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Measuring the Goals and Incentives of Local Chinese Officials

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higher per capita GDP. In contrast, counties where mayors were in <strong>the</strong> middle <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir<br />

tenure tend to be more populous counties from central <strong>and</strong> western China. Region, urbanization,<br />

county population, <strong>and</strong> county GDP are all potential confounders that need to be<br />

taken into account when analyzing counties by tenure.<br />

4.2 Types <strong>of</strong> Political Communication<br />

Possible goals <strong>of</strong> China’s local autocrats include maintaining social stability, which could<br />

be through repression or co-optation, improving economic performance, <strong>and</strong> cultivating<br />

factional ties. Therefore, content <strong>of</strong> county websites reflecting <strong>the</strong>se goals <strong>and</strong> incentives<br />

could include: 1) threats against citizen misbehavior (repression), 2) demonstrations <strong>of</strong><br />

care for citizens through distribution (co-optation), 3) claims <strong>of</strong> economic competence to<br />

demonstrate economic performance, <strong>and</strong> 4) displays <strong>of</strong> loyalty to reinforce factional ties.<br />

Through close reading <strong>of</strong> over 300 r<strong>and</strong>omly selected web pages from <strong>the</strong> 80,161 collected,<br />

I find evidence for two <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> above four categories <strong>of</strong> content. I did not find<br />

any web pages which contained threats or warnings for citizen misbehavior. Web pages<br />

with <strong>the</strong> sternest wording <strong>and</strong> content were <strong>the</strong> text <strong>of</strong> rules <strong>and</strong> regulations, but <strong>the</strong>se<br />

are simply <strong>the</strong> text <strong>of</strong> government-issued notices <strong>and</strong> ordinances, <strong>and</strong> hence bears closer<br />

resemblance to objective information than attempts at terror <strong>and</strong> repression. This finding<br />

resonates with research in <strong>Chinese</strong> politics that identifies increasing emphasis on persuasion<br />

instead <strong>of</strong> repression (Brady, 2008).<br />

I also find very little evidence <strong>of</strong> displays <strong>of</strong> loyalty. Per <strong>the</strong> work <strong>of</strong> Shih (2008) on<br />

public displays <strong>of</strong> adulation toward factions, I looked for mentions <strong>of</strong> campaigns including<br />

Jiang Zemin’s “Three Represents” as well as Hu Jintao’s “Scientific Development,” <strong>and</strong><br />

found very few (less than 1 in 100) mentions <strong>of</strong> campaigns among county web pages. It<br />

may be <strong>the</strong> case that county level <strong>of</strong>ficials do display loyalty on county websites but not<br />

in <strong>the</strong> form <strong>of</strong> national level ideological campaigns. 10<br />

What emerged clearly from this analysis were web pages demonstrating care toward<br />

citizens by emphasizing distribution <strong>of</strong> resources as well as web pages containing claims<br />

10 Future research may examine whe<strong>the</strong>r names <strong>of</strong> provincial or prefecture <strong>of</strong>ficials, as well as provincial<br />

or prefectural initiatives could represent displays <strong>of</strong> loyalty.<br />

13

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