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<strong>The</strong> <strong>benefits</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>events</strong>: <strong>An</strong> <strong>annotated</strong> <strong>bibliography</strong><br />

Prepared for <strong>Sport</strong> and Recreation <strong>New</strong> Zealand (SPARC)<br />

By<br />

<strong>The</strong> <strong>New</strong> Zealand Tourism Research Institute<br />

AUT University<br />

April 2007<br />

www.nztri.org


Executive summary<br />

This <strong>annotated</strong> <strong>bibliography</strong> summarises studies on the likely impacts and value <strong>of</strong><br />

sports <strong>events</strong>. <strong>The</strong> impacts examined were economic, socio-cultural,<br />

environmental and health impacts.<br />

Key themes that emerged from the literature relate were:<br />

1. Widespread claims that <strong>events</strong> provide a community with economic<br />

<strong>benefits</strong> are made in the absence <strong>of</strong> compelling evidence;<br />

2. Events provide both social <strong>benefits</strong> and cost to a community, but<br />

communities remain largely supportive <strong>of</strong> such activities;<br />

3. Events play only a small role in macro-environmental change but can have<br />

significant negative impacts at the local level. Large scale <strong>events</strong> can<br />

showcase new ‘green’ technologies and practices;<br />

4. <strong>The</strong> absence <strong>of</strong> any compelling evidence that large-scale sport <strong>events</strong><br />

increase physical activity and sports participation levels;<br />

5. Whilst much is known about event impacts, there are considerable<br />

knowledge gaps and disputes regarding appropriate methodologies.<br />

2


Table <strong>of</strong> Contents<br />

Economic Impacts ............................................................................ 4<br />

Summary: Economic impacts............................................................ 31<br />

Socio-cultural Impacts ...................................................................... 33<br />

Summary: Socio-cultural impacts ...................................................... 49<br />

Environmental Impacts ..................................................................... 50<br />

Summary: Environmental impacts...................................................... 59<br />

Health Impacts............................................................................... 60<br />

Summary: Health impacts ............................................................... 66<br />

Appendix 1: Method......................................................................... 67<br />

Appendix 2: Databases searched .......................................................... 68<br />

Appendix 3: Definitions..................................................................... 69<br />

3


Economic Impacts<br />

<strong>An</strong>dranovich, G., Burbank, M. J., & Heying, C. H. (2001). Olympic cities: Lessons<br />

learned from mega-event politics. Journal <strong>of</strong> Urban Affairs, 23(2), 113-131.<br />

'Mega-<strong>events</strong> allow cities to focus economic development activities and<br />

attention for competitive gain. Mega-<strong>events</strong> are a category <strong>of</strong> <strong>events</strong> so<br />

spectacular that they are recognised around the world as a peak event,<br />

worthy <strong>of</strong> everyone's attention.' In addition 'cities can usually leverage<br />

event preparations to promote an impressive array <strong>of</strong> development<br />

opportunities'. This study addresses policy opportunities and challenges in<br />

hosting the Olympic Games in Los <strong>An</strong>geles (1984), Atlanta (1996) and Salt<br />

Lake City (2002). In order to understand the impacts <strong>of</strong> these large-scale<br />

and multidimensional <strong>events</strong>, government documents, <strong>of</strong>ficial Olympic<br />

documents, interviews with local <strong>of</strong>ficial, local media reports, public<br />

opinion poll data, and other available sources were examined. <strong>The</strong> study<br />

found that support for mega-event is premised upon the generation <strong>of</strong><br />

revenue for the state’s tourism industry in the short term and the provision<br />

<strong>of</strong> a long-term boost to the city’s image. For example the 2002 Salt Lake<br />

City games generated $1.3b in federal fund, $1.4b in tourism, expansion <strong>of</strong><br />

tourism business and estimated $40m legacy fund (est.). <strong>The</strong> total<br />

economic impact for the 1996 to 2003 period was estimated to be $4.5b,<br />

with net revenues to state and local government projected to be $75.9<br />

million. In addition the event was hoped to brand Salt Lake City as the<br />

‘winter sports capital’ <strong>of</strong> North America. Two reasons for engaging in a<br />

mega-event strategy were identified. First, city leaders see the Olympic<br />

Games in strategic terms, providing opportunities to gain regional,<br />

national, international media exposure at relatively low cost. Second,<br />

hosting the Olympics is expected to make significant contributions to<br />

tourism and economic development. In order to ensure that both <strong>of</strong> these<br />

opportunities are capitalised upon, the adoption <strong>of</strong> long time frame is<br />

encouraged as well as the creation <strong>of</strong> public-private partnerships.<br />

Baade, R. A., & Matheson, V. (2002). Bidding for the Olympics: Fool's gold?<br />

Available at:<br />

http://www.holycross.edu/departments/economics/vmatheso/research/ol<br />

ympics.pdf<br />

<strong>The</strong> purpose <strong>of</strong> this paper was to assess the economic impact <strong>of</strong> the 1984<br />

and 1996 Summer Olympics. A review <strong>of</strong> the literature indicated the<br />

evolution <strong>of</strong> standard techniques based on standard macroeconomic theory,<br />

in which expenditure and income approaches are used to estimate the<br />

economic impacts. In order to provide credible estimates on the economic<br />

impacts <strong>of</strong> a mega-event, this study recommends an ex post (i.e. after the<br />

event) model. A survey to determine expenditure by those attending the<br />

event (complete with a question on place <strong>of</strong> residence) was identified as a<br />

straightforward means <strong>of</strong> estimating direct expenditures in a manner that is<br />

statistically acceptable. In both instances <strong>of</strong> the 1984 and the 1996 Summer<br />

4


Olympic Games, the economic impact was more modest than that<br />

projected by those promoting the <strong>events</strong>. <strong>The</strong> authors conclude that the<br />

mega-<strong>events</strong> industry is by its very nature exceptional in terms <strong>of</strong> its<br />

infrequency and the particular and immediate demands it makes on a host<br />

economy. Rather than fitting in, the host economy must change to<br />

accommodate the event. Host communities need to 'be realistic about what<br />

the Olympics <strong>of</strong>fer economically'. <strong>The</strong> <strong>of</strong>fers suggest that 'In the absence <strong>of</strong><br />

careful and controlled planning, cities that succeed in hosting the Olympics<br />

may well only find fool’s gold for their efforts'.<br />

Baade, R. A., & Matheson, V. A. (2004). <strong>The</strong> quest for the cup: Assessing the<br />

economic impact <strong>of</strong> the World Cup. Regional Studies, 38(4), 343-354.<br />

<strong>The</strong> purpose <strong>of</strong> this study was to evaluate the boost to the US economy<br />

from hosting the 1994 FIFA World Cup. <strong>An</strong> ex post model was used to<br />

provide a filter through which the promises made by event<br />

boosters/advocates can be filtered. Ex ante approaches (i.e. before the<br />

event) 1) <strong>of</strong>ten confuse event turnover with impact, 2) use incorrect or<br />

inaccurate multipliers, and 3) are influenced sample/respondent bias. <strong>The</strong><br />

study indicated that with over 3.5 million fans attending games during the<br />

tournament, the 1994 World Cup was clearly an enormous popular success,<br />

providing event organisers with large pr<strong>of</strong>its. <strong>The</strong> evidence suggests that a<br />

$4 billion economic impact for the US projected by Cup boosters probably<br />

did not materialise. On the contrary, the evidence indicates a far greater<br />

likelihood that the World Cup had an overall negative impact on the<br />

average host city and on the US economy overall. Host cities were<br />

estimated to have combined losses <strong>of</strong> between $5.5 and $9.3 billion<br />

compared to the ex ante estimates <strong>of</strong> a $4 billion boost for the host<br />

communities. <strong>The</strong> authors encourage host communities to 'more thoroughly<br />

evaluate booster promises <strong>of</strong> a financial windfall…before committing<br />

substantial public resources'.<br />

Burgan, B., & Mules, T. (2001). Reconciling cost-benefit and economic impact<br />

assessment for event tourism. Tourism Economics, 7(4), 321-330.<br />

This paper presents a theoretical analysis <strong>of</strong> the relationship between costbenefit<br />

analysis (CBA) and economic impact assessment (EIA). Governments<br />

typically justify their investment in <strong>events</strong> in terms <strong>of</strong> the economic<br />

impacts that the <strong>events</strong> bring to their host region. However, the<br />

justification for other types <strong>of</strong> public expenditure is usually based upon CBA<br />

which emphasises opportunity costs as well as consumer and producer<br />

surplus measures. In practice, it tends to be the measurement <strong>of</strong> <strong>benefits</strong><br />

rather than costs that causes most disagreement. <strong>The</strong> authors state that<br />

public spending on special <strong>events</strong> is a specific example <strong>of</strong> public spending<br />

on tourism promotion. Special <strong>events</strong> have an economic impact through the<br />

expenditure <strong>of</strong> those visitors who would not have come had the event not<br />

been held. Reviewing the past studies carried on <strong>events</strong> in Australia<br />

indicates that if the owners <strong>of</strong> the means <strong>of</strong> production are the residents,<br />

this area represents extra income that the residents <strong>of</strong> the region receive<br />

as a result <strong>of</strong> hosting the event. <strong>The</strong> study also identifies other <strong>benefits</strong> and<br />

5


costs measured under a more standard CBA approach. For example, major<br />

<strong>events</strong> <strong>of</strong>ten cause inconvenience (i.e. indirect cost) to local residents such<br />

as noise pollution and congestion. This demonstrates the difference<br />

between CBA and economic impact as means <strong>of</strong> measuring the benefit from<br />

hosting an event. It is stated that CBA estimates <strong>of</strong> cost and benefit could<br />

not be added to the economic impact to generate a value <strong>of</strong> net benefit or<br />

net cost, as CBA only emphasizes consumer and producer surplus. '<strong>The</strong><br />

spending <strong>of</strong> public money on hosting <strong>events</strong> is justified in terms <strong>of</strong> the<br />

tourism promotion implication <strong>of</strong> the event, and the existence <strong>of</strong> market<br />

failure, which pr<strong>events</strong> individual providers <strong>of</strong> tourist services from<br />

capturing all <strong>of</strong> the tourist expenditure'. <strong>The</strong> authors conclude that the<br />

economic impact approach is an appropriate methodology to evaluate<br />

public expenditure on special <strong>events</strong>. 'A more appropriate measure <strong>of</strong><br />

benefit than the consumer surplus measure used in cost–benefit analysis is<br />

the impact that the event has on regional incomes'.<br />

Burton, R. (2003). Olympic Games host city marketing: <strong>An</strong> exploration <strong>of</strong><br />

expectations and outcomes. <strong>Sport</strong> Marketing Quarterly, 12(1), 37-47.<br />

This study attempts to review the various organisations involved in the host<br />

city Olympic bidding process and correlate investments and actual<br />

performance. <strong>The</strong> study highlighted the risks and rewards associated with<br />

hosting the Olympics. Historical evidence from the past Olympic<br />

organisations revealed that cost overruns, large operating budgets, and<br />

construction delays are common risks for host cities. <strong>The</strong>se are usually<br />

utilised 'in the absence <strong>of</strong> quantifiable metrics'. <strong>The</strong> study concluded that<br />

'bidding cities will generally factor in the value <strong>of</strong> global media attention,<br />

infusion <strong>of</strong> infrastructure, sponsor investments and the promise <strong>of</strong> longterm<br />

image <strong>benefits</strong> when proposing to host the Olympic'. Not every host<br />

city/nation 'achieves a break-even position'. <strong>The</strong>refore, 'it appears difficult<br />

to justify hosting the Games solely on a financial ROI basis'. <strong>The</strong> authors<br />

suggest that to answer the question <strong>of</strong> whether the community was better<br />

<strong>of</strong>f for having hosted the Olympics may remain a discussion driven more by<br />

qualitative observations than by quantitative facts.<br />

Cashman, R. (2002). Impact <strong>of</strong> the Games on Olympic host cities. Barcelona,<br />

Spain: Centre d’Estudis Olímpics, Universitat Autonoma De Barcelona.<br />

Cashman argues that 'It is virtually impossible to know the true cost to a<br />

city <strong>of</strong> hosting an Olympic Games because there is no accepted way <strong>of</strong><br />

assessing expenditure'. Benefits for hosting the event are described as<br />

'vague', 'inflated’, ‘uncosted' and 'without assessment'. Government and<br />

business are keen to host mega <strong>events</strong> because they are seen as a way <strong>of</strong><br />

'enhancing the global status <strong>of</strong> the city (and country) leading to business<br />

opportunities, tourism and general promotion <strong>of</strong> the city globally'. <strong>The</strong>se<br />

legacy issues (i.e. facilities, <strong>benefits</strong> from global exposure) <strong>of</strong>fer an<br />

additional return on the investment for the host city and country.<br />

Inadequate attention has been paid to planning for the post-Games period<br />

and the legacy <strong>of</strong> an Olympic Games. “<strong>The</strong>re is a growing belief that an<br />

Olympic Games should leave a host community and the city environment<br />

6


etter rather than worse <strong>of</strong>f”. Bid cities tend to focus on winning the bid,<br />

planning for the Games and staging a successful Games rather than<br />

considering what happens after the Games. More attention needs to be paid<br />

to whether there can be some ongoing return and community benefit from<br />

Olympic precincts and venues. Facilities without a significant post-Games<br />

use...can become...a burden to the taxpayers'.<br />

Chalip, L., & Costa, C. A. (2005). <strong>Sport</strong> event tourism and the destination brand:<br />

Towards a general theory. <strong>Sport</strong> in Society, 8(2), 218-237.<br />

This study describes the general principles for incorporating <strong>events</strong> into a<br />

destination branding strategy. <strong>Sport</strong>ing <strong>events</strong> have the potential to build<br />

the brand <strong>of</strong> their host destination. <strong>The</strong> main argument <strong>of</strong> this study is that<br />

sporting <strong>events</strong> must be strategically incorporated into a destination’s<br />

overall marketing plan. Incorporating a sport event into destination<br />

branding requires that the event be complementary with other <strong>events</strong> in<br />

the host community. Events are <strong>of</strong>ten poorly used in destination branding<br />

because the means and bases for building <strong>events</strong> into destination branding<br />

strategies are poorly understood. '<strong>The</strong> effect <strong>of</strong> individual <strong>events</strong> needs to<br />

be considered with reference to the overall event portfolio and with<br />

reference to the destination’s mix <strong>of</strong> products and services, particularly<br />

other sport products and services'. Destination marketers must carefully<br />

plan an <strong>events</strong> portfolio, with a mix <strong>of</strong> sporting and cultural <strong>events</strong>, which<br />

are appropriately suited for the specific destination. Destination markets<br />

should be completely reliant upon sport <strong>events</strong> for their branding -<br />

'Destination marketers can cross-leverage sport elements at the<br />

destination, but the contribution <strong>of</strong> sport <strong>events</strong> to the destination’s brand<br />

will be greatest when their brand relevance is not constrained only to<br />

sport'. <strong>The</strong> more varied the array <strong>of</strong> sport and cultural <strong>events</strong> in the<br />

portfolio, the greater the reach. <strong>The</strong> challenge therefore is to develop a<br />

portfolio <strong>of</strong> <strong>events</strong> that support the desired branding for the host<br />

community. <strong>The</strong> challenge in this regard is to accurately identify how<br />

different target markets perceive each event, so that the <strong>events</strong> cobranding<br />

potential with the host community can be evaluated.<br />

Coates, D., & Humphreys, B. R. (2006). Proximity <strong>benefits</strong> and voting on stadium<br />

and arena subsidies. Journal <strong>of</strong> Urban Economics, 59(2), 285-299.<br />

This paper examines the role that residential proximity plays in voting on<br />

stadium and arena subsidies. '<strong>The</strong> net <strong>benefits</strong> <strong>of</strong> stadiums and arenas may<br />

be highly localised in areas near these facilities'. <strong>The</strong> research question is<br />

whether and how residents’ proximity to pr<strong>of</strong>essional sports facilities<br />

influences the likelihood <strong>of</strong> voting for subsidies. <strong>The</strong> findings show that<br />

voter proximity leads to voter preferences for the subsidies in both<br />

researched areas, i.e. voters living closer to facilities tend to favour<br />

subsidies more than their counterparts living farther away. <strong>The</strong> possible<br />

implications for future research can be multi-fold. For example, the<br />

proximity <strong>benefits</strong> can be highlighted to push for hosting mega-<strong>events</strong>. <strong>An</strong>d<br />

on the other hand, if a public vote for the final decision has to be held<br />

7


egarding forthcoming mega-<strong>events</strong>, the vote outcome must be analysed<br />

carefully with the role <strong>of</strong> voters’ proximity taken into account.<br />

