Lies: A Journal of Materialist Feminism - Libcom

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neither right, nor is it wrong. It is just simply a question of who has the power to legalize violence.” 42 The practice of isolating morally agreeable cases in order to highlight racist violence requires passively suffered Black death and panders to a framework that strengthens and conceals current paradigms of racism. While it may be factually true to state that Trayvon Martin was unarmed, we should not state this with a righteous sense of satisfaction. What if Trayvon Martin were armed? Maybe then he could have defended himself by fighting back. But if the situation had resulted in the death of George Zimmerman rather than of Trayvon Martin, I doubt the public would have been as outraged and galvanized into action to the same extent. It is ridiculous to say that there will be justice for Trayvon when he is already dead — no amount of prison time for Zimmerman can compensate. When we build politics around standards of legitimate victimhood that requires passive sacrifice, we will build a politics that requires a dead Black boy to make its point. It’s not surprising that the nation or even the Black leadership have failed to rally behind CeCe McDonald, a Black trans woman who was recently convicted of second degree manslaughter after a group of racist, transphobic white people attacked her and her friends, cutting CeCe’s cheek with a glass bottle and provoking an altercation that led to the death of a white man who had a swastika tattoo. Trans women of color who are involved in confrontations that result in the death of their attackers are criminalized for their survival. When Akira Jackson, a Black trans woman, stabbed and killed her boyfriend after he beat her with a baseball bat, she was given a four-year sentence for manslaughter. Cases that involve an “innocent” (passive), victimized Black person also provide an opportunity for the liberal white conscience to purify and morally ennoble itself by taking a position against racism. We need to challenge the status of certain raced and gendered subjects as instruments of emotional relief for white civil society, or as bodies 42 Carmichael, Stokely Speaks. 170 JACKIE WANG
that can be displaced for the sake of providing analogies to amplify white suffering (“slavery” being the favored analogy). Although we must emphasize that Troy Davis did not kill police officer Mark MacPhail, maybe we also should question why killing a cop is considered morally deplorable when the cops, in the last few months alone, have murdered 29 Black people. Talking about these murders will not undo them. Having the “right line” cannot alter reality if we do not put our bodies where our mouths are. As Spivak says, “it can’t become our goal to keep watching our language.” 43 Rejecting the politics of innocence is not about assuming a certain theoretical posture or adopting a certain perspective — it is a lived position. 43 Spivak and Harasym, The Post-Colonial Critic. AGAINST INNOCENCE 171
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LIES JOURNAL liesjournal.info liesj
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TABLE OF CONTENTS LIES COLLECTIVE 9
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LIES COLLECTIVE EDITORIAL NOTE They
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our oppression. Rather we turn our
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NOT-SEX AND SOCIAL RELATIONS
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eclaimed your natural pleasure. The
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point in a relationship which is co
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of being and self definition, as in
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Whereas earlier radical feminism ad
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Perhaps more subtly, this politic r
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eyond this register of suppression
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to discover it, to liberate it, to
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liberationist, proposing instead of
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production that brought it into bei
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the structural position of silence
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ut only as an object for an active
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such excess is meted out sparingly
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itself. Loneliness, which is really
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me or ask them to stop or yell at t
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CLÉMENCE X. CLEMENTINE AND ASSOCIA
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systematically excluded women from
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of mitigating her alienation and in
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the couple, not its destruction. Ca
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plants and animals. Get into space.
