Session 08

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Escalator: Russel What would Russel predict? i’John uses the escalator in South College÷ = 1 ’John uses the escalator in South College÷ = ∃x.e-i-SC(x) ∧ ∀y[e-i-SC(y) → x=y] ∧ use(john,x) = 0 03.06.20<strong>08</strong> Slides based on semantics textbook from I. Heim & A. Kratzer and lecture notes from M. Krifka 12
Escalator: intuitions What is empirically correct? Debatable. Depends on the context. There are contexts (maybe contrastive ones) where one could say something like John did not use the escalator in South College, because there is none. So here it seems that the definite determiner is not presuppositional or at least the entire sentence does not carry an existence presupposition. So here the current theory would make false predictions. 03.06.20<strong>08</strong> Slides based on semantics textbook from I. Heim & A. Kratzer and lecture notes from M. Krifka 13
Page 1 and 2: Introduction to Semantics Session 8
Page 3 and 4: Homework Homework 03.06.2008 Slides
Page 5 and 6: Very Which class of adjectives can
Page 7 and 8: Very ’very÷ = λR λQ . R(R(Q)
Page 9 and 10: Very = λx. dog(x) & the meanness o
Page 11: Escalator: H&K What does our curren
Page 15 and 16: (i) the leftmost apple in the row D
Page 17 and 18: (ii) the leftmost dark apple in the
Page 19 and 20: (iii) the apple that is both leftmo
Page 21 and 22: Lexical Semantics of leftmost • I
Page 23 and 24: (ii) the leftmost dark apple in the
Page 25 and 26: More DPs Do all DPs behave like pro
Page 28 and 29: More DPs A woman Somebody Everybody
Page 30 and 31: Quantifiers as Individuals? John li
Page 32 and 33: Quantifiers as Individuals? Tautolo
Page 34 and 35: Quantifiers as Sets? The problems i
Page 36 and 37: Quantifiers as Sets? Does this prop
Page 38 and 39: Quantification Quantificational DPs
Page 40 and 41: What does it mean to change the typ
Page 42 and 43: Quantifiers as Sets of Sets GQs as
Page 44 and 45: Problematic Cases Solved Nobody liv
Page 46 and 47: Solving the Inference Problem Someb
Page 48 and 49: Quantificational Determiners Given
Page 50 and 51: Derivation of Truth Conditions Comp
Page 52 and 53: Functional and Relational View Trut
Page 54 and 55: Quantification Formal Properties of
Page 56 and 57: Symmetry Another example: Is every
Page 58 and 59: Monotonicity Monotonicity (a) No ba
Page 60 and 61: Monotonicity Monotonicity The examp
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Thank you! Thank you! 03.06.2008 Sl
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Session 08

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