Connell, J., & Page, S. J. (2005). Evaluating the economic and spatial effects <strong>of</strong><br />

an event: <strong>The</strong> case <strong>of</strong> the World Medical and Health Games. Tourism<br />

Geographies, 7(1), 63-85.<br />

By studying the case <strong>of</strong> the 2003 World Medical and Health Games, a<br />

medium-sized event held in the City <strong>of</strong> Stirling, this paper demonstrates<br />

that the economic <strong>benefits</strong> associated with <strong>events</strong> are not necessarily<br />

distributed evenly in time and space involved, i.e. there are always winners<br />

and losers geographically. A business survey (postal survey) was used to<br />

assess the impacts <strong>of</strong> the event on business sectors in the region. '<strong>The</strong>re is a<br />

close geographical association with location <strong>of</strong> businesses and the <strong>benefits</strong><br />

from hosting <strong>of</strong> the [event]. Event tourists may not be the same as other<br />

tourists - '<strong>The</strong> structured and focused manner with which event participants<br />

engage in activities reflects their time–space budgets which are constrained<br />

due to the formal event organisation which can <strong>of</strong>ten leave little time for<br />

the pursuit <strong>of</strong> tourist activities'. <strong>The</strong> authors note that in order to maximise<br />

the geographic distribution <strong>of</strong> spending, 'deliberate spatial strategies need<br />

to be planned for directing tourist spending opportunities. Simply locating<br />

visitors in accommodation in outlying areas as a means <strong>of</strong> spreading the<br />

opportunities is insufficient'. Attention needs to be paid to the imbalance <strong>of</strong><br />

the <strong>benefits</strong> <strong>events</strong> might bring to businesses in different areas within a<br />

region.<br />

Crompton, J. L. (2006). Economic impact studies: Instruments for political<br />

shenanigans? Journal <strong>of</strong> Travel Research, 45(1), 67-82.<br />

This article is a critique <strong>of</strong> research into the <strong>benefits</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>events</strong> on local<br />

economies. <strong>The</strong> authors argue that economic impact studies that see the<br />

council/government as the investor are 'flawed conceptually because the<br />

money invested does not belong to the council; rather, it belongs to the<br />

city’s residents. ‘It is the return that residents receive that is important,<br />

rather than only that proportion <strong>of</strong> the total return that filters back to the<br />

council'. Impact studies tend to discuss the issues from the interested<br />

parties’ perspective rather than from a truth pursuer’s viewpoint -<br />

'Economic impact analyses have an obvious political mission. <strong>The</strong>y<br />

invariably are commissioned by tourism entities and usually are driven by a<br />

desire to demonstrate their sponsors’ positive contribution to the economic<br />

prosperity <strong>of</strong> the jurisdiction that subsidises their programs or projects'.<br />

<strong>The</strong> legitimacy <strong>of</strong> economic impact studies is 'predicated on the studies’<br />

being undertaken with integrity'. Examples <strong>of</strong> 'mischievous procedure<br />

include 1) inclusion <strong>of</strong> local residents; 2) inappropriate aggregation and<br />

inclusion <strong>of</strong> time-switchers; 3) abuse <strong>of</strong> multipliers; 4) ignoring<br />

displacement and opportunity costs, 5) ignoring the costs borne by the local<br />

community; 6) expanding the project scope; 7) exaggerating visitor<br />

numbers; and, 8) the inclusion <strong>of</strong> consumer surplus. '<strong>The</strong> media, general<br />

public, city council, and other relevant public organisations are unlikely to<br />

be aware <strong>of</strong> the underlying assumptions, subtleties, and potential error<br />

8


sources associated with economic-impact studies'. For those organisations<br />

taking the ethical/accurate approach to determining economic impacts, it<br />

is important 'to recognise the political reality <strong>of</strong> being compared to others<br />

who [report] misleading economic impacts'.<br />

Daniels, M. J. (2004). Beyond input-output analysis: Using occupation-based<br />

modeling to estimate wages generated by a sport tourism event. Journal <strong>of</strong><br />

Travel Research, 43(1), 75-82.<br />

This paper introduces a relatively new way <strong>of</strong> estimating the impact <strong>of</strong><br />

sport tourism <strong>events</strong> - the generation <strong>of</strong> wages. According to the author,<br />

the occupation-based modelling is viewed as an effective extension <strong>of</strong> the<br />

traditional and commonly accepted input-output approach. Shortcomings<br />

and criticisms <strong>of</strong> the input-output analyses are highlighted and discussed,<br />

based on which the eight-stage occupation-based modelling is suggested.<br />

'Occupation-based modelling allows for a thorough understanding <strong>of</strong> the<br />

specific types <strong>of</strong> jobs and resulting wage income that accompany a change<br />

in final demand to an economy due to a tourism initiative'. <strong>The</strong> author<br />

then demonstrates the application <strong>of</strong> the model by using the National<br />

S<strong>of</strong>tball Association’s games as example. <strong>The</strong> article concludes that the<br />

new approach is an extension, rather than a replacement <strong>of</strong> the existing<br />

input-output approach. <strong>The</strong>re are great potential for broader applications<br />

<strong>of</strong> the model in analysing the employment and wages generated by sports<br />

<strong>events</strong>.<br />

Daniels, M. J. (2007). Central place theory and sport tourism impacts. <strong>An</strong>nals <strong>of</strong><br />

Tourism Research, 34(2), 332-347.<br />

'Metropolitan areas continue to dominate as principal centres <strong>of</strong> tourism<br />

activity'. When two politically distinct destinations co-host an event, 'the<br />

location higher on the central place theory hierarchy stands to realize more<br />

economic <strong>benefits</strong> from the event, unless specific measures are taken to<br />

equalize the outcomes' <strong>The</strong> aim <strong>of</strong> this paper is to apply central place<br />

theory to demonstrate how different areas co-hosting the same sports<br />

<strong>events</strong> receive different economic outcomes. Data collected from the<br />

National S<strong>of</strong>tball Association’s games was analysed, concluding that in this<br />

particular case, the smaller county where most <strong>of</strong> the activities took place<br />

experienced a reverse false excursionist effect. At the same time the larger<br />

country gained nearly double the economic <strong>benefits</strong> from the event. 'In<br />

order for hinterland places to successfully host sport tourism <strong>events</strong>, they<br />

must band together and cooperatively market their goods, attractions, and<br />

services'. To protect their interest, they need to work closely with the<br />

urban counterpart to make sure to achieve an equal share <strong>of</strong> cost and<br />

<strong>benefits</strong>'. <strong>The</strong> authors conclude that there has generally been a failure 'to<br />

ensure that all affected areas realise an equitable share <strong>of</strong> an event’s costs<br />

and <strong>benefits</strong>'.<br />

9


Daniels, M. J., Norman, W. C., & Henry, M. S. (2004). Estimating income effects <strong>of</strong><br />

a sport tourism event. <strong>An</strong>nals <strong>of</strong> Tourism Research, 31(1), 180-199.<br />

<strong>The</strong> widely accepted input-output models to measuring economic impacts<br />

are problematic because the results do not reveal the distribution effects<br />

<strong>of</strong> tourist spending across different household-income segments. In other<br />

words, input output models do not make clear the extent to which different<br />

household groups are benefiting. To address this issue, this paper presents<br />

four models to estimate the income effects <strong>of</strong> sport tourism <strong>events</strong>. By<br />

analysing data from a large road race in the south-eastern USA, it is<br />

demonstrated that the aggregated occupation-based model <strong>of</strong>fered the<br />

most promise for future applications. 'Occupation and wage data can also<br />

be used as leverage when proposing sport tourism as a means <strong>of</strong> creating<br />

new employment in a community or supplementing the income <strong>of</strong> the<br />

underemployed'. <strong>The</strong> authors conclude that '<strong>The</strong> application <strong>of</strong> occupation<br />

and wage data <strong>of</strong>fers a means <strong>of</strong> demonstrating how the income <strong>of</strong><br />

individuals working in tourism-related industries is affected by increases in<br />

final demand'.<br />

Dwyer, L., Forsyth, P., & Spurr, R. (2005). Estimating the mpacts <strong>of</strong> special <strong>events</strong><br />

on an economy. Journal <strong>of</strong> Travel Research, 43(4), 351-359.<br />

<strong>The</strong> authors criticise the general four assumptions <strong>of</strong> the Input-Output (I-<br />

O)model, and argue that the I-O model only measures the positive<br />

economic impacts brought on by an event, and not the potential negative<br />

impacts. I-O economic analyses are likely to lead to over-estimates <strong>of</strong> the<br />

final impact on overall economic activity. 'Given the widespread use <strong>of</strong><br />

multipliers from I-O models in event impact assessment, there is a strong<br />

presumption that, worldwide, there is likely to be excessive funding being<br />

devoted to subsidising <strong>events</strong> and that the funds being used are probably<br />

being misallocated'. Computable General Equilibrium (CGE) models have<br />

been widely used as frameworks for exploring the economic impacts <strong>of</strong><br />

policy initiatives and in many other broad areas, but have only recently<br />

been introduced as frameworks for estimating tourism economic impacts.<br />

CGE models represent an example <strong>of</strong> current best practice in assessing<br />

economy-wide impacts <strong>of</strong> changes in expenditure within an economy.<br />

Proponents <strong>of</strong> CGE modelling point out that those economy-wide,<br />

interactive effects should be taken into account in determining the impacts<br />

<strong>of</strong> increased tourism expenditure on a destination. 'Tourism researchers<br />

seem to be relatively unaware <strong>of</strong> this extensive and evolving CGE modelling<br />

literature with its potential to inform impact analysis and policy making in<br />

their own field'. <strong>The</strong> assumptions <strong>of</strong> the CGE model are that all main final<br />

demand components are endogenous, capital and land are given<br />

exogenously, price-induced substitution effects occur, government budget<br />

deficits are fixed, and state employment can be regarded as fixed (zero<br />

elasticity) or flexible (perfectly elastic). <strong>The</strong> authors also distinguish<br />

between impacts and <strong>benefits</strong> - 'Economic impacts are not the same thing<br />

as the net economic <strong>benefits</strong> from an event, though they are <strong>of</strong>ten assumed<br />

to be the same. When an event leads to an increase in GDP, the net benefit<br />

or welfare gain will <strong>of</strong>ten be substantially less than the change in the value<br />

10


<strong>of</strong> gross output, as measured by GDP'. <strong>The</strong> comparison <strong>of</strong> an <strong>events</strong><br />

<strong>benefits</strong> using the I-O approach and the CGE approach yielded the following<br />

differences:<br />

1) <strong>The</strong> CGE simulations reveal that the net impact <strong>of</strong> an event in one<br />

state can have a negative effect on the economic activity in other<br />

states. I-O modelling projects a much greater impact on real output<br />

and gross product in both the event host state and Australia as a<br />

whole, as compared to CGE modelling;<br />

2) <strong>The</strong> projected increase in employment using the CGE model is less<br />

than I-O estimates for both the event’s host state and the nation.<br />

<strong>The</strong> I-O model projects increased employment in the rest <strong>of</strong> Australia<br />

(exclusive <strong>of</strong> the host state), whereas the CGE model projects<br />

relatively large job losses in the rest <strong>of</strong> Australia; and<br />

3) <strong>The</strong> CGE model projects reduced output and employment in<br />

several industries in the event’s host state, including some industries<br />

that might be regarded as closely associated with tourism—motor<br />

vehicles, water transport and transport services, rail transport,<br />

communications, and insurance. In contrast, the I-O modelling <strong>of</strong> the<br />

special <strong>events</strong> projects a positive or zero change in real output and<br />

employment in all industries.<br />

Dwyer, L., Forsyth, P., & Spurr, R. (2006). Assessing the economic impacts <strong>of</strong><br />

<strong>events</strong>: A computable general equilibrium approach. Journal <strong>of</strong> Travel<br />

Research, 45(1), 59-66.<br />

This paper adds to the debate on the advantages <strong>of</strong> computable general<br />

equilibrium (CGE) analysis over the conventional I-O (Input-Output) model.<br />

'I-O analysis incorporates a systematic and serious upward bias if used to<br />

estimate impacts in broad regions or national economies. I-O techniques<br />

account for the positive impacts <strong>of</strong> an event on economic activity, but they<br />

ignore the equally real negative impacts'. In contrast CGE models 'CGE are<br />

quantitatively solvable models that incorporate the whole economy. <strong>The</strong>y<br />

treat the economy as an integrated system — one in which markets impact<br />

one another, in which resource constraints exist, and in which demand and<br />

supply must balance'. Several differences between the alternative forms <strong>of</strong><br />

analysis in event impact assessment are presented. 'A comparison <strong>of</strong> the<br />

economic impacts <strong>of</strong> a special event using both CGE and I-O models<br />

indicates that the latter technique ignores interactive effects between<br />

industries, thereby exaggerating the impacts on gross state (or regional)<br />

product and employment. <strong>The</strong> article discusses how economic<br />

impacts/<strong>benefits</strong> vary between the host region, other regions, and<br />

nationwide.<br />

Dwyer, L., Forsyth, P., & Spurr, R. (2006). Economic impact <strong>of</strong> sport <strong>events</strong>: A<br />

reassessment. Tourism Review International, 10(4), 207-216.<br />

This paper is another critique <strong>of</strong> the traditional Input-Output (I-O) model to<br />

assess the economic impact <strong>of</strong> an event. Computable General Equilibrium<br />

(CGE) is once again advocated as ‘best practice’ due to its ability to model<br />

the whole economy and treat the economy as an integrated and interactive<br />

11


network <strong>of</strong> markets. This approach is argued to overcome the shortcomings<br />

<strong>of</strong> the I-O model. CGE is applied to an analysis <strong>of</strong> an Australia-based motor<br />

sport event and the results are then compared with projects using I-O<br />

models. <strong>The</strong> article highlights the need for an institutional framework for a<br />

more rigorous assessment <strong>of</strong> economic impacts <strong>of</strong> sport <strong>events</strong>. This paper<br />

is part <strong>of</strong> the authors’ continuous efforts to apply CGE models in evaluating<br />

economic impacts <strong>of</strong> sport <strong>events</strong>. CGE provides 'very different, and much<br />

lower, estimates and <strong>benefits</strong> from the methods conventionally used in<br />

event evaluation'. <strong>The</strong> authors argue that due to existing methods <strong>of</strong><br />

measuring event <strong>benefits</strong>, 'sport <strong>events</strong> are being greatly oversold. <strong>The</strong><br />

economic impacts and net <strong>benefits</strong>, if rigorously assessed, are much lower<br />

than those invariably claimed'. Existing economic assessments are plagued<br />

by 'biased evaluation techniques'; a 'a failure to distinguish between the<br />

impacts on output and jobs and the net <strong>benefits</strong> that this increased<br />

economic activity brings'; and a failure to recognise that 'the <strong>benefits</strong> to<br />

one region are <strong>of</strong>ten at the expense <strong>of</strong> other regions, <strong>events</strong> will be<br />

supported that do not produce net <strong>benefits</strong> for the national economy'.<br />

Consequently, there is ‘most likely to be misallocation <strong>of</strong> event funding and<br />

excessive overall spending in seeking and promoting sport <strong>events</strong> and in the<br />

provision <strong>of</strong> infrastructure to support them'. <strong>The</strong> authors describe a 'serious<br />

need for improved economic evaluation <strong>of</strong> sport <strong>events</strong>'. CGE is advocated<br />

as the appropriate tool when the need is for 1) an estimate <strong>of</strong> the impacts<br />

<strong>of</strong> a policy or investment on the GDP or jobs, or 2) a comparison '<strong>of</strong> the<br />

<strong>benefits</strong> <strong>of</strong> a policy or investment with the costs <strong>of</strong> funding it'.<br />

Evangelia, K. (2003). Economic aspects and the Summer Olympics: A review <strong>of</strong><br />

related research. International Journal <strong>of</strong> Tourism Research, 5(6), 433-444.<br />

Given the economic significance <strong>of</strong> the summer Olympic Games on host<br />

countries and regions, a number <strong>of</strong> studies have been conducted to consider<br />

the economic implications <strong>of</strong> the event. Understandings <strong>of</strong> event<br />

economics are informed by 'a number <strong>of</strong> ex-ante economic analyses, but<br />

the research significantly lacks ex-post impact assessments'. <strong>The</strong>re are<br />

discrepancies between these two types <strong>of</strong> studies - 'ex ante models and<br />

forecasts were not confirmed by ex-post analyses'. <strong>The</strong> ex-ante economic<br />

studies outline the 'significant role <strong>of</strong> the Summer Olympic Games in the<br />

promotion <strong>of</strong> the host economy'. <strong>The</strong>se reports 'highlighted the extension <strong>of</strong><br />

the Games economic impact well beyond the actual period <strong>of</strong> the event<br />

occurrence itself. In terms <strong>of</strong> justifying government expenditure, it is<br />

argued that public funding should occur only if the mega-event yields<br />

higher net <strong>benefits</strong> from an alternative project.<br />

Gamage, A., & Higgs, B. (1997). Economics <strong>of</strong> venue selection for special sporting<br />

