Performing Identities in Urban Spaces; Kampala, Uganda - Royal ...

The social space of the Mosque is gendered where the boys pray down stairs and the
girls pray upstairs. It was observed that the girls could sit in the same room for
particular conventions but there was a clear divide and separation. Female MUMSA
committee members emphasised how the association had strengthened their faith as
female Muslims. The ‘Women’s Vision’, a programme for female Muslim students is run
by former students who discuss their experiences and advise any students who may be
struggling with issues such as finance, studying during Ramadan and making friends.
Both these examples highlight the intersection of gender and faith which created a
sense of community and belonging for the students. Religion appeared to be very
important in Kampala; the diverse religious landscapes seemed to coexist in relative
harmony, where people respected others beliefs and practices. Many students talked
openly about people converting to different religions out of personal choice. This was
accepted in society as long people conformed to the particular religious groups that
populated Kampala, the majority being Christians and Muslims and minority being
Hindus and Sikhs. The faith identities of being a Born-again Christian, Anglican, Catholic
or Muslim were performed individually and collectively on a daily basis and intersected
with the identity of being a female student. This addresses the interconnections
between social categorizations where space and place are significant in the process of
subject formations (Valentine: 2007: 11). The gendered division of education, social
institutions and social activities was clearly presented.
A number of studies have shown the ways in which gender inequities can be (and are)
(re)constructed and (re)enforced within schools in Sub-Saharan Africa (Jones 2011;
Muhanguzi 2011; Dunne 2007; Dunne et al. 2006; Mirembe and Davies 2001).
Consistent with the situation globally, Uganda’s schools are gendered spaces through
which discourses of conformity (re)enforce power imbalances and create pressure for
boys and girls to be “normal”. They are sites of constant surveillance, where
“appropriate” behaviour is rewarded and undesirable or “inappropriate” behaviour is
punished (Holloway and Hubbard 2001:186). It was fascinating to see the ways in
which gender discourses were played out in a Ugandan secondary school. Through
fieldwork in a “third class” fee-paying school, we were able to gain an understanding of
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