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Download - New York State Office of Mental Health

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Saving Lives in <strong>New</strong> <strong>York</strong> Volume 2: Approaches and Special Populations<br />

<strong>of</strong> the 20th century. However, rates among<br />

older people declined by up to 50%<br />

between 1930 and 1980 (McIntosh et al;<br />

1994). Optimistic explanations <strong>of</strong>fered for<br />

this decline include increased economic<br />

security for older people resulting from the<br />

implementation <strong>of</strong> Social Security and<br />

Medicare legislation (Busse, 1994) and the<br />

more widespread and effective use <strong>of</strong> antidepressant<br />

medications (Conwell, 1994).<br />

Others ascribe such variation to generational<br />

or cohort effects, a propensity to suicide<br />

that is characteristic <strong>of</strong> a group born<br />

within a specific time frame (Blazer et al.,<br />

1986; Manton et al., 1987). For example,<br />

people who entered old age before 1930<br />

had higher rates <strong>of</strong> suicide at all points in<br />

the life course than did birth cohorts that<br />

entered late life from 1930 to 1980. If<br />

cohort effects do influence suicide rates,<br />

then the trend for lower suicide risk among<br />

older people would be expected to reverse.<br />

At all ages, the large postwar “baby boom”<br />

cohort has had substantially higher suicide<br />

rates than preceding generations (McIntosh,<br />

1992). As more <strong>of</strong> these people enter<br />

later life, their suicide rates are likely to rise<br />

above those <strong>of</strong> the current elderly cohort.<br />

Perhaps presaging this trend, a recent<br />

report by the Centers for Disease Control<br />

and Prevention (CDC) found that the suicide<br />

rate for the population aged 65 and<br />

over rose 9% between 1980 and 1992<br />

(MMWR, 1996). Rates among men and<br />

women aged 80-84 showed rises <strong>of</strong> 35%<br />

and 36% respectively. Some authors have<br />

argued that the size <strong>of</strong> the baby boom generation<br />

may work to the benefit <strong>of</strong> that<br />

cohort in later life through greater political<br />

influence and accumulated resources<br />

(McIntosh, 1992). Nonetheless, older people<br />

are the fastest growing segment <strong>of</strong> the<br />

population. Haas and Hendin (1983) projected<br />

that the number <strong>of</strong> suicides committed<br />

in later life would double by the year<br />

2030 as a function <strong>of</strong> this demographic<br />

shift alone. There is, therefore, an urgent<br />

need for efficient and effective measures to<br />

prevent suicide in older people.<br />

Havens (1965) characterized suicide as “the<br />

final common pathway <strong>of</strong> diverse circumstances,<br />

<strong>of</strong> an independent network rather<br />

than an isolated cause, a knot <strong>of</strong> circumstances<br />

tightening around a single time and<br />

place.” General understanding <strong>of</strong> suicide<br />

among older people is <strong>of</strong>ten oversimplified,<br />

ascribed to a single factor such as severe<br />

physical illness or depression. The reality is<br />

far more complex. There is no single cause<br />

for any suicide, and no two can be understood<br />

to result from exactly the same constellation<br />

<strong>of</strong> factors. As no single factor is<br />

universally causal, no single intervention<br />

will prevent all suicide deaths. The multidetermination<br />

<strong>of</strong> suicide present great challenges<br />

but also has important implications<br />

for prevention (O’Carroll, 1993).<br />

IV. Preventive Interventions<br />

Two general approaches to suicide prevention<br />

in late life have been identified: public<br />

health or population based strategies, and<br />

high-risk models (Lewis et al., 1997). The<br />

public health model advocates universal<br />

prevention through interventions that have<br />

a potential impact on large segments <strong>of</strong> a<br />

society. Examples include gun control legislation<br />

(Kellerman et al., 1992), detoxification<br />

<strong>of</strong> a domestic gas (Charlton et al.,<br />

1992), or restrictions on access to drugs<br />

with a low therapeutic index (Gunnell &<br />

Frankel, 1994). The high-risk model targets<br />

more highly selected populations. Among<br />

the elderly, two approaches to selective<br />

interventions in high-risk samples have<br />

been proposed: interventions in primary<br />

care settings designed to improve recognition<br />

and treatment <strong>of</strong> depressed and suicidal<br />

older patients, and community outreach<br />

to isolated elders at risk.<br />

Interventions in Primary Care<br />

The majority <strong>of</strong> older people at greatest risk<br />

for suicide already have access to health<br />

care services in which preventative intervention<br />

should be feasible. At least six<br />

studies conducted in Great Britain and the<br />

United <strong>State</strong>s have demonstrated that from<br />

43% to 76% <strong>of</strong> older people who committed<br />

suicide saw a primary care provider (PCP)<br />

within 30 days <strong>of</strong> death (Barraclough, 1971;<br />

Clark, 1991; Carney et al., 1994; Cattell &<br />

Jolley, 1995; Conwell, 1994; Miller, 1976).<br />

From 19% to 49% saw a physician within<br />

one week <strong>of</strong> their suicide. This observation<br />

is critical for prevention as it suggests a<br />

116 Elders

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