<strong>events</strong>: With special reference to the 1996 Melbourne Grand Prix. Asia<br />

Pacific Journal <strong>of</strong> Tourism Research, 1(2), 15-26.<br />

This paper discusses the venue selection issues <strong>of</strong> sports <strong>events</strong> by analysing<br />

the economic and long-term impacts <strong>of</strong> the <strong>events</strong> on alternative venues.<br />

<strong>The</strong> authors conduct research using secondary data <strong>of</strong> the 1996 Melbourne<br />

Grand Prix. <strong>The</strong> estimated multiplier effects <strong>of</strong> the event if they are held in<br />

12


metropolitan and rural districts are compared by using an input-output<br />

approach. <strong>The</strong> findings support the argument that hosting such <strong>events</strong> in<br />

metropolitan districts will generate more <strong>benefits</strong>, economic and others,<br />

than in the rural area. 'Input-output analysis demonstrates that venue<br />

decisions made purely on economic grounds will highlight regions where<br />

economic gains are maximised'. <strong>The</strong> authors conclude that given the fact<br />

that venue selections <strong>of</strong> such sports event are <strong>of</strong>ten a highly politicised<br />

decision making process, politicians should be cautious on issues related to<br />

potential economic impacts. <strong>The</strong>y suggest that 'finding effective methods to<br />

communicate the value <strong>of</strong> the event to private enterprise remain a high<br />

priority if public and media backlash is to ameliorated'. In terms <strong>of</strong><br />

communication, the 'disclosure <strong>of</strong> costs and <strong>benefits</strong>, alongside clear<br />

communications, which emphasize long term gains rattier than short-term<br />

irritations' may prove to be useful in garnering public support.<br />

Gratton, C., Dobson, N., & Shibli, S. (2000). <strong>The</strong> economic importance <strong>of</strong> major<br />

sports <strong>events</strong>: A case-study <strong>of</strong> six <strong>events</strong>. Managing Leisure, 5(1).<br />

Based on the reported results <strong>of</strong> economic impact assessments <strong>of</strong> six major<br />

sports <strong>events</strong> held in Great Britain in 1997, the authors argue that when<br />

evaluating economic impacts <strong>of</strong> those <strong>events</strong> on host cities, the cities’<br />

contribution to the cost must be considered. <strong>The</strong> extent to which the cities<br />

make such a contribution is always dependant on the predicted economic<br />

<strong>benefits</strong> the <strong>events</strong> can bring. <strong>The</strong> findings show a big variability <strong>of</strong> those<br />

<strong>benefits</strong> and some difficulties, which researchers may come across when<br />

predicting the <strong>benefits</strong>. According to the potential <strong>of</strong> <strong>events</strong> to generate<br />

significant economic <strong>benefits</strong>, a typology is developed which can divide the<br />

<strong>events</strong> into four different categories.<br />

<strong>The</strong> typology is as follows:<br />

Type A: Irregular, one-<strong>of</strong>f, major international spectator <strong>events</strong> generating<br />

significant economic activity and media interest (e.g. Olympics, Football<br />

World Cup, European Football Championship).<br />

Type B: Major spectator <strong>events</strong>, generating significant economic activity,<br />

media interest and part <strong>of</strong> an annual domestic cycle <strong>of</strong> sports <strong>events</strong> (e.g.<br />

FA Cup Final, Six Nations Rugby Union Internationals, Test Match Cricket,<br />

Open Golf, Wimbledon);<br />

Type C: Irregular, one-<strong>of</strong>f, major international spectator/ competitor<br />

<strong>events</strong> generating limited economic activity (e.g. European Junior Boxing<br />

Championships, European Junior Swimming Championships, World<br />

Badminton Championships, IAAF Grand Prix), and<br />

Type D: Major competitor <strong>events</strong> generating limited economic activity and<br />

part <strong>of</strong> an annual cycle <strong>of</strong> sports <strong>events</strong> (e.g. National Championships in<br />

most sports). <strong>The</strong> typology is relevant to indicate that not all <strong>events</strong> that<br />

are ‘major’ in sporting terms are important in economic terms.<br />

13


<strong>The</strong> authors <strong>of</strong>fered four generalisations about Type C <strong>events</strong>:<br />

1) <strong>The</strong> economic impact <strong>of</strong> competitor-driven <strong>events</strong> is relatively easy to<br />

forecast in advance;<br />

2) In general, junior competitor-driven <strong>events</strong> generate small impacts;<br />

3) <strong>The</strong> more senior the event and the longer the event, then the larger the<br />

economic impact, with World Masters <strong>events</strong>, in particular, generating<br />

significant impacts; and<br />

4) Spectator forecasts for Type C <strong>events</strong> are subject to large error margins<br />

and there is a tendency to make highly optimistic forecasts that rarely<br />

materialize.<br />

Hede, A. M. (2005). <strong>Sport</strong>s-<strong>events</strong>, tourism and destination marketing strategies:<br />

<strong>An</strong> Australian case study <strong>of</strong> Athens 2004 and its media telecast. Journal <strong>of</strong><br />

<strong>Sport</strong> Tourism, 10(3), 187-200.<br />

This study explored the role and contribution <strong>of</strong> media telecasts <strong>of</strong> mega<strong>events</strong><br />

in developing positive attitudes toward host destinations. Data was<br />

collected on the Australian media telecast <strong>of</strong> the Athens 2004 Summer<br />

Olympic Games from a sample <strong>of</strong> Australian residents shortly after the<br />

Athens 2004 Olympics. <strong>The</strong> findings <strong>of</strong> this study show that 38.7% <strong>of</strong><br />

respondents indicated that their overall attitude toward Greece as a tourist<br />

destination changed as a result <strong>of</strong> their consumption <strong>of</strong> the Athens 2004<br />

telecast. Although not consistent across all respondent types, the key issues<br />

underpinning this change were the appearance <strong>of</strong> Greece, culture and<br />

history <strong>of</strong> Greece, capacity <strong>of</strong> Greece to stage the Olympic Games, and<br />

Greek infrastructure. <strong>The</strong> only common reason amongst the clusters for<br />

changes in attitudes towards Greece as a tourist destination was the<br />

‘appearance’ <strong>of</strong> Greece that was projected in the telecast. ‘While Olympic<br />

telecasts focus generally focus on the sports, it is clear that mediated,<br />

host-destination images, were absorbed by viewers and providing a<br />

foundation for attitude change. <strong>The</strong>refore, it is crucial for destination<br />

marketers to consider carefully how their destination is being projected in<br />

the telecasts.<br />

Hede, A. M. (2006). Mega-<strong>events</strong> and the "showcase" effect: Investigating the<br />

moderating influence <strong>of</strong> exposure to the 2004 Olympic Games telecast and<br />

interest in the Olympic movement - <strong>An</strong> Australian perspective. Tourism<br />

Review International, 10(4), 241-255.<br />

This study explores the influence <strong>of</strong> exposure to telecasts and interest in<br />

the Olympic Games on intentions to visit Greece. <strong>The</strong> study was set within<br />

the context <strong>of</strong> Australia and investigates viewers’ perceptions <strong>of</strong> Greece as<br />

a tourism destination. A telephone survey (sample size <strong>of</strong> 351 was<br />

achieved) was conducted a few weeks after the conclusion <strong>of</strong> the Athens<br />

2004 Olympics Games. <strong>The</strong> overall results <strong>of</strong> this study indicate that there<br />

is a positive relationship between latent construct brand (destination)<br />

14


perceptions and behavioural intentions. However, the relationship between<br />

destination perceptions and behaviour intentions was much stronger in the<br />

case <strong>of</strong> those respondents that had high levels <strong>of</strong> exposure to telecasts than<br />

those with low levels <strong>of</strong> exposure to the telecasts. <strong>An</strong> interesting finding in<br />

this study is that high telecast exposure with low interest in the Games,<br />

exerted the most influence on the destination perception and behavioural<br />

intentions relationship. <strong>The</strong>refore, the author argues that there are<br />

enormous opportunities for destination marketers to harness the<br />

opportunities by strategically developing content for the mega-event<br />

telecasts.<br />

Hiller, H. H. (2000). Mega-<strong>events</strong>, urban boosterism and growth strategies: <strong>An</strong><br />

analysis <strong>of</strong> the objectives and legitimations <strong>of</strong> the Cape Town 2004 Olympic<br />

bid. International Journal <strong>of</strong> Urban and Regional Research, 24(2), 439-458.<br />

This paper explores the impacts <strong>of</strong> mega-<strong>events</strong> on hosting cities from a<br />

new perspective, the human/city development. Using Cape Town’s 2004<br />

Olympic bid as an example, the report reveals that as the first Olympic bid<br />

from Africa, the bid successfully repositioned Cape Town and South Africa’s<br />

interest in the global economy. <strong>The</strong> bid highlighted the significance <strong>of</strong> the<br />

mega-event for the long-term interests <strong>of</strong> the grass roots rather than the<br />

widely accepted elite/commercial sector’s interests. '<strong>The</strong> idea <strong>of</strong><br />

harnessing a mega-event to a broader urban agenda that moves beyond the<br />

interests <strong>of</strong> finance capital, developers, inner-city reclamation and the<br />

tourist industry is a new idea'. However, 'when local people lack adequate<br />

housing, food and other subsistence needs, preparing for a circus when<br />

people need bread will always appear inappropriate'.<br />

Hiller, H. H. (2006). Post-event outcomes and the post-modern turn: <strong>The</strong> Olympics<br />

and urban transformations. European <strong>Sport</strong> Management Quarterly, 6(4),<br />

317-332.<br />

Hiller argues that there is more at stake than just the sports competition<br />

when hosting a mega event. <strong>The</strong> opportunity for urban renewal,<br />

regeneration and infrastructure development is a key incentive for cities to<br />

host mega <strong>events</strong>. Having been a host city for a mega event provides<br />

membership to an exclusive club, for which there may be ongoing <strong>benefits</strong>.<br />

<strong>The</strong>se <strong>benefits</strong> can reduce over time as new cities join the club. Nonsporting<br />

outcomes may be more important than the sporting outcomes.<br />

<strong>The</strong>re are problems with aligning mega-event needs with long term<br />

community interests, give the large capital costs associated with these<br />

modifications. Facilities that can be justified independently <strong>of</strong> hosting the<br />

mega-event are less likely to be challenged by local residents. <strong>The</strong>re is<br />

difficulty in event facilities avoiding obsolescence – facilities cannot remain<br />

‘state <strong>of</strong> the art’ forever. Converting them to use by the general public<br />

requires adaptations that will result in the ‘elite athlete’ feel <strong>of</strong> the venue<br />

being lost. Obsolescence ensures that the facility loses its high performance<br />

status, which will also reduce the significance for spectators and visitors.<br />

<strong>The</strong> use <strong>of</strong> mega-event facilities must re-evaluated and integrated into the<br />

needs <strong>of</strong> the local community.<br />

15


Horne, J. D., & Manzenreiter, W. (2004). Accounting for mega-<strong>events</strong>: Forecast<br />

and actual impacts <strong>of</strong> the 2002 Football World Cup Finals on the host<br />

countries Japan/Korea. International Review for the Sociology <strong>of</strong> <strong>Sport</strong>,<br />

39(2), 187-203.<br />

<strong>Sport</strong>ing mega-<strong>events</strong> now occupy 'central status for city and national<br />

government development agendas'. Government involvement is essential<br />

because the guarantees and resources are too costly for private business.<br />

Despite the investment and associated financial risks, governments invest in<br />

<strong>events</strong> because 'such spectacular peak-time <strong>events</strong> attract national and<br />

international media recognition for the hosting cities'. Drawing on the<br />

study <strong>of</strong> the 2002 FIFA World Cup finals co-hosted by Japan and Korea, the<br />

forecast and actual impact <strong>of</strong> the event on hosting countries is contrasted.<br />

Early estimates were quite substantial but were soon replaced by some<br />

revised estimates. As the event approached, a number <strong>of</strong> economic studies<br />

indicated that even the reduced estimations were likely to be overoptimistic.<br />

Due to the mediated nature <strong>of</strong> the event, and the PR campaign<br />

as well, media technology and subscriptions to related services were the<br />

main commodities to benefit from the 2002 World Cup in the domestic<br />

markets <strong>of</strong> Japan and Korea. <strong>The</strong> researchers argue that there is a close<br />

relationship between mega-<strong>events</strong> and the globalisation process: economic<br />

interests drive and promote the mega-event, as their activities drive and<br />

promote globalisation. <strong>The</strong> cultural significance and signifiers <strong>of</strong> the megaevent,<br />

including sport heroes and their role as pop-cultural devices, the<br />

fashion-language <strong>of</strong> the apparel industry, and the multinational production<br />

<strong>of</strong> the event (both on-stage and <strong>of</strong>f-stage) are carriers, channels and<br />

transmitters <strong>of</strong> the globalisation process.<br />

Hudson, I. (2001). <strong>The</strong> use and misuse <strong>of</strong> economic impact analysis: <strong>The</strong> case <strong>of</strong><br />

pr<strong>of</strong>essional sports. Journal <strong>of</strong> <strong>Sport</strong> and Social Issues, 25(1), 20-39.<br />

Economic impact studies have been a powerful weapon in debates relating<br />

to subsidising pr<strong>of</strong>essional sports teams. A large number <strong>of</strong> studies have<br />

been conducted in this area - 'the degree <strong>of</strong> variation between studies that<br />

are investigating similar phenomenon is quite remarkable'. Based on this<br />

observation, the author tries to explore the factors that cause such<br />

variances by using a meta-analysis approach on 13 studies. He concludes<br />

that the most common source <strong>of</strong> variance between them is the use <strong>of</strong> gross<br />

rather than net impacts. <strong>The</strong> author suggests that in order to win the<br />

subsidies, the pr<strong>of</strong>essional sports teams must be able to successfully show<br />

that they are an important economic engine for the local region. <strong>The</strong><br />

studies in this sample tend 'to use methodologies that would inflate the<br />

economic impact <strong>of</strong> the sports team being studied'.<br />

16


John, R. M. (2006). Economic and fiscal impacts <strong>of</strong> mega sporting <strong>events</strong>: A<br />

general equilibrium assessment. Public Finance and Management, 6(3), 346-<br />

394.<br />

This article concentrates on the Sydney Summer Olympic Games to<br />

illustrate the estimation <strong>of</strong> the economic and financial effects <strong>of</strong> a mega<br />

event. <strong>The</strong> Computable General Equilibrium (CGE) model is used for the<br />

analysis <strong>of</strong> the effects <strong>of</strong> the Sydney Olympics. <strong>The</strong> results reveal that mega<br />

sporting <strong>events</strong>, even <strong>of</strong> the size <strong>of</strong> the Olympics, are unlikely to generate<br />

large economic <strong>benefits</strong>. <strong>The</strong>re are a number <strong>of</strong> key factors (e.g. labour<br />

market condition, potential to improve the terms <strong>of</strong> trade, degree <strong>of</strong> public<br />

subsidisation) that are likely to be major determinants <strong>of</strong> the size and sign<br />

<strong>of</strong> the impacts. <strong>The</strong> study also points out that the conventional method for<br />

conducting economic impact studies in advance <strong>of</strong> sporting projects, Input-<br />

Output (I-O) analysis, is poorly equipped for the task and can be expected<br />

to generate substantially over-optimistic results. It is suggested that CGE<br />

models are well equipped to highlight these determining factors and to<br />

enable scenario analysis. CGE modelling should be complementary to<br />

retrospective econometric analysis, not a substitute.<br />

Jones, C. (2001). Mega-<strong>events</strong> and host-region impacts: Determining the true<br />

worth <strong>of</strong> the 1999 Rugby World Cup. International Journal <strong>of</strong> Tourism<br />

Research, 3(3), 241-251.<br />

<strong>The</strong>re is a 'growing body <strong>of</strong> academic literature concerned with the<br />

negative and ambivalent effects on the host economy, both economic and<br />

social, <strong>of</strong> hosting hallmark and mega-<strong>events</strong> and questioning the <strong>benefits</strong> <strong>of</strong><br />

sports tourism in particular'. 'Mega-<strong>events</strong> are 'unique almost by definition<br />

and their long term effects are difficult to assess given their fixed length'.<br />

