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Are Labor Market Institutions Really at the Root of Unemployment ...

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subsequent unemployment declines (not shown), confirming <strong>the</strong> p<strong>at</strong>terns shown in Figure<br />

5.<br />

In sum, appropri<strong>at</strong>ely defined measures <strong>of</strong> labor market reforms do not provide<br />

strong evidence th<strong>at</strong> labor market deregul<strong>at</strong>ion has yielded significant pay<strong>of</strong>fs in <strong>the</strong> form<br />

<strong>of</strong> reduced unemployment.<br />

5.2 Nickell’s Index <strong>of</strong> Reforms and <strong>Unemployment</strong><br />

Ano<strong>the</strong>r example <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> use <strong>of</strong> simple correl<strong>at</strong>ions with an aggreg<strong>at</strong>e indic<strong>at</strong>or <strong>of</strong><br />

labor market reforms to show th<strong>at</strong> labor market deregul<strong>at</strong>ion helps reduce unemployment<br />

appears in a recent paper by Stephen Nickell (2003). Based on his judgments <strong>of</strong> wh<strong>at</strong><br />

changes in labor market institutions qualify as employment-enhancing and wh<strong>at</strong> are<br />

employment-unfriendly, Nickell develops a labor market reforms scorecard and rel<strong>at</strong>es it<br />

to <strong>the</strong> change in unemployment between <strong>the</strong> early 1980s and <strong>the</strong> l<strong>at</strong>e 1990s.<br />

Nickell makes two rel<strong>at</strong>ed empirical claims. The first is th<strong>at</strong> <strong>the</strong> problem <strong>of</strong> European<br />

unemployment today is concentr<strong>at</strong>ed in “<strong>the</strong> big four”: France, Germany, Italy and Spain.<br />

This is an important point since a good explan<strong>at</strong>ion <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> “European” unemployment<br />

problem must explain <strong>the</strong> persistence <strong>of</strong> high unemployment in <strong>the</strong>se four big European<br />

countries. But nearly all <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> analysis in this recent paper is dedic<strong>at</strong>ed to <strong>the</strong> much<br />

bolder second claim, which is th<strong>at</strong> this p<strong>at</strong>tern <strong>of</strong> high unemployment, and indeed <strong>the</strong><br />

general cross-country p<strong>at</strong>tern <strong>of</strong> changes in unemployment, can be well-explained by his<br />

reforms scorecard. The objective <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> scorecard exercise is to “see how <strong>the</strong>se<br />

institutional variables have changed over time and wh<strong>at</strong> <strong>the</strong>se changes can tell us about<br />

why <strong>the</strong> European Big four countries have performed less well than most o<strong>the</strong>r countries<br />

on <strong>the</strong> unemployment front in <strong>the</strong> 1990s.”<br />

In a simple OLS regression, Nickell accounts for 51% <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> vari<strong>at</strong>ion in<br />

unemployment over <strong>the</strong>se two decades for 20 OECD countries with <strong>the</strong> sums <strong>of</strong> “ticks”<br />

(good changes) and “crosses” (bad changes) on nine institutional measures. It is this<br />

finding alone th<strong>at</strong> Gilles St. Paul (2004: 53) cites for his conclusion th<strong>at</strong> “evidence<br />

supports <strong>the</strong> traditional view th<strong>at</strong> rigidities th<strong>at</strong> reduce competition in labor markets are<br />

typically responsible for high unemployment.”

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