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Attributional Models of Depression, Loneliness, and Shyness

Attributional Models of Depression, Loneliness, and Shyness

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242 CRAIG A. ANDERSON AND LYNN H. ARNOULT<br />

'1982) also report evidence that loneliness is a social-skills problem. In<br />

dyadic interactions between new acquaintances, Jones (1982) found that<br />

lonely people made more self-statements, asked fewer questions, responded<br />

more slowly to their partner's statements, <strong>and</strong> changed the<br />

topic <strong>of</strong> conversation more <strong>of</strong>ten than did nonlonely people. Possible<br />

consequences <strong>of</strong> these behavioral patterns were suggested by the finding<br />

that lonely people were perceived as less attractive than nonlonely<br />

people.<br />

Pilkonis (1977) has shown performance differences between shy <strong>and</strong><br />

nonshy people in opposite-sex interactions. Subjects reporting for an<br />

experiment were seated next to an opposite-sex confederate for a 5-minute<br />

waiting period. During that time, shy subjects took longer for their<br />

first utterance, spoke less frequently, allowed more long silences to develop,<br />

<strong>and</strong> were less willing to break silences than the nonshy subjects.<br />

Lewinsohn (1974) provides a cogent discussion <strong>of</strong> the skill deficit-low<br />

reinforcement position on depression. Several studies have demonstrated<br />

such skills deficits in depressed people. Fisher-Beckfield <strong>and</strong><br />

McFall (1982) found incompetence (as measured by their Problem Inventory<br />

for College Students) to be a concomitant <strong>of</strong> depression. Gotlib<br />

<strong>and</strong> Asarnow (1979) found a negative relationship between interpersonal<br />

problem-solving ability <strong>and</strong> depression in mildly <strong>and</strong> clinically depressed<br />

college students. Lewinsohn, Mischel, Chaplin, <strong>and</strong> Barton<br />

(1980) had depressed <strong>and</strong> nondepressed subjects participate in a social<br />

interaction task. Observer ratings <strong>of</strong> the social interactions yielded effects<br />

suggestive <strong>of</strong> social skills deficits in the depressed. Coyne (1976)<br />

measured the responses <strong>of</strong> subjects who interacted with either depressed<br />

or nondepressed target subjects. Subjects reported feeling more<br />

depressed, anxious, <strong>and</strong> hostile <strong>and</strong> were more rejecting <strong>of</strong> the target<br />

when the target was a depressed person. These results all suggest that<br />

the behavior <strong>of</strong> depressed people might lead to less positively reinforcing<br />

behavior from others.<br />

However, one major problem with the skills approach is that it is <strong>of</strong>ten<br />

difficult to know whether a person has failed because <strong>of</strong> a lack <strong>of</strong> ability,<br />

a lack <strong>of</strong> motivation, or interfering anxiety. Such different interpretations<br />

<strong>of</strong> the poor performances <strong>of</strong> depressed, lonely, <strong>and</strong> shy people<br />

yield quite different implications for therapy. We will return to this point<br />

later. In sum, though, it appears that at least part <strong>of</strong> the problems <strong>of</strong><br />

depressed, lonely, <strong>and</strong> shy people may be caused by their ineffective<br />

behaviors. For some <strong>of</strong> these people, this may reflect real skill or ability<br />

deficits.

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