<strong>The</strong>re is 'no single method <strong>of</strong> impact assessment claims to enumerate and<br />

quantify all the consequences associated with such undertakings'. Events<br />

have developed an aura <strong>of</strong> the sacred - 'those in opposition can be made to<br />

feel disloyal or unambitious'. <strong>The</strong> purpose <strong>of</strong> the paper was to examine the<br />

wider economic and social impacts <strong>of</strong> the 1999 Rugby World Cup on Wales.<br />

<strong>The</strong> economic <strong>benefits</strong> to Wales are uncertain as it was noted that much<br />

spectator expenditure occurred outside <strong>of</strong> Wales. <strong>The</strong> longer term<br />

economic development <strong>benefits</strong> are 'open to question' and the 'jury...is still<br />

very much out'.<br />

Kasimati, E. (2003). Economic aspects and the Summer Olympics: A review <strong>of</strong><br />

related research. International Journal <strong>of</strong> Tourism Research, 5(6), 433-444.<br />

<strong>The</strong> goal <strong>of</strong> this paper is primarily to provide an overview and evaluation <strong>of</strong><br />

the different approaches used for analysis <strong>of</strong> economic impacts <strong>of</strong> the<br />

Summer Olympic Games on tourism and host cities. <strong>The</strong> article examines<br />

the alternative modelling approaches taken to ascertain the economic<br />

implications generated by the Summer Olympics. A review <strong>of</strong> past literature<br />

indicates that two main approaches have been used to identify and quantify<br />

economic impacts <strong>of</strong> <strong>events</strong> under the broad labels <strong>of</strong> the Input-Output (I-<br />

O) and the Computable General Equilibrium (CGE) framework. <strong>The</strong> study<br />

17


also identified the shortcomings in earlier ex-ante and ex-post studies and<br />

showed that the ex-ante models and forecasts were not confirmed by expost<br />

analysis and this therefore prompts the need for improved theory.<br />

Covering the period <strong>of</strong> 1984 through to 2012, all ex-ante economic studies<br />

indicate the significant role <strong>of</strong> the Summer Olympic Games in the<br />

promotion <strong>of</strong> the host economy. Meanwhile, ex-post studies’ results for<br />

employment were more divergent by far than those released by ex-ante<br />

studies. <strong>The</strong>se results will help planners and potential hosts <strong>of</strong> mega-<strong>events</strong><br />

to improve their forecasting and decisions. <strong>The</strong> study also suggests that<br />

research in this field needs to further consider a substantial element, which<br />

is the opportunity cost involved in hosting the Summer Olympic Games or<br />

other mega-<strong>events</strong>.<br />

Kesenne, S. (2006). Do we need an economic impact study or a cost-benefit<br />

anaysis <strong>of</strong> a sports event? European <strong>Sport</strong> Management Quarterly, 5(2),<br />

133-142.<br />

This article seeks to compare and contrast economic impact studies (EIS)<br />

from cost-benefit analysis (CBA). <strong>The</strong> objective <strong>of</strong> a CBA is to compare the<br />

<strong>benefits</strong> <strong>of</strong> an event for a region/country (i.e. the increase <strong>of</strong> the value <strong>of</strong><br />

consumption <strong>of</strong> the local population), with the costs <strong>of</strong> production. <strong>The</strong>se<br />

costs include opportunity costs (though in practice it is difficult to analyse<br />

all <strong>of</strong> the different ways this money could have been spent), import<br />

leakages, and crowding-out effects caused by international tourists. <strong>The</strong><br />

first type <strong>of</strong> EIS calculates the new money that flows into a region because<br />

<strong>of</strong> the event. A second type seeks to determine the additional income that<br />

is created by a sports event. <strong>The</strong> author notes that both types <strong>of</strong> studies<br />

can be useful and raises the question <strong>of</strong> which technique to use. <strong>The</strong><br />

author notes ‘the answer depends on how ‘economic impact’ is defined,<br />

and nobody seems to know. EIS are described as ‘a bit fuzzy’ and ‘not able<br />

to provide a good argument for governments to support an event’. On this<br />

basis the author calls for ‘serious’ CBA to be performed.<br />

Kim, S. S., & Morrison, A. M. (2005). Change <strong>of</strong> images <strong>of</strong> South Korea among<br />

foreign. tourists after the 2002 FIFA World Cup. Tourism Management,<br />

26(2), 233-247.<br />

<strong>The</strong> aim <strong>of</strong> this study was to empirically examine the image changes <strong>of</strong><br />

South Korea as perceived by Japanese, Mainland Chinese and US tourists as<br />

a result <strong>of</strong> hosting the 2002 World Cup. Significant differences were found<br />

for the five image factors (various tourism resources; negative image;<br />

stability; passionate image; and industrial products) before and after the<br />

World Cup for the three national tourist groups. All three national tourist<br />

groups were less concerned about safety, including the threat <strong>of</strong> aggression<br />

from North Korea, after the World Cup. Additionally, the research<br />

identified that respondents who were more aware about Korea before the<br />

World Cup and exposed to more <strong>of</strong> the matches through TV, had a more<br />

positive image change and enhanced levels <strong>of</strong> familiarity <strong>of</strong> Korea after the<br />

World Cup. Findings also suggest that an internationally significant event<br />

can positively influence the image <strong>of</strong> a tourism destination in a short time<br />

18


period. However, the authors question whether these image modifications<br />

are stable and whether they will return to their previous levels with the<br />

passage <strong>of</strong> time.<br />

Lee, C., Lee, Y., & Lee, B. (2005). Korea's destination image formed by the 2002<br />

World Cup. <strong>An</strong>nals <strong>of</strong> Tourism Research, 32(4), 839-858.<br />

<strong>The</strong> results <strong>of</strong> this research were that people visiting Korea to attend the<br />

World Cup rated Korea higher than non-World Cup tourists on a number <strong>of</strong><br />

dimensions. <strong>The</strong> dimensions were 1) Refreshing/relaxing atmosphere, 2)<br />

Beautiful scenery/ natural attractions 3) Interesting historical/ cultural<br />

attractions 4) Personal safety/security 5) Interesting, friendly and<br />

hospitable people, 5) Various shopping products, 6) Unpolluted and<br />

unspoiled environment, 7) Suitable accommodations, 8) Good night-life/<br />

entertainment 9) Good climate, 10) Exotic atmosphere, 11) Easy<br />

accessibility, 12) Convenient local transportation, 13) Various recreational<br />

opportunities 14) Lack <strong>of</strong> language barrier 15) Appealing local food &<br />

beverage, 16) Inexpensive travel costs/prices, 17) Variety <strong>of</strong> interesting<br />

<strong>events</strong>/festivals, and 18) Good value for money. It is unclear the extent to<br />

which the World Cup may be attributable for these differences. <strong>The</strong><br />

authors acknowledge that because many World Cup fans attend the World<br />

Cup for the football regardless <strong>of</strong> the destination, these attendees might be<br />

more easily impressed because they arrived in Korea with fewer<br />

preconceptions about Korea as a holiday destination. However, World Cup<br />

tourists were more satisfied with their experiences in Korea, and had a<br />

greater willingness to recommend South Korea to others, when compared to<br />

non World Cup tourists. It is this final result which is more credible in its<br />

suggestion that the World Cup had a positive effect on the creation <strong>of</strong><br />

destination images.<br />

Lee, C., Taylor, T., Lee, Y., & Lee, B. (2005). <strong>The</strong> impact <strong>of</strong> a sport mega-event<br />

on destination image: <strong>The</strong> case <strong>of</strong> the 2002 FIFA World Cup Korea/Japan.<br />

International Journal <strong>of</strong> Hospitality & Tourism Administration, 6(3), 27-45.<br />

<strong>The</strong> purpose <strong>of</strong> this study is to examine the relationship between a mega<br />

sports event and the ability to stimulate international visitation and<br />

enhance the destination’s image by investigating the FIFA World Cup 2002<br />

in Korea. To assess the perception <strong>of</strong> Korea’s image, an on-site survey was<br />

conducted with a sample <strong>of</strong> 412 foreign tourists during the 2002 World Cup<br />

tournament at World Cup stadiums in Seoul, Suwon, and Incheon, and at<br />

two popular tourist sites, Itaewon and Insadong. <strong>The</strong> survey results clearly<br />

demonstrated that hosting the World Cup was associated with a positive<br />

impact on tourists’ perceptions <strong>of</strong> South Korea. Those tourists, who<br />

specifically travelled to Korea for the World Cup, had a more positive<br />

image <strong>of</strong> South Korea, were more satisfied with their experiences in Korea,<br />

and had a greater willingness to recommend South Korea to those who<br />

travelled to Korea for other reasons. <strong>The</strong>se tourists may be more<br />

susceptible to a greater image change, since they arrived in Korea with<br />

fewer preconceptions about Korea as a holiday destination. <strong>The</strong> study also<br />

suggests that future research should further explore the impact <strong>of</strong> sport<br />

19


mega-<strong>events</strong> on destination image with a representative sample <strong>of</strong><br />

international tourists.<br />

Lee, C.-K., & Taylor, T. (2005). Critical reflections on the economic impact<br />

assessment <strong>of</strong> a mega-event: the case <strong>of</strong> 2002 FIFA World Cup. Tourism<br />

Management, 26(4), 595-603.<br />

<strong>The</strong> purpose <strong>of</strong> this study was to examine the total economic impacts<br />

attributable to the FIFA World Cup in Korea by using an Input-Output (I-O)<br />

model excluding tourists whose travel was non-event related. Two<br />

questionnaires were used to collect data from foreign tourists during the<br />

2002 World Cup. <strong>The</strong> survey results indicated that World Cup tourists<br />

(direct plus indirect) accounted for 57.7% <strong>of</strong> the total tourist arrivals during<br />

the World Cup period. <strong>The</strong> survey results showed that per capita<br />

expenditure by international World Cup tourists was estimated to be<br />

US$2242. This amount <strong>of</strong> expenditure was 1.8 times as much as that <strong>of</strong><br />

ordinary international tourists (US$1229). In terms <strong>of</strong> general economic<br />

impacts, the World Cup generated US$1.35 billion <strong>of</strong> outputs as a result <strong>of</strong><br />

direct, indirect and induced expenditure. <strong>The</strong> authors, however, indicated<br />

a significant overestimation in the results as they included the expenditure<br />

by non-World Cup tourist (42.3%) in the calculations <strong>of</strong> general economic<br />

impacts. By using the survey data, the authors could distinguish World Cuprelated<br />

visitors and non-event visitors and their respective expenditure.<br />

This clearly illustrated the methodological pitfalls associated with<br />

forecasting based on generic tourist data. It is evident that current<br />

methods <strong>of</strong> economic impact assessment are not designed to give full<br />

consideration to these and other unique characteristics <strong>of</strong> mega sport<br />

<strong>events</strong> and the potential for these to effect calculations. This research has<br />

also highlighted the need to more adequately conceptualise aversion and<br />

diversion aspects, as well as attractive factors, in relation to mega sport<br />

<strong>events</strong>.<br />

Lybbert, D., & Thilmany, T. (2000). Migration effects <strong>of</strong> Olympic siting: A pooled<br />

time series cross-sectional analysis <strong>of</strong> host regions. <strong>An</strong>nals <strong>of</strong> Regional<br />

Science 34(3), 405-420.<br />

This paper examines the migration effect and economic impacts <strong>of</strong> hosting<br />

the 2002 Winter Olympics by focusing on actual population and economic<br />

data from previous host regions. <strong>The</strong> study employs a pooled time series<br />

cross-sectional analysis <strong>of</strong> pre- and post-Olympic migration experiences in<br />

past host regions. By using migration model for migration analysis, the<br />

study found that a peak in net migration rates may occur two to three years<br />

after the Olympics, which is then followed by a decline. In terms <strong>of</strong><br />

economic impacts, result <strong>of</strong> regression model indicated that there is a<br />

significant correlation between net migration rate and construction. Trade,<br />

FIRE (Financial, Insurance, and Real Estate) and Service are also significant,<br />

demonstrating that the make-up <strong>of</strong> an economy provide information or<br />

incentives for migrants. It also appears that the Olympics do indeed<br />

promote employment growth as does the preparation period between the<br />

announcement <strong>of</strong> the host city and the actual games. <strong>The</strong> article concludes<br />

20


that there is a positive correlation between hosting the Olympics and<br />

migration. Hosting the Summer Olympic Games tend to exhibit consistently<br />

higher net migration than that <strong>of</strong> hosting the Winter Olympics. Unlike<br />

migration, the economic impacts begin after the announcement that the<br />

region will host the Olympics and continue after the hosting <strong>of</strong> the Games.<br />

Madden, J. R. (2002). <strong>The</strong> economic consequences <strong>of</strong> the Sydney Olympics: <strong>The</strong><br />

CREA/Arthur <strong>An</strong>dersen study. Current Issues in Tourism, 5(1), 7-21.<br />

<strong>The</strong> purpose <strong>of</strong> this study was to assess the economic impacts <strong>of</strong> the 2000<br />

Olympics. <strong>The</strong> multiregional computable general equilibrium model was<br />

employed to assess the effects <strong>of</strong> the Olympics over a 12-year period<br />

regarding the Australian labour market, capital supply constraints and<br />

government policy on foreign debt. <strong>The</strong> study found that the Olympics had<br />

a strong impact on both the <strong>New</strong> South Wales and national economies,<br />

particularly in the four years ending in the Event Year. On average the<br />

Olympics was estimated to increase NSW Gross State Product (GSD) by<br />

almost $490 million per year over a 12-year period ending in 2005/2006.<br />

This also reflects the projected increase in NSW jobs <strong>of</strong> almost 5300 per<br />

year on average over the 12-year Olympic period. In terms <strong>of</strong> the Olympics’<br />

effect on the industry, the study findings reveal that most industries are<br />

positively affected by the Olympic Games, particularly in the Pre-Event and<br />

Event-Year Phases. Only in the Post-Event Phase are a majority <strong>of</strong><br />

industries estimated to be negatively affected, and then not by enough to<br />

<strong>of</strong>fset the effects on GDP <strong>of</strong> positively affected industries. <strong>The</strong> overall<br />

estimated impact on Australian GDP is that it will be 0.12% higher over the<br />

12 years from 1994/95 than if Sydney had not staged the Games. <strong>The</strong><br />

article concludes that the success <strong>of</strong> the Olympics in generating increased<br />

economic activities and real household consumption is to a significant<br />

degree dependent on the ability <strong>of</strong> the Games to draw extra labour into the<br />

economy. It is also important to note that there may be some negative<br />

effects on utilities such as increased congestion during the fortnight or so in<br />

which the Games are held.<br />

Matheson, V. (2006). Mega-Events: <strong>The</strong> effect <strong>of</strong> the world’s biggest sporting<br />

<strong>events</strong> on local, regional, and national economies (Working paper no. 06-<br />

10): College <strong>of</strong> the Holy Cross, Department <strong>of</strong> Economics, Faculty Research<br />

Series.<br />

<strong>The</strong> purpose <strong>of</strong> this study was to provide an overview <strong>of</strong> the economics <strong>of</strong><br />

mega-sporting <strong>events</strong> and examines the reasons why the ex ante estimates<br />

<strong>of</strong> the economic impact <strong>of</strong> large sporting <strong>events</strong> by boosters tend to<br />

exaggerate the net economic impacts. <strong>The</strong> study found that while sports<br />

boosters routinely claim large <strong>benefits</strong> from hosting mega-<strong>events</strong>, the<br />

majority <strong>of</strong> independent academic studies <strong>of</strong> these <strong>events</strong> have shown that<br />

their economic impact appears to be limited. <strong>The</strong> overestimate <strong>of</strong><br />

economic contribution <strong>of</strong> mega-sporting <strong>events</strong> can be explained by being<br />

biased upwards, “crowding out,” which is the congestion caused by a mega<br />

event, leakages, and the common error in cost-benefit analysis,<br />

'opportunity cost'. This study suggests that in order to maximise the net<br />

21


enefit, the host cities should be limiting the amount <strong>of</strong> new infrastructure<br />

built, which requires a lot <strong>of</strong> funds but does only little promotion for<br />

economic growth. Local <strong>of</strong>ficials should keep in mind that hosting a series<br />

<strong>of</strong> smaller <strong>events</strong> may result in higher net benefit than a strategy<br />

encouraging one large event. Local government needs to be aware <strong>of</strong> these<br />

overestimations regarding mega-sporting <strong>events</strong>, and are advised simply to<br />

view with caution any economic impact estimates provided by entities that<br />

have an incentive to provide inflated benefit figures.<br />

Matheson, V. A., & Baade, R. A. (2006). Padding required: Assessing the economic<br />

impact <strong>of</strong> the Super Bowl. European <strong>Sport</strong> Management Quarterly, 6(4),<br />

