Eva Gerharz: „The Construction of Identities: The Case of the Chitta ...

Construction of Identities in the Chittagong Hill Tracts
The Bengali language can therefore be seen as a symbol of the hegemony of the Bangladeshi
state, as it is for the Bengalis a symbol for their unity. Thus the so-called jhumma-identity is
based on non-Bengali language (Haque 1998, 132). Language is a good example to illustrate
the complexity of identity construction along cultural differences which must always be analysed
with regard to political issues. The rejection of Muslim religion becomes relativised
when previously accepted language commonalties appear. Categorisation according to the socalled
boundary markers is therefore always tied to political aspects of ethnicity.
6.3. Religion
The variety of different religions is quite broad in the CHT. The Chakma, Marma, Tanchangya,
Chak, Kheyang are Buddhists, the Tripura believe in Hinduism and the Murong, Khumi
and the Kuki are Animists. Lushai, Bawm and Pankhua used to be Animists until they had
largely been Christianised by the British. The complex structure of religious beliefs among
the Hill People has its potential for conflicts in itself quite apart from the fact that none of the
groups believe in Islam. Religious differences therefore play a tremendous role in processes
of identity construction on two levels. First I will describe and analyse the conflicts arising
out of the Hill People’s relationship to the Bengali Muslim population, which are, remembering
the importance of religion in Bangladeshi nationalism in particular, a constitutive feature
of demarcation and group-formation. The second part will deal with the complexity of religious
differences among the Hill Peoples themselves and the resulting consequences for a
“possible” collective identity.
With the militarisation of the CHT and the move towards an Islamic orientation in Bangladesh’s
state policies, religion became more and more instrumentalised and politicised within
the armed conflict. 54 Buddhist temples were destroyed within eight months as well as 22
Hindu temples in 1986 (EMAIL 1993, 30f. cited in: Mohsin 1997, 179). Quite common has
also been the prohibition of religious ceremonies, or sacrileges like entering a temple in shoes,
which is a religious taboo for Buddhists (Mohsin, 1997, 32). Some of my interviewees insisted
that it is a common practice for Muslims to convert tribal girls by forcing them to
marry. This forced intermarriage was used as an instrument to integrate the Hill People into
Bengali society and to change the demographic relations in the area 142 . The Report of the
CHT Commission outlines about 30 different cases of women who had been kidnapped, con-
142 A secret memorandum for example encouraged army officers to marry tribal women. I would assume that this
was strategy to follow this aim. Although it could be considered as an imputation, it is at least represented by