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007: Accident or Conspiracy? - The Black Vault

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(SCC) in Geneva, not due to meet until sometime in the fall of<br />

1983 (2:73).<br />

Political Perspective<br />

Acc<strong>or</strong>ding to Johnson, all of these events are related. To<br />

have some kind of proof that the Abalakova radar was a treaty<br />

violation, in lieu of the slow moving SCC, would provide the<br />

Reagan Administration the kind of political leverage it needed to<br />

ensure supp<strong>or</strong>t (2:75). However, Johnson also states quite<br />

plainly, "<strong>The</strong>re is-it is imp<strong>or</strong>tant to say-no proof that the<br />

flight of <strong>007</strong> was connected with the (Abalakoval issue." (2:75)<br />

Another facton imp<strong>or</strong>tant to Johnson's hypothesis is the key<br />

players In the Reagan Administration who were intimately involved<br />

in US f<strong>or</strong>eign policy and national security. <strong>The</strong>se were William<br />

Clark, the National Security Advis<strong>or</strong> (NSA), and William Casey,<br />

head of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). Pri<strong>or</strong> to Reagan's<br />

Presidency, William Clark had absolutely no experience to prepare<br />

him f<strong>or</strong> responsible positions in f<strong>or</strong>eign policy (2:85). His<br />

extreme right-wing views led him to a key role in Reagan's<br />

campaign f<strong>or</strong> the Calif<strong>or</strong>nia govern<strong>or</strong>ship, and later to an<br />

appointment to the Calif<strong>or</strong>nia Supreme Court (2:85). In 1981,<br />

when current NSA Richard Allen had to resign over charges of<br />

c<strong>or</strong>ruption and misconduct, Reagan appointed Clark the new Advis<strong>or</strong><br />

(2:86). Friction developed between Clark and his f<strong>or</strong>mer boss Al<br />

Haig, with the result of Clark using his influence to f<strong>or</strong>ce Haig<br />

out of office (2:87). "With Haig went the last pretense to any<br />

real expertise in f<strong>or</strong>eign affairs. US f<strong>or</strong>eign policy was now in<br />

the hands of a rancher who w<strong>or</strong>e a Stetson and cowboy boots and<br />

cheerfully admitted he didn't know a thing about f<strong>or</strong>eign<br />

affairs." (2:87) Once in office, it was Clark's style to keep<br />

the new Secretary of State, Ge<strong>or</strong>ge Schultz (a boardroom executive<br />

from Bechtel C<strong>or</strong>p<strong>or</strong>ation), and others in the dark as to what he<br />

was doing (2:88).<br />

Added to this was the new head of the CIA, William Casey.<br />

Casey came to the Reagan Presidential campaign as its manager at<br />

the suggestion of William Clark (2:86). Casey was a successful<br />

businessman, a self-made millionaire, with experience in the<br />

wartime Office of Strategic Services (OSS) giving him a<br />

background in clandestine operations (2:91). He also had a<br />

reputation f<strong>or</strong> being able to make extremely tough decisions under<br />

pressure, was a risk-taker, and a right-wing hater of the<br />

0 "Eastern WASP Establishment." (2:91) When Casey became Reagan's<br />

appointee as the head of the CIA, he did two things. First, he<br />

tightened security at the Agency making it difficult f<strong>or</strong> even<br />

Congress to know what was happening (2:93). Second, he increased<br />

the number of CIA covert o-erations w<strong>or</strong>ldwide to perhaps 12 to<br />

14 (2:94). Clark and Casey, as p<strong>or</strong>trayed by Johnson, were now<br />

4<br />

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