353 - 374.<br />

<strong>The</strong> model developed by the researchers estimated that the host city on<br />

average experienced a reduction in personal income <strong>of</strong> $133.4M. This is<br />

substantially different from the $300M to $400M gains projected by the<br />

NFL. A wide range <strong>of</strong> results was identified - some host cities exhibited<br />

increased and decreased incomes measured in the billions. Given this<br />

range <strong>of</strong> results, the authors concede that their model does not explain all<br />

the variation in estimated income. Differences between booster estimates<br />

and academic estimates are explained by the use <strong>of</strong> a gross-spending<br />

approach, which aggregates all receipts associated with the event. This<br />

approach may include expenditure by locals and not account for spending<br />

changes by locals. <strong>The</strong> basic shortcoming <strong>of</strong> typical economic studies<br />

‘pertains not to information on spending by those included in a direct<br />

expenditure survey, but rather to the lack <strong>of</strong> information on the spending<br />

behaviour for those who are not’. Inaccurate multipliers that<br />

underestimate leakage and inappropriate multipliers – most economic<br />

impact studies utilise expenditure multipliers rather than income<br />

multipliers) also account for the large discrepancies. Economic impact<br />

studies are usually commissioned by event boosters and are likely to<br />

‘inflate the benefit-side <strong>of</strong> the cost equation but also completely ignore the<br />

costs <strong>of</strong> hosting such an event’.<br />

McKay, M., & Plumb, C. (2001). Reaching beyond the gold: <strong>The</strong> impact <strong>of</strong> the<br />

Olympic games on real estate markets.<br />

This report evaluates the impact <strong>of</strong> the Olympic Games on real estate<br />

markets on the host communities <strong>of</strong> the Seoul, Barcelona, Atlanta and<br />

Sydney Olympics. <strong>The</strong> influence <strong>of</strong> a host country’s economy on the local<br />

property market is substantial. <strong>The</strong>refore, direct comparisons between<br />

host countries are difficult. <strong>The</strong> hosting <strong>of</strong> the Olympics has a significant<br />

and varied impact on the real estate market, but these impacts are largely<br />

indirect and experienced over a long time. More direct, short-term impacts<br />

are largely focused on the hotel and tourism sector. Real estate impacts<br />

tend to be a consequence <strong>of</strong> decisions driven by other motivations, such as<br />

image and self-promotion, which provide indirect <strong>benefits</strong> to the sector.<br />

<strong>The</strong> Olympics provides five long-term legacies that impact on the real<br />

estate markets. <strong>The</strong>se are 1) urban regeneration that revitalise declining<br />

inner city areas; 2) creation <strong>of</strong> new neighbourhoods; 3) improvements to<br />

22


city infrastructure such as airport extension/upgrade, rail links, fibre optic<br />

communication networks, new parks and improved pedestrian footpaths; 4)<br />

increasing environment/sustainable development through improved public<br />

transport and use <strong>of</strong> solar energy; and 5) growth in tourism and convention<br />

industries through tourism promotion. <strong>The</strong> Olympics has two potential<br />

impacts on the residential real estate sector: 1) a short-term boost to<br />

rentals and prices in certain areas; and 2) a longer-term impact in terms <strong>of</strong><br />

new centres and the upgrading <strong>of</strong> new housing stock.<br />

Miller, P. A. (2002). <strong>The</strong> economic impact <strong>of</strong> sports stadium construction: <strong>The</strong><br />

case <strong>of</strong> the construction industry in St. Louis, MO. Journal <strong>of</strong> Urban Affairs,<br />

24(2), 159-173.<br />

This study examines overall employment in the construction sector <strong>of</strong> the<br />

St. Louis SMSA during which the Kiel Centre and the Trans World Dome were<br />

built. In doing so, data was obtained from databases <strong>of</strong> the Economic and<br />

Policy <strong>An</strong>alysis Research Centre at the University <strong>of</strong> Missouri. <strong>The</strong> data<br />

consists <strong>of</strong> 112 quarterly observations spanning the period from the first<br />

quarter <strong>of</strong> 1971 to the fourth quarter <strong>of</strong> 1998. <strong>The</strong> study found no evidence<br />

that construction industry employment in the St. Louis SMSA was higher in<br />

the periods during which the two stadia were under construction. <strong>The</strong><br />

economic impact statements used to justify public subsidies for sport stadia<br />

overstate the economic <strong>benefits</strong> <strong>of</strong> the stadia and the teams they house.<br />

This study suggests that instead <strong>of</strong> creating new construction jobs, jobs<br />

were shifted from projects that would otherwise have been undertaken,<br />

resulting in no new job creation in the construction industry. <strong>The</strong> results<br />

also revealed that there were no out <strong>of</strong> the ordinary wage changes<br />

occurring during the construction period. <strong>The</strong> study suggests that<br />

construction workers at a given site would have been working at another<br />

site. If the public sector wants to generate economic development, the<br />

money may be better spent elsewhere.<br />

Mules, T. (1998). Taxpayer subsidies for major sporting <strong>events</strong>. <strong>Sport</strong> Management<br />

Review, 1(1), 25-43.<br />

This paper concludes that 'major sporting <strong>events</strong> do not appear to generate<br />

extra tax revenue to justify the expenditure <strong>of</strong> taxpayers’ funds'.<br />

'Government involvement in sport is likely to be motivated by political,<br />

social, and economic considerations’. <strong>The</strong> article suggests that more<br />

emphasis should be placed on finding ways that the costs are borne by the<br />

tourism industry, and not the taxpayer. <strong>The</strong> real impact <strong>of</strong> congestion,<br />

accidents, vandalism, and noise on the residents has not been fully<br />

considered in previous research. <strong>The</strong> paper discusses and provides examples<br />

<strong>of</strong> government involvement, economic impacts <strong>of</strong> large, international<br />

<strong>events</strong>, the viewpoint <strong>of</strong> various stakeholders, promotional <strong>benefits</strong>,<br />

distributional effects, taxation and the evaluation <strong>of</strong> government assistance<br />

in tourism. As highlighted in this article, 'economic impacts have<br />

concentrated on the aggregate effects <strong>of</strong> <strong>events</strong> and have not concerned<br />

themselves with effects on the community'. <strong>The</strong> article concludes that 'the<br />

tourism industry should be encouraged to meet the costs' they place upon<br />

23


the community. If this does not happen, 'the taxpayer is generally the loser<br />

in the hosting <strong>of</strong> the major <strong>events</strong>'.<br />

Owen, J. G. (2005). Estimating the cost and benefit <strong>of</strong> hosting Olympic Games:<br />

What can Beijing expect from its 2008 Games? Industrial Geographer, 3(1),<br />

1-18.<br />

While the majority <strong>of</strong> previous economic impact studies assume that mega<strong>events</strong><br />

bring economic <strong>benefits</strong> to the host cities/countries, the author <strong>of</strong><br />

this article believes that many studies arrive at this conclusion by<br />

misapplying economic theories. Using the forthcoming 2008 Summer<br />

Olympic Games in Beijing as an example, the author concludes that given<br />

the complex nature <strong>of</strong> mega-<strong>events</strong> and unique feature <strong>of</strong> host countries<br />

such as China, the long-term impact and the potential negative impacts <strong>of</strong><br />

the mega-<strong>events</strong> must be considered when evaluating the event impacts.<br />

<strong>The</strong> potential for long term economic <strong>benefits</strong> from the Beijing Games will<br />

depend critically on how well Olympic-related investments in venues and<br />

infrastructure can be incorporated into the overall economy in the years<br />

following the Games as well as the opportunity cost <strong>of</strong> labour in China.<br />

Beijing, along with any other future host city <strong>of</strong> mega-<strong>events</strong>, should not<br />

solely base their investment debate upon previous studies, as they are<br />

argued to be based upon incorrect applications <strong>of</strong> theories.<br />

Preuss, H. (2006). Impact and evaluation <strong>of</strong> major sporting <strong>events</strong>. European <strong>Sport</strong><br />

Management Quarterly, 6(4), 313-316.<br />

Preuss contends that from an economics perspective, the key issue is<br />

whether sporting <strong>events</strong> ‘achieve efficient outcomes given the potentially<br />

incompatible aims <strong>of</strong> different stakeholders’. Major <strong>events</strong> are ‘not a<br />

panacea and some scientific controversy has developed over whether major<br />

sporting <strong>events</strong> have a measurable and long-lasting economic benefit’. Key<br />

to this debate is the ability to distinguish between ‘the measurement <strong>of</strong> the<br />

output <strong>of</strong> event-related activities’ on the one hand and ‘event-related<br />

changes <strong>of</strong> production factors which may induce further non-event related<br />

economic activity’. Most studies <strong>of</strong> major sporting <strong>events</strong> use the<br />

expenditure approach, which measures all direct and indirect spending,<br />

linked to an event and its consequential induced effects. Most studies do<br />

not consider effects resulting from a long-lasting change in location factors<br />

and ‘analysts cannot isolate all event effects from other activities <strong>of</strong> the<br />

host region which also contribute to economic activity’. Extrapolation is a<br />

problem - it is problematic for one set <strong>of</strong> results to be applied to the same<br />

event if hosted in another community. Policymakers are advised ‘not to<br />

deduce inductive evidence for event applications from both case studies<br />

and average results on economic growth’ because averages are misleading<br />

and conceal outstanding successes and failures. Different goals, varying<br />

levels and quality <strong>of</strong> infrastructure and the complexity <strong>of</strong> structural<br />

changes within a city make measuring the economic efficiency <strong>of</strong> an event<br />

difficult.<br />

24


Preuss, H., & Solberg, H. A. (2006). Attracting major sporting <strong>events</strong>: <strong>The</strong> role <strong>of</strong><br />

local residents. European <strong>Sport</strong> Management Quarterly, 6(4), 391 - 411.<br />

Research conducted on behalf <strong>of</strong> event organisers is usually more optimistic<br />

than those without a vested interest in the event. Many impacts from<br />

major <strong>events</strong> have characteristics <strong>of</strong> public goods and externalities. Local<br />

(and national) residents play an important role in influencing the political<br />

process that decides the willingness to support an event financially. <strong>The</strong><br />

prospect <strong>of</strong> economic growth increases people’s desire to host an event in<br />

their community. Major <strong>events</strong> are perceived as a catalyst for<br />

development. People fear that large <strong>events</strong> can lead to unacceptable<br />

levels <strong>of</strong> government debt. As public debt increases, support for the megaevent<br />

will decrease. A review <strong>of</strong> 117 opinion polls for 54 <strong>events</strong> revealed<br />

that approximately 75% were supportive <strong>of</strong> hosting the event. Support was<br />

strongest in low-income economies leading the authors to suggest that<br />

contrary to the common assumption, major sporting <strong>events</strong> cannot be<br />

regarded as a luxury good, and that people are aware that <strong>events</strong> can<br />

influence the production <strong>of</strong> goods and services in the community. People<br />

base their support for an event not just on consumption factors, but also<br />

matters <strong>of</strong> economic production.<br />

Ritchie, J. R. B. (2000). Turning 16 days into 16 years through Olympic legacies.<br />

Event Management, 6, 155-165.<br />

Focusing on legacy issues is just as important as winning the bid. <strong>The</strong><br />

author states that 'the short-term success <strong>of</strong> the event itself can also play a<br />

key role in promoting lasting impacts as well as a meaningful and lasting<br />

legacy (or composite legacies)'. Most tourism, and by default event tourism<br />

policies are 'based on the premise that the costs, inconveniences, and other<br />

negative impacts caused by outside visitors who participate in the<br />

<strong>events</strong>/activities hosted by a region must be more than <strong>of</strong>fset by the<br />

<strong>benefits</strong> or positive residual effects resulting from this visitation' While<br />

the most common types <strong>of</strong> legacies are physical facilities, financial<br />

resources, and community programs, 'some <strong>of</strong> the most valuable legacies<br />

may be psychological or social in nature'. Ten main principles for<br />

enhancing the legacies <strong>of</strong> mega-<strong>events</strong> were identified. <strong>The</strong>se were 1)<br />

legacy planning must involve all important stakeholders for the event, 2)<br />

'Legacy planning must understand and build upon the values <strong>of</strong> local<br />

residents and stakeholders', 3) 'mega-<strong>events</strong> must incorporate additional<br />

dimensions, such as cultural, educational, and commercial <strong>events</strong>', 4) 'host<br />

city must actively seek to make a given mega-event as regional as possible',<br />

5) 'Organizers need to recognize that enthusiasm for the “event window” is<br />

very limited following the event', 6) 'Organizers must appreciate the<br />

magnitude <strong>of</strong> the effort required to “train” all residents to be good hosts',<br />

7) It is 'highly desirable to attempt to develop a number <strong>of</strong> supporting or<br />

“satellite <strong>events</strong>,” such as festivals and pr<strong>of</strong>essional/academic conferences<br />

around both the timing and the theme/nature <strong>of</strong> the mega-event in<br />

question, 8) <strong>The</strong> event should strive 'to enhance social understanding and<br />

community cohesion', 9) the achievements and impacts <strong>of</strong> the event are<br />

preserved and publicized for the benefit <strong>of</strong> later generations, and 10) <strong>The</strong><br />

25


event should 'incorporate, or relate directly, to another major event or<br />

characteristic <strong>of</strong> the host city/region.<br />

Ryan, C., & Lockyer, T. (2001). <strong>An</strong> economic impact case study: <strong>The</strong> South Pacific<br />

Masters' Games. Tourism Economics, 7(3), 267-275.<br />

This study analyses the economic impacts <strong>of</strong> the South Pacific Master’s<br />

Games held in Hamilton City. Questionnaires (surveys) were used to collect<br />

data for this study. All questionnaires were posted to participants within a<br />

few days after they had completed their respective <strong>events</strong>. <strong>The</strong> response<br />

rate was just over 17%, yielding 290 usable survey forms. <strong>The</strong> findings <strong>of</strong><br />

this study indicate that the Games helped generate a net positive<br />

contribution <strong>of</strong> around NZ$250,000 to the local Hamilton economy. Thus,<br />

there appears to be sufficient reasons to continue with the promotion <strong>of</strong><br />

the Games in future years in Hamilton. <strong>The</strong> article suggests that organisers<br />

should attract as many competitors as possible to participate in the sports:<br />

it is the sense <strong>of</strong> significant competition that motivates many competitors.<br />

<strong>The</strong> organisers also need to consider carefully the range <strong>of</strong> sports to be<br />

covered and, if they wish to maximise economic outputs, to select carefully<br />

those that account for most <strong>of</strong> the out-<strong>of</strong>-region visitors.<br />

Saayman, M., Saayman, A., & du Plessis, C. (2005). <strong>An</strong>alysis <strong>of</strong> spending patterns<br />

<strong>of</strong> visitors <strong>of</strong> three World Cup Cricket matches in Potchefstroom, South<br />

Africa. Journal <strong>of</strong> <strong>Sport</strong> Tourism, 10(3), 211-221.<br />

<strong>The</strong> aim <strong>of</strong> this research is to analyse the spending patterns <strong>of</strong> visitors <strong>of</strong><br />

three World Cup Cricket matches in Potchefstroom, located in the North<br />

West Province <strong>of</strong> the Republic <strong>of</strong> South Africa. <strong>The</strong> method employed<br />

included the administration <strong>of</strong> visitor questionnaires to determine the<br />

magnitude <strong>of</strong> visitor spending, and to compare visitor spending according to<br />

different criteria. <strong>The</strong> survey consisted <strong>of</strong> 1,000 questionnaires that were<br />

distributed during the three matches, <strong>of</strong> which 965 surveys were<br />

completed. <strong>The</strong> study found that the different methods <strong>of</strong> determining the<br />

total visitor expenditure resulted in different amounts. On average, locals<br />

spent R212.68, other South African visitors spent R235.67, and foreigners<br />

spent R342.87. Longer <strong>events</strong> also have a greater impact than one-day<br />

<strong>events</strong>. This should also be taken into consideration when a destination is<br />

planning or bidding for <strong>events</strong>. This study also confirmed previous research<br />

which has indicated that foreign visitors tend to spend more than domestic<br />

visitors at an event. Different markets/age groups in this case have<br />

different spending patterns. Based on the results, it is suggested that if the<br />

aim is to generate economic <strong>benefits</strong> by hosting such <strong>events</strong>, the marketing<br />

drive should be focused on those high spenders. It is also very important to<br />

note from these findings that the various methods <strong>of</strong> calculating the<br />

economic spending at an event have different results. <strong>The</strong> importance <strong>of</strong><br />

this is that event managers should be careful in relying on only one<br />

approach. <strong>The</strong> contribution <strong>of</strong> this research lies in the fact that not one<br />

method can be singled out as the only method <strong>of</strong> determining total<br />

economic impact. <strong>The</strong>re are too many factors influencing spending<br />

patterns, for example, age, income, nationality, number <strong>of</strong> visitors, to<br />

26


name a few. <strong>The</strong>se methods do, however, give a good indication <strong>of</strong> the<br />

value and amounts generated by an event.<br />

Siegfried, J., & Zimbalist, A. (2006). <strong>The</strong> economic impact <strong>of</strong> sports facilities,<br />

teams and mega-<strong>events</strong>. Australian Economic Review, 39(4), 420-427.<br />

This study examines the economic impacts <strong>of</strong> sports facilities, teams and<br />

mega-<strong>events</strong> on the local economy. <strong>The</strong> study found that sports teams and<br />

facilities do not stimulate economic development due to three reasons: <strong>The</strong><br />

substitution effect; leakages; and the likely budgetary gap. Empirical<br />

evidence indicated that host cities provided an average US$7 million<br />

operating subsidy annually to the team in addition to their contribution to<br />

venue construction. It is also estimated that the local organising committee<br />

<strong>of</strong> the Sydney Olympic in 2000 experienced losses <strong>of</strong> AU$45 million. In none<br />

<strong>of</strong> the cases did the host city receive a positive net operating income from<br />

the facility. Based on economic theory and empirical tests <strong>of</strong> such possible<br />

<strong>benefits</strong>, Siegfried and Zimbalist conclude that sports facilities cannot be<br />

expected to stimulate local economies. <strong>The</strong> lesson is clear: before agreeing<br />

to subsidise a sports facility with public funds, residents should ask<br />

themselves what they expect to receive in return and realistically this will<br />

not lead to a more vibrant local economy.<br />

Smith, A. (2005). Reimaging the city. <strong>The</strong> value <strong>of</strong> sport initiatives. <strong>An</strong>nals <strong>of</strong><br />

Tourism Research, 32(1), 217-236.<br />

<strong>The</strong> purpose <strong>of</strong> this study was to evaluate whether and how sport can<br />

provide a valuable re-imaging theme for city destinations. Based on the<br />

assessment <strong>of</strong> three English cities (Birmingham, Manchester and Sheffield)<br />

this study evaluates whether sporting <strong>events</strong> can affect tourist images <strong>of</strong><br />

city destinations. <strong>The</strong> author uses a three-pronged methodological<br />

approach for collecting data: 180 questionnaires and 54 interviews were<br />

conducted on ‘potential tourists’ and a further 45 questionnaires were<br />

collected from 75 respondents, comprising <strong>of</strong> individuals attending sporting<br />

<strong>events</strong> in five different cities throughout England. <strong>The</strong> study shows that<br />

widespread awareness <strong>of</strong> sport <strong>events</strong> and facilities among potential<br />

tourists emphasises that sport can be an effective promotional vehicle.<br />

Initiatives appear to have the capacity to influence images in a variety <strong>of</strong><br />

different ways. However, there are also problems with sport re-imaging.<br />

<strong>The</strong> problems include a lack <strong>of</strong> control a city can exert over sporting<br />

images, potential confusion between using new sports to promote a<br />

destination with reputation/ traditions in other sports, and the inability <strong>of</strong><br />

some stadiums/facilities to be at the very least, ‘imageable’, and ideally a<br />

symbolic element <strong>of</strong> the urban environment. <strong>The</strong> authors caution against a<br />

‘city <strong>of</strong> sport’ brand because a large number <strong>of</strong> potential tourists find it<br />

difficult to comprehend what this represents.<br />

27


Smith, A. (2006). Tourists' consumption and interpretation <strong>of</strong> sport event imagery.<br />

Journal <strong>of</strong> <strong>Sport</strong> Tourism, 11(1), 77-100.<br />

<strong>The</strong> purpose <strong>of</strong> this study is to explore the effects <strong>of</strong> sport event imagery.<br />

<strong>The</strong> main objectives <strong>of</strong> the study were to 1) identify whether <strong>events</strong><br />

pervade images <strong>of</strong> city destinations; 2) evaluate the role an event<br />

initiatives in any recent changes to those images; and, 3) analyse how<br />

tourists interpret sport event imagery more generally. <strong>The</strong> focus <strong>of</strong> the<br />

research was on Birmingham, Manchester, and Sheffield – three cities that<br />

have utilised sport in their branding <strong>The</strong> authors conducted a total <strong>of</strong> 54<br />

semi-structured interviews, from nine electoral wards from three different<br />

areas <strong>of</strong> England, on ‘potential tourists’, rather than tourist who had<br />

already decided to visit a particular destination. Findings <strong>of</strong> the study<br />

suggest that recent sport initiatives have not been a significant agent <strong>of</strong><br />

Birmingham’s recent image change. Manchester’s image appears to have<br />

been assisted by the city’s various sports initiatives and in Sheffield<br />

interviews revealed event initiatives have enhanced its image, albeit to a<br />

limited extent. Despite some participants making connections with traffic<br />

chaos and violence, in general sport <strong>events</strong> appear to have encouraged<br />

positive connotations amongst potential tourists, including modernity,<br />

progress, and vitality. <strong>The</strong>refore, this study suggests that sports <strong>events</strong> do<br />

generate positive connotations for the majority <strong>of</strong> potential tourists. This<br />

conclusion is explained by the term ‘synecdoche’ which refers to instances<br />

where a part <strong>of</strong> something is used to stand for the whole. In this way, sport<br />

teams, <strong>events</strong> and stadiums may become synonymous with a community, to<br />

such an extent, that the brand values <strong>of</strong> the team/event/stadium are<br />

shared with the host community<br />

Sterken, E. (2006). Growth impact <strong>of</strong> major sporting <strong>events</strong>. European <strong>Sport</strong><br />

Management Quarterly, 6(4), 375-389.<br />

<strong>The</strong> overall economic impact <strong>of</strong> large-scale <strong>events</strong> is ‘difficult to evaluate’<br />

because <strong>of</strong> the multiplicity <strong>of</strong> factors involved. Economic studies show<br />

‘mixed evidence’ <strong>of</strong> <strong>events</strong> contributing to economic growth. Local<br />

organisers and their ex-ante forecasts are likely to predict serious growth<br />

impact. This is in contrast to the ‘more modest’ outcomes reported in ex<br />

post studies. <strong>The</strong> impact <strong>of</strong> major <strong>events</strong> on local economic activity is<br />

described as ‘a topic <strong>of</strong> significant debate’ and empirical studies are yet to<br />

provide ‘a unified conclusion with respect the economic impact <strong>of</strong> major<br />

sporting <strong>events</strong>’. In this longitudinal study <strong>of</strong> Olympic and World Cups<br />

(Soccer) the conclusion is made that per-capita GDP growth rates-have<br />

been higher in nations that have hosted the Olympics than in countries that<br />

have hosted the World Cup. It is suggested that the Olympics may be hosted<br />

by higher growth-potential economies and that infrastructure investment is<br />

likely to be less for a World Cup than an Olympic Games.<br />

28


Szymanski, S. (2002). <strong>The</strong> economic impact <strong>of</strong> the World Cup. World Economics,<br />

3(1), 169-177.<br />

Szymanski observed through comparison with long-time averages, the<br />

cyclical norms and equivalent figures for similar economies at the same<br />

stage <strong>of</strong> the business cycle suggest there is no statistically significant<br />

positive macroeconomic impact on GDP for World Cup hosts. He concluded<br />

that countries should 'stop inventing economic <strong>benefits</strong> from sporting<br />

<strong>events</strong>', and simply treat them as expenses, or investments, in national<br />

promotion. He suggests that 'Rather than thinking <strong>of</strong> an event as an<br />

investment in generating an economic return, it should be considered a<br />

form <strong>of</strong> public consumption – a reward for past efforts'.<br />

Taks, M., Girginov, V., & Boucher, R. (2006). <strong>The</strong> outcomes <strong>of</strong> coattail marketing:<br />

<strong>The</strong> case <strong>of</strong> Windsor, Ontario, and Super Bowl XL. <strong>Sport</strong> Marketing<br />

Quarterly, 15(4), 232-242.<br />

This paper examines the outcomes <strong>of</strong> ‘coattail marketing’ using the<br />

involvement <strong>of</strong> the Canadian city, Windsor, in co-hosting the Super Bowl XL<br />

(SBXL) as a case. <strong>The</strong> authors review the complexities involved in<br />

understanding the impacts <strong>of</strong> mega-sporting <strong>events</strong>, and an argument is<br />

developed for adopting a more comprehensive approach to their study. <strong>The</strong><br />

linkage model is employed as an analytical tool to bridge the gap between<br />

theory and method. Qualitative methods, such as on-site interviews, were<br />

used to collect data for this study. <strong>The</strong> findings indicate that the<br />

commercial establishments in Windsor city did not equally benefit from cohosting<br />

the mega-sport event. <strong>The</strong> level <strong>of</strong> success greatly depended on the<br />

business levering with Budweiser as well as the location <strong>of</strong> the bars in the<br />

city. With regards to the forward linkages, the expected positive economic<br />

impact was partially supported through the great success experienced by<br />

some downtown core businesses, indicating the crucial importance <strong>of</strong> the<br />

location <strong>of</strong> the establishment to experience any form <strong>of</strong> spill-over effect.<br />

<strong>The</strong> authors conclude that the 'coattail marketing' strategy <strong>of</strong> municipalities<br />

which co-host hallmark <strong>events</strong>, has in this instance had a rather low level <strong>of</strong><br />

success, with only a limited number <strong>of</strong> actors seeing any <strong>benefits</strong>. This<br />

result confirms that only few <strong>of</strong> the <strong>benefits</strong> will reach the everyday lives<br />

<strong>of</strong> the city's residents.<br />

Whitson, D., & Horne, J. (2006). Underestimated costs and overestimated<br />

<strong>benefits</strong>? Comparing the outcomes <strong>of</strong> sports mega-<strong>events</strong> in Canada and<br />

Japan. Sociological Review, 54, 73-89.<br />

This chapter examines the discrepancies between predicted and actual<br />

outcomes <strong>of</strong> sports mega-<strong>events</strong>, and why the hosting <strong>of</strong> <strong>events</strong> is so <strong>of</strong>ten<br />

a project <strong>of</strong> political and business elites. <strong>The</strong> article also analyses the<br />

economic impacts <strong>of</strong> tourism in the years after the Games are gone. It is<br />

widely assumed that hosting the Olympic Games represents an<br />

extraordinary economic opportunity for host cities. Yet, it is well known<br />

that hosting the Olympics resulted in huge losses and debts for the City <strong>of</strong><br />

Montreal. It is estimated that the hosting <strong>of</strong> the Olympics have cost<br />

29


Montreal well over CA$2 billion in capital and interest costs, without<br />

anything like commensurate <strong>benefits</strong>. Despite the fact that tourism may<br />

boom in the year <strong>of</strong> a special event, growth in tourism in the years after<br />

the event is difficult to sustain, and is highly dependent on extraneous<br />

factors such as economic recessions, political concerns, or health scares.<br />

<strong>The</strong> article also points out that special mega-<strong>events</strong> are likely to have less<br />

impact on the civic economy in the longer term, than annual <strong>events</strong> for<br />

which a city over time develops an international reputation. Despite<br />

legacies saying that the hosting <strong>of</strong> major Games is problematic and has a<br />

long history <strong>of</strong> cost over run, why then do cities and nations seek so<br />

assiduously to host those <strong>events</strong>? <strong>The</strong> reasons are that the staging <strong>of</strong> global<br />

mega-<strong>events</strong> has <strong>of</strong>fered a way <strong>of</strong> putting cities/nations ‘on the map’, and<br />

thereby showcasing their attractions to international visitors and potential<br />

investors. Mega-<strong>events</strong> are also envisaged as catalysts for major<br />

investments in public and private construction. <strong>The</strong> authors conclude that<br />

the outcomes <strong>of</strong> hosting the Olympics have been that public and private<br />

investments in the ‘infrastructure <strong>of</strong> play’ have created expensive sporting<br />

infrastructure and other consumer spaces, but with few social <strong>benefits</strong> for<br />

those unable to present themselves as consumers. A full and transparent<br />

account <strong>of</strong> an Olympics will still show a loss on the public account. <strong>The</strong><br />

authors recommend that ‘the challenge for any host city . . . is ‘to make<br />

the Olympics fit the city’ and not the city fit the Olympics’. What this<br />

points to, in the end, is that environmental and social impact assessments,<br />

as well as full public consultation before submitting bids, are necessary if<br />

major sports <strong>events</strong> are ever to become democratically accountable.<br />

30


Summary: Economic impacts<br />

<strong>The</strong> literature on the economic impacts and <strong>benefits</strong> <strong>of</strong> sporting <strong>events</strong> contains a<br />

number <strong>of</strong> clear messages. <strong>The</strong>se are that:<br />

• <strong>The</strong>re is no shortage <strong>of</strong> cities/ nations seeking to host mega-<strong>events</strong> and<br />

develop event-related tourism strategies. Events are a favoured tool for an<br />

increasing number <strong>of</strong> locations for stimulating tourism activity.<br />

• <strong>The</strong> majority <strong>of</strong> evidence arguing that <strong>events</strong> do have a significant economic<br />

impact likely to be premised on methodologically deficient studies. <strong>The</strong>re is a<br />

need to be sceptical <strong>of</strong> reports commissioned or authored by those standing to<br />

benefit from an event, if the substantial economic impacts/<strong>benefits</strong> are<br />

predicted. Economic Impact Studies (EIS) should be undertaken with<br />

methodological integrity or at the very least with full disclosure <strong>of</strong><br />

methodologies and assumptions to permit critical analysis.<br />

• <strong>The</strong>re is increasing scepticism in media (and therefore the general public) and<br />

academic circles <strong>of</strong> the ability for mega-<strong>events</strong> to provide economic<br />

impacts/<strong>benefits</strong> Efforts to justify support for an event for economic reasons<br />

alone is not encouraged. <strong>The</strong>re are winners and losers from mega <strong>events</strong>; not<br />

all stakeholders share equally in the distribution <strong>of</strong> an event’s costs and<br />

<strong>benefits</strong>. <strong>The</strong> opportunity for urban renewal, regeneration and infrastructure<br />

development is a key incentive for cities to host mega <strong>events</strong>. Despite the<br />

rhetoric about legacy creation, there is generally insufficient long-term, postevent<br />

planning conducted in the early stages <strong>of</strong> the event’s development.<br />

• <strong>The</strong>re is no agreement on the single best way to measure an <strong>events</strong> economic<br />

impacts and <strong>benefits</strong>. Cost Benefit <strong>An</strong>alysis (CBA) is generally considered<br />

superior to EIS because CBA emphasise opportunity costs. Proponents <strong>of</strong> the<br />

CBA method argue that taxpayer funding is justifiable only if the mega-event<br />

yields higher net <strong>benefits</strong> from alternative investment opportunities.<br />

• Ex post measures are superior to ex ante measures when evaluating economic<br />

impacts/<strong>benefits</strong>. Computed General Equilibrium (CGE) measures are gaining<br />

increased recognition as the preferred method at the expense <strong>of</strong> Input-Output<br />

(I-O) methods. CGE values are likely to be substantially less than I-O values for<br />

the same event. Occupation-based modelling is becoming increasingly popular<br />

way <strong>of</strong> measuring event-related, economic <strong>benefits</strong> because the technique<br />

estimates the event-attributable increased (or decreased) wage in the host<br />

community.<br />

• <strong>The</strong>re is difficulty in applying the results <strong>of</strong> one economic impact/benefit<br />

assessment to other locations. Economic impacts are maximised when<br />

government, event organisers and the private sector interact effectively. A<br />

‘build it and they will come’ will not be the most effective strategy.<br />

31


• <strong>Sport</strong>ing <strong>events</strong> have the potential to build the brand <strong>of</strong> their host destination,<br />

but they must be strategically incorporated into a destination’s overall<br />

marketing plan. Given the mediated nature <strong>of</strong> these <strong>events</strong>, destination<br />

marketers need to consider carefully how their destination is being projected<br />

in the telecasts.<br />

32


Socio-cultural Impacts<br />

<strong>An</strong>dersson, T., Rustad, A., & Solberg, H. A. (2004). Local residents' monetary<br />

evaluation <strong>of</strong> sports <strong>events</strong>. Managing Leisure, 9(3), 145-158.<br />

This study identifies the value placed by local residents on hosting the<br />

World Skiing Championships in Trondheim, Norway. <strong>The</strong> authors argue that<br />

a simple yes-no response is inadequate for distinguishing between strong<br />

and moderate supporters/opponents <strong>of</strong> an event. This study identified that<br />

75% favoured the event. Those favouring the event were asked ‘How much<br />

would you be willing to pay (WTP) in earmarked taxes to finance the event?<br />

[US$6779] and ‘How much would you personally require in compensation to<br />

be willing to let the championship go (Willingness to Accept (WTA))?<br />

[US$207]. Those not favouring the event were asked ‘How much would you<br />

be willing to pay in order to get rid <strong>of</strong> the event?’ (WTP) [US$828] and ‘How<br />

much would you require in compensation to accept the championships?’<br />

(WTA) [$36]. <strong>The</strong> authors acknowledge that the WTA figures were skewed<br />

by extreme answers. Variables such as ‘exciting city life’, ‘noise’, and ‘the<br />

city being crowded during the event’ were more influential than economic<br />

benefit arguments when people with high enthusiasm for the event were<br />

differentiated from those with low support for the event. This last result<br />

suggests that different messages regarding justification <strong>of</strong> <strong>events</strong> may need<br />

to be developed for different target markets groups.<br />

Barker, M., Page, S. J., & Meyer, D. (2002). Evaluating the impact <strong>of</strong> the 2000<br />

Americas Cup on Auckland, <strong>New</strong> Zealand Event Management, 7, 79-92.<br />

'<strong>The</strong> impact <strong>of</strong> the America’s Cup in Auckland in 2000 has been substantial<br />

for both Auckland as the host city and <strong>New</strong> Zealand'. Similarly, the event<br />

'undoubtedly created numerous tourism, trade, and investment<br />

opportunities'. <strong>The</strong> authors argue that tourism and government leaders<br />

need to recognise the interrelationships that exist between impacts and the<br />

success <strong>of</strong> hosting <strong>events</strong>. <strong>The</strong> purpose <strong>of</strong> this study was to evaluate<br />

economic but also social, physical, environmental and tourism impacts<br />

associated with the 2000 America’s Cup in Auckland. <strong>The</strong>re was a 14%<br />

increase in visitor numbers to Auckland in February 2000 compared to the<br />

year before, and commercial accommodation increased <strong>of</strong> 21%. <strong>The</strong>re were<br />

not sufficient economic and social reports available to determine whether<br />

the average Auckland resident financially benefited from the event. No<br />

major studies were conducted to specifically measure resident perceptions<br />

<strong>of</strong> the Cup. Increased costs for dining out and property prices in Viaduct<br />

Harbour were evidence <strong>of</strong> the inflationary impact <strong>of</strong> the event. Following<br />

the defence <strong>of</strong> the Cup the mood in Auckland was one <strong>of</strong> celebration. <strong>The</strong><br />

event did not lead to increased crime and disorder. <strong>The</strong> America’s Cup<br />

became the driver for the redevelopment <strong>of</strong> Auckland’s waterfront area.<br />

<strong>The</strong> America’s Cup Village was converted into a tourism and marine<br />

industry precinct with ongoing economic value. <strong>The</strong> Viaduct Basin created<br />

a social entertainment hub within the city. Improvements were made to the<br />

33


sewage and stormwater systems providing better water quality. <strong>The</strong><br />

increased amount <strong>of</strong> noise, litter and boats in the water had negative<br />

impacts on coastal and marine environment. Broken glass littering was also<br />

a concern. '<strong>The</strong> adoption <strong>of</strong> special <strong>events</strong> has become a favoured tool in an<br />

increasing number <strong>of</strong> tourism destinations as a means to stimulate tourism<br />

activity'.<br />

Cegelski, M., & Mules, T. (2002). Aspects <strong>of</strong> residents' perceptions <strong>of</strong> the GMC 400<br />

- Canberra's V8 Supercar Race. Current Issues in Tourism, 5, 54-70.<br />

This study measured residents’ attitudes and differences among residents’<br />

attitudes towards the V8 Super Car race in Canberra, Australia. Random<br />

telephone interviews were conducted with 423 Canberra residents over the<br />

week immediately after the event. Respondents were grouped into three<br />

zones according to their residential distance to the racetrack. Questions<br />

were designed to elicit a yes/no answer plus brief explanation for the<br />

response given. Overall 69% <strong>of</strong> residents thought the event was good for<br />

Canberra’s image as the National Capital, lifted lift the pr<strong>of</strong>ile <strong>of</strong> the city<br />

(24%) and make it a more interesting place to live (19%). Just over half<br />

(55%) <strong>of</strong> residents think the V8 Race increases community pride. Over half<br />

<strong>of</strong> respondents (58%) did not perceive track construction and road closures<br />

to hinder their access to the city area. <strong>The</strong> majority <strong>of</strong> respondents (73%)<br />

were not affected by noise from the V8 cars in their home (majority living<br />

in zones 2 or 3). 79% <strong>of</strong> residents wanted the race to continue being held in<br />

Canberra. Findings also show that differences among resident perceptions<br />

exist: Residents, who attended the race or are interested in motor sports,<br />

are likely to have more positive perceptions <strong>of</strong> the event. Residents who<br />

live closer to the event are more likely to hold negative perceptions. <strong>The</strong>se<br />

results suggest that an event is never likely gain universal acceptance by<br />

members <strong>of</strong> the host community, that opposition to the event will be<br />

greatest from those 1) living closest to the event and 2) without an interest<br />

in the event itself.<br />

Chalip, L. (2006). Towards social leverage <strong>of</strong> sport <strong>events</strong>. Journal <strong>of</strong> <strong>Sport</strong> &<br />

Tourism, 11, 109-127.<br />

This article argues that the celebratory nature <strong>of</strong> <strong>events</strong> may facilitate<br />

liminality, which in turn creates social value, particularly through a sense<br />

<strong>of</strong> communitas. Liminality refers to a feeling that an overtly sacred act is<br />

occurring. Liminality is created by a combination <strong>of</strong> celebration (i.e. an<br />

occasion for rejoicing) and a sense <strong>of</strong> social camaraderie. Communitas<br />

refers to the sense <strong>of</strong> community created. Event organisers and host<br />

community planners 'should foster social interaction and prompt a feeling<br />

<strong>of</strong> celebration by enabling sociability among event visitors, creating eventrelated<br />

social <strong>events</strong>, facilitating informal social opportunities, producing<br />

ancillary <strong>events</strong>, and theming widely. '<strong>The</strong> mere creation <strong>of</strong> a celebratory<br />

space can be sufficient to foster social interaction'. Chalip is critical <strong>of</strong><br />

economic and social impact studies because they only provide 'post hoc<br />

information about an event’s outcomes, it does not tell us why these<br />

outcomes occurred. Impact studies are 'inadequate for event planning and<br />

34


management'. <strong>The</strong> positive effects resulting from <strong>events</strong> have more<br />

commonly been used to shore up the status <strong>of</strong> political elites, rather than<br />

to create or sustain meaningful community development. Consequently, the<br />

tactics and techniques to socially leverage the ‘feel good’ character <strong>of</strong><br />

<strong>events</strong> have been developed as political tools, rather than as tools to<br />

empower social action. Events are 'more than mere entertainments; they<br />

are social occasions with potential social value'.<br />

Deccio, C., & Baloglu, S. (2002). Non-host community resident reactions to the<br />

2002 Winter Olympics: the spillover impacts Journal <strong>of</strong> Travel Research, 41,<br />

46-56.<br />

This study investigates residents’ reactions <strong>of</strong> non-host community<br />

residents’ perceptions <strong>of</strong> the spill-over effects <strong>of</strong> the 2002 Winter Olympic<br />

Games in Salt Lake City. <strong>The</strong> study is designed to understand non-residents’<br />

tourism related values and attitudes towards the Olympics and how spill<br />

over effects may influence their support for the Olympics. Five hundred<br />

self-administered questionnaires were mailed to randomly selected<br />

residents in Garfield County. In addition, 50 non-respondent residents were<br />

randomly selected for a telephone interview to assess non-response bias.<br />

While 31% <strong>of</strong> respondents reported that they support or strongly support<br />

the 2002 Winter Olympics, 46% <strong>of</strong> respondents indicated that they neither<br />

supported nor opposed the event. 59% <strong>of</strong> respondents would support<br />

promotion <strong>of</strong> the non-host community as a tourist destination during the<br />

Olympics, and 50% would support community activities coinciding with the<br />

event. Residents who use recreational areas and are dependent on tourism<br />

were more likely to support these linkages. Environmentally conscious<br />

residents were more likely to oppose the event. Consistent with social<br />

exchange theory and the results <strong>of</strong> this study suggest that 'residents will not<br />

be supportive and responsive if they do not perceive that they will receive<br />

some sort <strong>of</strong> social, economic, or other kind <strong>of</strong> benefit from the tourism<br />

exchange generated from the Olympics'. Overall, the results suggest that<br />

the majority <strong>of</strong> residents in communities adjacent to large <strong>events</strong> will not<br />

oppose the event. Support from these adjacent communities can be<br />

maximised by a communications strategy that promotes the <strong>benefits</strong> to the<br />

adjacent community.<br />

Decker, S. H., Varano, S. P., & Greene, J. R. (2007). Routine crime in exceptional<br />

times: <strong>The</strong> impact <strong>of</strong> the 2002 Winter Olympics on citizen demand for<br />

police services. Journal <strong>of</strong> Criminal Justice, 35(1), 89-101.<br />

Criminal behaviour during mega sport event can be explained by<br />

criminological theories emphasising anomie or opportunity. This study<br />

examined "routine" crime as measured by calls for police service, <strong>of</strong>ficial<br />

crime reports, and police arrests in Salt Lake City before, during, and after<br />

the 2002 Olympic Games. Findings suggested that Salt Lake City, which<br />

absorbed 2 million visitors during the games, experienced a sharp increase<br />

in community concern for routine crime. <strong>The</strong> average number <strong>of</strong> police<br />

calls for service remained reasonably static with approximately 4,600 calls<br />

35


per week over the entire analytic period. <strong>The</strong> post-hoc analysis indicated<br />

that there was a significant decrease <strong>of</strong> 203 weekly police recorded<br />

incidents during the games and a subsequent significant increase <strong>of</strong> 200<br />

weekly incidents after the games. <strong>The</strong>re was a significant decrease <strong>of</strong> 191<br />

weekly arrests during the games and a corresponding significant increase <strong>of</strong><br />

165 weekly arrests after the games. <strong>The</strong>se suggested that 'the Olympics did<br />

not have a significant effect on local community demand for services, but<br />

did have a significant effect (decrease) on indicators <strong>of</strong> law enforcement<br />

controlled workload measures'. This indicated 'a decline in the ability <strong>of</strong> the<br />

police to respond to calls for service, largely in part because <strong>of</strong> the<br />

deployment <strong>of</strong> a substantial part <strong>of</strong> the force to the Olympic mission'. In<br />

conclusion, the diversion <strong>of</strong> a substantial proportion <strong>of</strong> police resources<br />

(upwards <strong>of</strong> 40 percent) resulted in fewer incidents and arrests during the<br />

Olympics, but that such activity and outcomes returned to their “normal”<br />

rates once the games were completed. Research implies that the capacity<br />

<strong>of</strong> the police during mega <strong>events</strong> is stretched across two fronts – providing<br />

public safety services in areas immediately surrounding the event venues<br />

and the broader residential and business communities.<br />

Downward, P. M., & Ralston, R. (2006). <strong>The</strong> sports development potential <strong>of</strong><br />

sports event eolunteering: Insights from the XVII Manchester<br />

Commonwealth Games. European <strong>Sport</strong> Management Quarterly, 6(4), 333 -<br />

351.<br />

Increased volunteerism after a major event would provide a ‘human legacy’<br />

to complement economic development. Given the lack <strong>of</strong> clarity regarding<br />

economic <strong>benefits</strong>, there is a need to focus on the emotional and<br />

psychological <strong>benefits</strong>. Volunteering at major <strong>events</strong> <strong>of</strong>fers opportunities<br />

for personal development. By providing new challenges, volunteers can<br />

acquire into new skills and capabilities, self-confidence and increased<br />

employability. As result <strong>of</strong> volunteering at the 2002 Commonwealth games,<br />

there was only a low likelihood <strong>of</strong> increased participation (6-14%) or<br />

increased volunteerism (8-17%) in specific sports. Similar patterns were<br />

found for non-sport volunteering. Willingness to be involved in another<br />

major event however was much higher – 68% either agreed or strongly<br />

agreed that they were willing to do so. On this basis, there is only<br />

evidence <strong>of</strong> a small increase in interest, participation, and volunteering in<br />

sport as a result <strong>of</strong> volunteering at a major event. Quality volunteer<br />

experiences are vital. Those volunteers who experience personal<br />

development are more likely to have, as a consequence, an increased<br />

interest in sport as well as increased intention to participate more. People<br />

tend to trade-<strong>of</strong>f facilitating and participating sport. Turning people on to<br />

volunteering is a double-edged sword because volunteerism is likely to take<br />

them away from participation.<br />

Elias-Varotsis, S. (2006). Festivals and <strong>events</strong> -- (Re)Interpreting cultural Identity.<br />

Tourism Review, 61(2), 24-29.<br />

<strong>The</strong> author argues that many <strong>events</strong> today, ins<strong>of</strong>ar as tourism is concerned,<br />

appear to be ‘decontextualised’ on either the spatial or cultural scales.<br />

36


<strong>The</strong>refore, this study is concerned with what the process <strong>of</strong><br />

decontextualisation and how the ensuing recontextualisation leads to<br />

reinterpreting cultural identity. Three special <strong>events</strong> were used as<br />

illustrations for this study, two cultural <strong>events</strong> and one sport event. <strong>An</strong><br />

important theme within this study is that festivals and <strong>events</strong> combine<br />

space, time and memory to produce (or reproduce) the identity and or the<br />

identification <strong>of</strong> location. <strong>The</strong> research concludes that festivals and <strong>events</strong><br />

have the potential <strong>of</strong> enabling communities to interpret and re-interpret<br />

their cultural identity through the experience and practices they portray,<br />

motivate and help to introduce.<br />

Fredline, E., & Faulkner, B. (1999). Resident reactions to a major tourist event:<br />

<strong>The</strong> Gold Coast Indy Car Race. Festival Management & Event Tourism, 5(4),<br />

185.<br />

<strong>The</strong> authors argue that sustainability is an established guiding principle for<br />

managing tourism development, and that it was appropriate for <strong>events</strong> to<br />

do likewise. This study drew upon previous research on local resident<br />

perceptions <strong>of</strong> the Gold Coast Indy event investigated the social impacts <strong>of</strong><br />

the Gold Coast Indy. <strong>The</strong> researchers purport that although there is<br />

overwhelming support for the event among resident population irrespective<br />

<strong>of</strong> their exposure to its impacts, negative impacts are nevertheless<br />

recognised. More specifically, although event <strong>benefits</strong> with regard to<br />

tourism promotional effects, community self-esteem, and business and<br />

employment opportunities are broadly appreciated, costs <strong>of</strong> the event<br />

associated with noise levels, traffic congestion, overcrowding, and<br />

disruption to lifestyle are also acknowledged. In short, the <strong>benefits</strong> are<br />

generally regarded as outweighing the costs. A noteworthy observation<br />

from the research was the existence <strong>of</strong> a strong positive relationship<br />

between acceptance <strong>of</strong> the event and 1) perceptions <strong>of</strong> social justice<br />

outcomes (e.g. the extent to which individuals and groups receive a just<br />

share <strong>of</strong> the <strong>benefits</strong>) and 2) satisfaction with the level <strong>of</strong> public<br />

participation in the planning stage <strong>of</strong> the event.<br />

Fredline, L., Deery, M., & Jago, L. (2005). Host community perceptions <strong>of</strong> the<br />

impacts <strong>of</strong> <strong>events</strong>: A comparison <strong>of</strong> different event themes in urban and<br />

regional communities. In J. Allen (Ed.), <strong>The</strong> impacts <strong>of</strong> <strong>events</strong>: Proceedings<br />

<strong>of</strong> the International Event Research Conference held in Sydney July 2005<br />

(pp. 250-269). Lindfield, Australia: Australian Centre for Event<br />

Management.<br />

This paper investigates the social impacts <strong>of</strong> <strong>events</strong> by comparing three<br />

different <strong>events</strong> with different locations and theme characteristics, i.e. the<br />

Australian Grand Prix, the Moomba Festival (both Melbourne) and the<br />

Horsham Art Is Festival (regional community). Disproportionate stratified<br />

sampling was not used due to sufficient evidence from previous studies<br />

illustrating the relationship between proximity and level <strong>of</strong> impacts. For<br />

each <strong>of</strong> the <strong>events</strong> the majority <strong>of</strong> respondents noted that the event had<br />

