 and 61: 52 ILEANA COMOROVSKI (7) Quelle dev
Page 62 and 63: 54 ILEANA COMOROVSKI we have review
Page 64 and 65: 56 ILEANA COMOROVSKI First, as we h
Page 66 and 67: 58 ILEANA COMOROVSKI To decide on t
Page 68 and 69: 60 ILEANA COMOROVSKI g. ∗ Quel es
Page 70 and 71: 62 ILEANA COMOROVSKI ‘last’,
Page 72 and 73: 64 ILEANA COMOROVSKI (35) a. Quelle
Page 74 and 75: 66 ILEANA COMOROVSKI Note that the
Page 76 and 77: 68 ILEANA COMOROVSKI the generic op
Page 78 and 79: 70 ILEANA COMOROVSKI tag-question t
Page 80 and 81: 72 ILEANA COMOROVSKI 4.2. The Defin
Page 82 and 83: 74 ILEANA COMOROVSKI the topic of c
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76 ILEANA COMOROVSKI Romanian non-D
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LJUDMILA GEIST PREDICATION AND EQUA
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PREDICATION AND EQUATION IN COPULAR
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108 CLAUDIA MAIENBORN statives - ha
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110 CLAUDIA MAIENBORN These propert
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112 CLAUDIA MAIENBORN (6) Manner ad
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114 CLAUDIA MAIENBORN The K-state a
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116 CLAUDIA MAIENBORN (16) a. Carol
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118 CLAUDIA MAIENBORN (17’) a. Jo
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120 CLAUDIA MAIENBORN why would the
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122 CLAUDIA MAIENBORN lavishly, etc
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124 CLAUDIA MAIENBORN Now, here is
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126 CLAUDIA MAIENBORN say that the
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128 CLAUDIA MAIENBORN In my view, s
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130 CLAUDIA MAIENBORN Montmarquet,
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JIANHUA HU AND HAIHUA PAN FOCUS AND
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FOCUS AND THE BASIC FUNCTION OF CHI
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148 BARBARA H. PARTEE AND VLADIMIR
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192 LUCIA M. TOVENA temporal differ
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194 LUCIA M. TOVENA function that c
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196 LUCIA M. TOVENA (12) a. Non c
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198 LUCIA M. TOVENA is observed in
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200 LUCIA M. TOVENA (18) Dal Csm ne
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202 LUCIA M. TOVENA Before we proce
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204 LUCIA M. TOVENA In (Tovena 2003
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206 LUCIA M. TOVENA notion of inter
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208 LUCIA M. TOVENA Number variatio
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210 LUCIA M. TOVENA sentence agains
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212 LUCIA M. TOVENA us to take into
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214 LUCIA M. TOVENA However, it is
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216 LUCIA M. TOVENA this may be a p
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218 LUCIA M. TOVENA to two main typ
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PART III EXISTENCE AND THE INTERPRE
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224 FRANCIS CORBLIN (3) I quoted at
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226 FRANCIS CORBLIN This proposal t
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228 FRANCIS CORBLIN Although I am c
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230 FRANCIS CORBLIN 2.4. The Maxima
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232 FRANCIS CORBLIN reliable test e
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234 FRANCIS CORBLIN There is, I bel
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236 FRANCIS CORBLIN It can also be
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238 FRANCIS CORBLIN The interpretat
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240 FRANCIS CORBLIN 4.3. The Modifi
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242 FRANCIS CORBLIN For definite NP
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244 FRANCIS CORBLIN (59) X, x X={Pi
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246 FRANCIS CORBLIN The main point,
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248 FRANCIS CORBLIN 2) It builds th
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250 FRANCIS CORBLIN of comparison f
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252 FRANCIS CORBLIN Heim, I. (1982)
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254 BART GEURTS The incidence of in
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256 BART GEURTS that the assessment
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258 BART GEURTS 3. INTRODUCING PRES
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260 BART GEURTS noun phrase ‘Fred
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262 BART GEURTS been elaborated at
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264 BART GEURTS there is no local s
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266 BART GEURTS becomes infelicitou
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268 BART GEURTS The binding theory
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270 BART GEURTS be true that Barney
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KLAUS VON HEUSINGER REFERENTIALLY A
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REFERENTIALLY ANCHORED INDEFINITES
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ROBERTO ZAMPARELLI ON SINGULAR EXIS
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ON SINGULAR EXISTENTIAL QUANTIFIERS
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Index A adverbial modification 107,
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INDEX 331 L locative sentence 4-5,
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