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Affirmative Action in Private Sector in Malaysia - Observer Research ...

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government set up the Credit Guarantee Corporation (CGC) which took the job of underwrit<strong>in</strong>g guarantees<br />

for 60 per cent of loans given by commercial banks to small bus<strong>in</strong>essmen (see Lim Mah Hui 1985). In<br />

1977, the CGC had guaranteed 54, 591 loans worth RM480.4 million, with 67 per cent of the total loans,<br />

account<strong>in</strong>g for 42 per cent of the total value, go<strong>in</strong>g to Bumiputera (see Chee, et al, 1979).<br />

15 Despite many of the dis<strong>in</strong>centives, overwhelm<strong>in</strong>g majority of Ch<strong>in</strong>ese bus<strong>in</strong>essmen made profits. For<br />

<strong>in</strong>stance, non-Malays (brute majority of them were Ch<strong>in</strong>ese) sharehold<strong>in</strong>g actually rose from 34.3 percent<br />

<strong>in</strong> 1970 to 40.1 percent <strong>in</strong> 1980 and 46.2 percent (44.9 owned by Ch<strong>in</strong>ese) <strong>in</strong> 1990 (Fourth <strong>Malaysia</strong> Plan).<br />

In every sense, Ch<strong>in</strong>ese made major economic ga<strong>in</strong>s under the NEP regime. Fact is Malay ownership<br />

growth happened largely at the cost of foreign companies ma<strong>in</strong>ly British (63.3 per cent of share capital <strong>in</strong><br />

1970 to 25.1 <strong>in</strong> 1990).<br />

16 Interview with a senior representative of Ch<strong>in</strong>ese bus<strong>in</strong>ess chamber.<br />

17 It is an old fable <strong>in</strong> which ‘Ali’ would w<strong>in</strong> government licenses, contracts and concessions, while the<br />

Ch<strong>in</strong>ese ‘Baba’ would actually run the bus<strong>in</strong>ess (Crouch 1994).<br />

18 Inputs received from Dato Wong Siew Hai through personal <strong>in</strong>terview.<br />

19 Despite many of the dis<strong>in</strong>centives, overwhelm<strong>in</strong>g majority of Ch<strong>in</strong>ese bus<strong>in</strong>essmen made profits. For<br />

<strong>in</strong>stance, non-Malays (brute majority of them were Ch<strong>in</strong>ese) sharehold<strong>in</strong>g actually rose from 34.3 percent<br />

<strong>in</strong> 1970 to 40.1 percent <strong>in</strong> 1980 and 46.2 percent (44.9 owned by Ch<strong>in</strong>ese) <strong>in</strong> 1990 (Fourth <strong>Malaysia</strong> Plan).<br />

In every sense, Ch<strong>in</strong>ese made major economic ga<strong>in</strong>s under the NEP regime. Fact is Malay ownership<br />

growth happened largely at the cost of foreign companies ma<strong>in</strong>ly British (63.3 per cent of share capital <strong>in</strong><br />

1970 to 25.1 <strong>in</strong> 1990) (See: Searle 1999).<br />

20 The government provided various tax <strong>in</strong>centives for foreign firms to <strong>in</strong>vest <strong>in</strong> <strong>Malaysia</strong> such as provid<strong>in</strong>g<br />

‘pioneer status’ which allowed companies to enjoy tax immunity for five years. Then there was this<br />

<strong>in</strong>vestment tax credit under which profits were exempted from taxes up to 100 per cent over a period of five<br />

years ma<strong>in</strong>ly <strong>in</strong> capital expenditure category. Other <strong>in</strong>centives <strong>in</strong>cluded Accelerated deprecated Allowance,<br />

Re<strong>in</strong>vestment Allowance, Incentives for <strong>Research</strong> and development, Capital allowance for Plant and<br />

mach<strong>in</strong>ery, etc (see: M<strong>in</strong>istry of F<strong>in</strong>ance, 1986).<br />

21 The Petroleum Development Act, 1974 was <strong>in</strong>tended to ensure Petronas full control of the entire<br />

petroleum <strong>in</strong>dustry. The problem, however, was related to a controversial part of the Act which was Section<br />

6-A of the amendment Act. The said clause required all bus<strong>in</strong>esses related to the petroleum <strong>in</strong>dustry to<br />

issue management shares to Petronas. Each management share had 500 votes. Further, management shares<br />

shall constitute 1 per cent or more of the issued and paid up capital and such a proportion must be<br />

ma<strong>in</strong>ta<strong>in</strong>ed at all times. In other words, the new clause allowed Petronas to have strategic control of the oil<br />

<strong>in</strong>dustry. In addition, the amendment provided extensive powers to the Prime M<strong>in</strong>ister to regulate the oil<br />

<strong>in</strong>dustry. There were penalties proposed to be <strong>in</strong>troduced <strong>in</strong> case of breach of such regulations. This was<br />

strongly opposed by oil MNCs and most of them suspended further <strong>in</strong>vestment <strong>in</strong> the sector. As a result of<br />

vociferous opposition, the government f<strong>in</strong>ally relented and deleted the idea of management shares and also<br />

the licens<strong>in</strong>g of downstream activities. This was a clear case of government try<strong>in</strong>g to follow an<br />

accommodat<strong>in</strong>g path with foreign <strong>in</strong>vestors who had advantages of capital and technology.<br />

22 The Petroleum Act that covered petroleum and natural gas sector unilaterally cancelled the previous oil<br />

production arrangements with oil MNCs. But what was worse was 1975 amendment which sought to ga<strong>in</strong><br />

control cheaply of companies <strong>in</strong> the distribution, market<strong>in</strong>g, and ref<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g products. The amendment<br />

empowered the government to make these companies issue special class of management share to the<br />

national oil company, Petronas. These shares were to be sold at the cost of an ord<strong>in</strong>ary share, but would<br />

carry vot<strong>in</strong>g power of 500 ord<strong>in</strong>ary shares (For details discussion see: Jesudason, 1990).<br />

23 The NEP achievement figures are subject to dispute <strong>in</strong> <strong>Malaysia</strong>. This has been largely because of lack of<br />

lack of transparency on socio-economic data deemed very sensitive <strong>in</strong> <strong>Malaysia</strong>. For <strong>in</strong>stance on corporate<br />

shares owned by the trust agencies and <strong>in</strong>dividuals have been hotly debated. While the official date claims<br />

it around 20 per cent, a report released by Asian Strategy and Leadership Institute (ASLI) on 29 th<br />

November 2006 claimed that corporate shares of Bumiputeras and trust agencies are anywhere between 40-<br />

44 per cent. Such f<strong>in</strong>d<strong>in</strong>g took <strong>in</strong>to account market capitalization of shares and shares owned by<br />

Government L<strong>in</strong>ked Companies (GLCs). This report has been strongly refuted by the government officials

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