“no effect” on them personally, yet all three <strong>events</strong> were rated as having a<br />

substantial community-level benefit. <strong>The</strong> most strongly perceived personal<br />

37


enefits <strong>of</strong> the Grand Prix were ‘pride that residents have in the city’,<br />

‘maintenance <strong>of</strong> public facilities’, ‘provides opportunities for people to<br />

have fun with their family and friends’, ‘enhances Victoria's reputation as<br />

‘<strong>The</strong> Events State’’, and ‘range <strong>of</strong> interesting things to do’. <strong>The</strong> most<br />

strongly perceived community <strong>benefits</strong> <strong>of</strong> the Grand Prix were ‘money that<br />

tourists spend when they come to the event helps to stimulate the<br />

economy’, ‘media coverage <strong>of</strong> the event promotes tourism and business<br />

development in Melbourne’, ‘enhances Victoria's reputation as ‘<strong>The</strong> Events<br />

State’’, ‘employment opportunities’, and ‘maintenance <strong>of</strong> public facilities’.<br />

<strong>The</strong> most strongly perceived personal costs <strong>of</strong> the Grand Prix were ‘traffic<br />

congestion in the vicinity’, ‘parking availability in the vicinity’, ‘public<br />

money spent on the event would be better spent on other things’, ‘noise<br />

levels’, and ‘damage to the environment. <strong>The</strong> most strongly perceived<br />

community costs were traffic, parking, ‘the event disrupts the lives <strong>of</strong> local<br />

residents and causes them stress’, ‘noise levels’ and ‘ordinary residents get<br />

no say in the planning and management <strong>of</strong> the event. It is interesting to<br />

note that although the Grand Prix registered the highest proportions<br />

indicating a negative impact, it also registered the highest proportion<br />

indicating the most positive level <strong>of</strong> benefit. <strong>The</strong> results show that many<br />

impacts are similar across different event themes and communities<br />

Fredline, L., Deery, M., & Jago, L. (2005). Testing <strong>of</strong> a compressed generic<br />

instrument to assess host community perceptions <strong>of</strong> <strong>events</strong>: A case study <strong>of</strong><br />

the Australian Tennis Open tournament. In J. Allen (Ed.), <strong>The</strong> impacts <strong>of</strong><br />

<strong>events</strong>: Proceedings <strong>of</strong> the International Event Research Conference held in<br />

Sydney July 2005 (pp. 158-177). Lindfield, Australia: Australian Centre for<br />

Event Management.<br />

This article presents the results <strong>of</strong> the testing <strong>of</strong> a compressed generic<br />

instrument to evaluate the impacts <strong>of</strong> <strong>events</strong> using the Australian Open<br />

Tennis Tournament as a case study. <strong>The</strong> survey was administered 4-5 weeks<br />

after the event through telephone interviews. A systematic sampling<br />

approach using a random number generator was used. A total <strong>of</strong> 300<br />

interviews were completed. While 43.5% <strong>of</strong> respondents did not perceive<br />

any impact at the personal level from the event, 55.4% rated the personal<br />

impacts as positive. 78.7% <strong>of</strong> respondents rated the event positive at the<br />

community level. Very little negative sentiment was recorded. <strong>The</strong> most<br />

strongly perceived positive impacts at the personal level were<br />

entertainment, pride, showcase effect, economic impact and maintenance<br />

<strong>of</strong> facilities. A cluster analysis revealed two sub-groupings <strong>of</strong> respondents;<br />

unconcerned and positive. <strong>The</strong> positive group was characterised by an<br />

interest in watching pr<strong>of</strong>essional tennis, and were keen recreational tennis<br />

players. <strong>The</strong>y were also more likely than the unconcerned group to have<br />

attended the event. <strong>The</strong> majority <strong>of</strong> open-ended comments about positive<br />

impacts were tourism/economic <strong>benefits</strong> (43.7%), entertainment (29.3%),<br />

regional showcase (21%) and promotes sport (13%). Open-ended comments<br />

about negative impacts highlighted none (44%), prices (12%), heat (9%), and<br />

disruption (7%). This compressed generic instrument instrument provides an<br />

opportunity for event organisers to measure and monitor the social <strong>benefits</strong><br />

and costs <strong>of</strong> their <strong>events</strong>, and presents a tool for tourism planners in<br />

38


prioritising those <strong>events</strong> for funding because <strong>of</strong> the ability to compare data<br />

across <strong>events</strong>.<br />

Fredline, L., & Faulkner, B. (2000). Host community reactions: A cluster analysis.<br />

<strong>An</strong>nals <strong>of</strong> Tourism Research, 27, 763-784.<br />

This paper investigates host community reactions to the Gold Coast Indy<br />

event in Australia. Face to face interviews were conducted with 353 Gold<br />

Coast residents. A disproportionate sampling approach was taken with those<br />

residents living closest to the racetrack being overrepresented, as this is<br />

where event impacts are most pronounced in these areas. A cluster analysis<br />

identified five subgroups among respondents. Ambivalent Supporters, more<br />

likely to live in the non-Indy zone (62%), were in favour <strong>of</strong> the continuation<br />

<strong>of</strong> the Indy (97%) in its current location (60%). <strong>The</strong> Haters were mainly<br />

comprised <strong>of</strong> older residents (66% 50+, 44% 60+). <strong>The</strong> majority <strong>of</strong> this group<br />

were not in favour <strong>of</strong> the continuation <strong>of</strong> the Indy (65%). <strong>The</strong> Realists have<br />

mixed opinions about the Indy, tending to agree with both the negative and<br />

the positive impacts <strong>of</strong> the event. Lovers are enthusiastic supporters <strong>of</strong> the<br />

event and agree highly with community <strong>benefits</strong>, and disagree with the<br />

negative impacts. All Lovers were in favour <strong>of</strong> continuation <strong>of</strong> the Indy, and<br />

favouring its current location (76%). Concerned for a Reason, the last subgroup,<br />

are concerned with some specific impacts <strong>of</strong> the event, but are not<br />

completely negative. <strong>The</strong>y mostly favour the continuation <strong>of</strong> the Indy<br />

(97%), but would prefer it at another location (65%). <strong>The</strong> cluster analysis<br />

approach has utility 'as a tool for investigating the underlying structure <strong>of</strong><br />

community reactions to tourism and <strong>events</strong>'. By identifying groups <strong>of</strong><br />

residents (clusters), who share similar views on the event than other<br />

groups, a more targeted approach to the planning and management <strong>of</strong><br />

tourism and <strong>events</strong> can occur. <strong>The</strong> results highlight that universal support<br />

for an event is unlikely and that proximity to the event and interest in the<br />

event are highly related to a person opposing the event.<br />

Fredline, L., & Faulkner, B. (2001). Residents' reactions to the staging <strong>of</strong> major<br />

motorsport <strong>events</strong> within their communities: A cluster analysis Event<br />

Management, 7, 103-114.<br />

This article presents results from a study investigating host community<br />

reactions to major motor sport <strong>events</strong> in Australia, using the 1998 Gold<br />

Coast Indy Car Race and the 1999 Australian Formula One Grand Prix in<br />

Melbourne as case studies. <strong>The</strong> data was collected two weeks after the<br />

<strong>events</strong> had taken place. A cluster analysis resulted in 5 sub-groups <strong>of</strong><br />

respondents. Residents included in the two most negative clusters, live<br />

closer to the event (1.04km / 2.13km) than the most positive clusters’<br />

members (3.68km / 3.62km), and are more likely to oppose the<br />

continuation <strong>of</strong> the event (88% / 46%) compared to 3% and 0% within the<br />

two most positive clusters. <strong>The</strong> most negative clusters were also more<br />

likely (49% / 25%) than the positive clusters (8% / 1%) to have left town for<br />

the weekend because <strong>of</strong> the event. While the two most negative clusters<br />

(51% / 33%) avoid the event, the two most positive clusters (46% / 80%)<br />

embrace the event. <strong>The</strong> largest cluster (62%) - the Ambivalent - tolerate<br />

39


the event. <strong>The</strong>se results make it clear that major <strong>events</strong> need to reduce as<br />

much as possible the inconveniences <strong>of</strong> the event for the residents in the<br />

immediate vicinity <strong>of</strong> the event. Consideration should also be given <strong>of</strong> the<br />

event theme and the lifestyle preferences <strong>of</strong> the host community with a<br />

view <strong>of</strong> ensuring that the local residents have an interest in the event.<br />

Funk, D. C., & Bruun, T. J. (2007). <strong>The</strong> role <strong>of</strong> socio-psychological and cultureeducation<br />

motives in marketing international sport tourism: A cross-cultural<br />

perspective. Tourism Management, 28(3), 806-819.<br />

This study examines the motives <strong>of</strong> individuals who travelled internationally<br />

to participate in the 2005 Gold Coast Airport Marathon. Data was collected<br />

from 239 respondents who were selected from among 724 accessible<br />

international entrants <strong>of</strong> the GCAM, using online and paper based<br />

questionnaires. <strong>The</strong> authors used the Cultural Learning Inventory (CLI) to<br />

evaluate tourists’ interests in learning more about transportation, housing,<br />

arts, language, food, media, currency, leisure activities, and indigenous<br />

population in the foreign destination. <strong>The</strong> authors argue that international<br />

sport tourism relies upon a person’s prior attitude toward the host<br />

destination and culture. <strong>An</strong> interesting finding <strong>of</strong> this study is that those<br />

participants with cultural backgrounds dissimilar to Australia were more<br />

likely to agree that experiencing Australian culture and learning new<br />

information was appealing. <strong>An</strong>other interesting finding is that sport tourism<br />

provides opportunities for the tourist to learn about the host’s culture from<br />

the time the event begins right up until the event finishes. Thus a major<br />

implication <strong>of</strong> the findings in this study is that 'destination marketers must<br />

develop convergent marketing strategies to target specific segments in<br />

their sport communities, as well as divergent cultural marketing strategies<br />

to target potential participants with different cultural backgrounds'. <strong>The</strong>se<br />

divergent strategies should 'emphasise the opportunities for experiencing<br />

the destination’s culture and increasing knowledge <strong>of</strong> the destination'.<br />

Gursoy, D., & Kendall, K. W. (2006). Hosting mega <strong>events</strong>: modeling locals'<br />

support <strong>An</strong>nals <strong>of</strong> Tourism Research, 33, 603-623.<br />

This study examined residents’ perceptions <strong>of</strong> the impacts and how these<br />

affect their attitudes toward mega <strong>events</strong>. <strong>The</strong> authors assert that in order<br />

for a mega event to be successful, the understanding and 'participation <strong>of</strong><br />

all stakeholders in the process is crucial'. Data was collected from residents<br />

<strong>of</strong> Salt Lake City during the 2002 Winter Olympic Games via personal<br />

interviews, using the intercept approach. A total <strong>of</strong> 800 residents were<br />

intercepted and 420 agreed to participate. Community backing for mega<br />

<strong>events</strong> is affected directly and/or indirectly by five determinants <strong>of</strong><br />

support: the level <strong>of</strong> community concern, ecocentric values, community<br />

attachment, perceived <strong>benefits</strong>, and perceived costs. A key finding was<br />

that people who are highly concerned with community issues are likely to<br />

see mega <strong>events</strong> as generating long term pr<strong>of</strong>ound impacts on their<br />

communities, both positive and negative. <strong>The</strong> authors also argue that the<br />

collaborative approach, whereby support and involvement <strong>of</strong> the locals are<br />

sought, is a must in planning for mega <strong>events</strong>.<br />

40


Gursoy, D., Kim, K., & Uysal, M. (2004). Perceived impacts <strong>of</strong> festivals and special<br />

<strong>events</strong> by organisers: an extension and validation. Tourism Management,<br />

25, 171-181.<br />

Events are likely 'to generate economic <strong>benefits</strong> for the local community,<br />

serve to build community cohesiveness, and generate social incentives for<br />

residents and businesses'. This study aims to develop an instrument that<br />

can be used to measure special event organisers’ perceptions <strong>of</strong> the<br />

impacts that <strong>events</strong> may have on local communities. Results show that<br />

festival and event organisers perceive festivals and <strong>events</strong> to contribute to<br />

community cohesiveness and create social incentives for the local<br />

community. On the other hand, organisers did not perceive festivals and<br />

<strong>events</strong> to be great contributors <strong>of</strong> economic <strong>benefits</strong> to the local economy.<br />

Social costs are also not perceived as an outcome. <strong>The</strong>se results indicate<br />

that event organisers see more <strong>benefits</strong> than costs accruing from <strong>events</strong><br />

within a community. Event organisers rely on the support <strong>of</strong> the local<br />

communities, and may therefore place more importance on <strong>benefits</strong> to a<br />

community than the costs, however if they are not simultaneously<br />

concerned with the negative impacts (costs), more harm than benefit may<br />

be the end result. Communities transfer the institutional power to the<br />

event organiser, and need to ensure that the organiser is made aware <strong>of</strong><br />

both the positive and negative potential impacts <strong>of</strong> the event.<br />

Jones, C. (2001). Mega-<strong>events</strong> and host region impacts: Determining the true<br />

worth <strong>of</strong> the 1999 Rugby World Cup International Journal <strong>of</strong> Tourism<br />

Research, 3, 241-251.<br />

Mega sport <strong>events</strong> have recently created an increased interest on the most<br />

appropriate approaches to determine both beneficial and detrimental<br />

effects on host regions. This study defined the nature <strong>of</strong> the economic and<br />

social impact on Wales <strong>of</strong> the 1999 Rugby World Cup (RWC99), qualitatively<br />

assessed the extent and nature <strong>of</strong> the impact <strong>of</strong> RWC99 in a number <strong>of</strong><br />

areas. Findings suggested that RWC99 would gross $1.3 billion world-wide<br />

and attract 1.7 million visitors to Wales and 3 billion TV viewers.<br />

Overwhelming local support (90%) existed for the event. Estimates <strong>of</strong> the<br />

social and economic impacts were <strong>of</strong>ten unreliable and or unavailable given<br />

their unique nature. Direct visitor expenditure <strong>benefits</strong> produced an<br />

incomplete picture, even if switching and other negative effects were<br />

incorporated. Media exposure was a necessary driver <strong>of</strong> investment,<br />

visitation and growth. <strong>The</strong> hosting <strong>of</strong> the RWC99 in a strongly rugby<br />

oriented culture, produced significant <strong>benefits</strong> for the event itself (in terms<br />

<strong>of</strong> local participation and acceptance), for the host region which ‘punched<br />

above its weight’ in attracting a mega event and which gained an<br />

infrastructure legacy highly appropriate to its cultural dynamic. <strong>The</strong><br />

research concluded that RWC99 had considerable <strong>benefits</strong> for Wales,<br />

although many areas <strong>of</strong> potential benefit were not maximised. This was due<br />

to the structure <strong>of</strong> the bidding process and organisational inadequacies,<br />

which led to relatively low visitor expenditure and mixed media coverage.<br />

Research implies that 'the nature <strong>of</strong> the media coverage and the structure<br />

41


<strong>of</strong> the event and its perceived ‘success’ have important ramifications for<br />

long-term impacts on the host'. Although as a cultural and sporting event,<br />

the mega <strong>events</strong> may be highly valued by the host community because <strong>of</strong><br />

their cultural/sporting significance, 'their ability to contribute to long-term<br />

economic development remains uncertain'.<br />

Kim, H. J., Gursoy, D., & Lee, S.-B. (2006). <strong>The</strong> impact <strong>of</strong> the 2002 World Cup on<br />

South Korea: comparisons <strong>of</strong> pre- and post-games Tourism Management, 27,<br />

86-96.<br />

'<strong>The</strong> members <strong>of</strong> the community who are likely to receive the greatest<br />

<strong>benefits</strong> from hosting the event <strong>of</strong>ten favour and support hosting the event<br />

more than those who receive fewer or no <strong>benefits</strong>'. This study investigated<br />

South Korean’s perceptions <strong>of</strong> the impacts <strong>of</strong> hosting the 2002 World Cup<br />

before and after the event and compared any perceptual differences<br />

between the two time periods. Quantitative data was collected prior to and<br />

after the Games from 811 survey respondents. Overall, expected <strong>benefits</strong><br />

(cultural exchange, economic <strong>benefits</strong>, natural resource and cultural<br />

development) had higher mean values than perceived <strong>benefits</strong>, meaning<br />

that South Koreans high expectations about the <strong>benefits</strong> or gains that from<br />

the event were not met. <strong>The</strong> ‘economic <strong>benefits</strong>’ had the lowest mean<br />

value (2.91) <strong>of</strong> all perceived <strong>benefits</strong>, creating the largest gap score<br />

between the two time periods. With regard to ‘social problems’, ‘traffic<br />

congestion’, and ