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the influence of linguistic factors on the expression of futurity

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148<br />

NICHOLAS S. ROBERTS<br />

Table 5: Mixed-effect regressi<strong>on</strong> analysis <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>linguistic</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>factors</str<strong>on</strong>g> c<strong>on</strong>tributing to PF<br />

selecti<strong>on</strong> with speaker and lexical verb as random effects<br />

Factor Weight % N Tokens Log-odd<br />

Temporal distance<br />

Within <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> year 0.68 71.9 23 32 0.570<br />

Within 24 hours 0.67 88.4 38 43 0.704<br />

Within <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> week 0.66 81.3 26 32 0.682<br />

Indeterminate 0.64 77.0 261 339 0.570<br />

L<strong>on</strong>ger than a year 0.27 39.0 16 41 -1.011<br />

C<strong>on</strong>tinuous 0.15 26.9 7 26 -1.711<br />

Range 53<br />

Not significant: Sentential polarity, Adverbial specificati<strong>on</strong>, Certainty,<br />

Grammatical pers<strong>on</strong>, Influence <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> si, Presence/Absence <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> quand<br />

Deviance=381.722; df=8; Intercept=-0.587; Mean=0.723;<br />

Speaker Random Std Dev=0.727; Lexical Verb Random Std Dev=2.033<br />

Now, grammatical pers<strong>on</strong> is not selected as significant, which suggests that <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />

significant effect in Table 2 was indeed epiphenomenal. The <strong>on</strong>ly <str<strong>on</strong>g>linguistic</str<strong>on</strong>g> factor that<br />

remains in <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> model is temporal distance. Also, <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> regressi<strong>on</strong> coefficients have altered<br />

c<strong>on</strong>siderably from <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> initial fixed-effects analysis. Those events set to occur up to a year<br />

following speech time all favour <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> periphrastic future to same degree (F.W.=0.66–0.68).<br />

There is a clear temporal divide, with acti<strong>on</strong>s occurring in <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> most distal time c<strong>on</strong>text<br />

str<strong>on</strong>gly disfavouring <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> PF (F.W.=0.27). The linear relati<strong>on</strong>ship between <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> decreasing<br />

weighted probabilities and <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> increasing temporal distance has now been lost completely —<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g>re has been a shift in <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> relative factor weights. Hence, in Martinique French, PF is <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />

default opti<strong>on</strong> in <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> majority <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> cases and it is <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> inflected variant which acts as an indicator<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> distal outcomes. This result is in stark c<strong>on</strong>trast to what is reported for Acadian varieties, in<br />

which <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> PF acts as a marker <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> proximity and <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> temporal distincti<strong>on</strong> becomes lost in <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />

more distal time c<strong>on</strong>texts. 6<br />

5. C<strong>on</strong>clusi<strong>on</strong><br />

In c<strong>on</strong>clusi<strong>on</strong>, this article examined <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> variable nature <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> future temporal reference in<br />

Martinique French. The two variants under investigati<strong>on</strong> are <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> inflected and periphrastic<br />

futures. Various regressi<strong>on</strong> models highlighted <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> complex set <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> c<strong>on</strong>straints governing <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />

variati<strong>on</strong> in <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> Martinique future temporal reference sector. They revealed that strategies <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />

encoding future time in this variety differ from its mainland European counterpart. Instead,<br />

results show that <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> future variable mirrors, to a certain extent, <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> findings for spoken<br />

varieties in Canada. The periphrastic future is identified as <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> dominant variant in this<br />

particular speech community, with a distributi<strong>on</strong> comparable to Laurentian varieties. In a<br />

fixed-effects model, <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> c<strong>on</strong>straint hierarchy patterns more like <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> geographically isolated<br />

and highly c<strong>on</strong>servative Acadian French varieties. Grammatical pers<strong>on</strong> and adverbial<br />

specificati<strong>on</strong> were also all shown to <str<strong>on</strong>g>influence</str<strong>on</strong>g> variant choice.<br />

However, <strong>on</strong>ce speaker-level and word-level variati<strong>on</strong> were accounted for, <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g>re<br />

remains <strong>on</strong>ly <strong>on</strong>e <str<strong>on</strong>g>linguistic</str<strong>on</strong>g> factor to c<strong>on</strong>strain <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> future variable in Martinique French,<br />

namely temporal distance. The periphrastic future acts as <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> default opti<strong>on</strong> in <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> majority <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />

6 The cut-<str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>f point for what is c<strong>on</strong>sidered proximate is slightly different in both King and Nadasdi (2003) and<br />

Comeau (2011): a week in <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> former and <strong>on</strong>ly an hour in <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> latter.

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