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M. SANDOVSKY LETTERS TO L: PARANOIA
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Dear L, I’m learning to hold my t
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Our anger is experienced by others
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The beatings do not work, the accou
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SOGUMI SALT WEDGE (EXCERPTS) (UNTIT
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(UNTITLED) — did it for revenge
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JOMO CARING: A LABOR OF STOLEN TIME
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after the purported grandeur and tu
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airy room is not for us, the immigr
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and I bonded over many episodes of
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upper management. According to Sabr
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Back in the dining room later that
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Before this, break times were somet
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The never-ending series of question
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including experiences that we may n
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only a reflection of the way the el
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We blame the bosses. Once, twice, a
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others not so. They saw this as a u
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I refused to sign. I wrote explaini
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others said it in a respectful and
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I wasn’t fired but our gains were
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None of this is easy, and all the m
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NOTES ON STRUGGLE
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I spent no more than 15 hours in a
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I met 3 women who were still in hig
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I was 1 of at least 2 women who had
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W.&.T.C.H. ON THE RECENT #OCCUPATIO
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16% of Blacks that are “officiall
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the injuries of unemployment and un
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Whatever this occupation is, it is
Page 117 and 118: And it’s not only about police br
Page 119 and 120: Why was this phrase deliberately ex
Page 121 and 122: actions. Drawing a moral line betwe
Page 123 and 124: BARUCHA CALAMITY PELLER WOMEN IN UP
Page 125 and 126: fought back the police, ultimately
Page 127 and 128: was spawned, despite the fact that
Page 129 and 130: Women’s labor in the globalized d
Page 131 and 132: “personal” became a site for re
Page 133 and 134: not as actions strictly within the
Page 135 and 136: that had been taken over by women.
Page 137 and 138: sector be women, because many had v
Page 139 and 140: SEXUAL VIOLENCE AS STATE REPRESSION
Page 141 and 142: other social or political implicati
Page 143 and 144: JACKIE WANG AGAINST INNOCENCE RACE,
Page 145 and 146: the patterns that structure politic
Page 147 and 148: our strategies reinforce a framewor
Page 149 and 150: Black convicts, initially a part of
Page 151 and 152: The spatial politics of safety orga
Page 153 and 154: The engineering and management of u
Page 155 and 156: were quick to purge and re-articula
Page 157 and 158: decidedly white, for it asserts tha
Page 159 and 160: defend the police after an “occup
Page 161 and 162: cion of articulated/explicit politi
Page 163 and 164: them peace of mind amidst the state
Page 165 and 166: ingly, less likely to seek counseli
Page 167: not fit into a non-violent model of
Page 172 and 173: uniformity. “No more mothers, wiv
Page 174 and 175: FROM TEA LIGHTS TO TORCHES: DELINQU
Page 176 and 177: On the night of June 5th in Minneap
Page 178 and 179: Dean Schmitz was not the first and
Page 180 and 181: Jurors in the US were polled as to
Page 182 and 183: them all in favor of a better world
Page 185 and 186: MAGDA LLWHISK DON’T TRY TO DIG YO
Page 187: knives or kisses to the throat? wol
Page 190 and 191: such a project is a “single syste
Page 192 and 193: “Gender - Class - Dynamic” and
Page 194 and 195: are intense pressures on population
Page 196 and 197: TC writes: The sexed character of a
Page 198 and 199: for gender in capital. In so doing,
Page 200 and 201: women’s oppression. The problem w
Page 202 and 203: nist theory of capitalist social re
Page 204 and 205: We live in this world, but exist ou
Page 206 and 207: through racialization, and that rac
Page 208 and 209: I. FRAMING WHAT’S AT STAKE We are
Page 210 and 211: This is not to mention the consiste
Page 212 and 213: III. QUESTIONS How do we assess exi
Page 215 and 216: ... “ALL THE WORK WE DO AS WOMEN
Page 217 and 218: class and the entire capitalist sys
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an isolated, unique form of exploit
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A stronger analysis would also inte
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money. We women are expected to be
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towns, women who work in big cities
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are to “give it” for free for o
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e able to choose where and how we w
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with men altogether, or as straight
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SUZAN COOKE “WE REFERRED TO IT AS
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Well this was just sort of standard
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They had also been picking up women
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and the very stereotypical ghettoiz
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We referred to it as coming out. Th
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REVIEWSEW
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discrimination and hate-bias have b
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the extension of these struggles. S
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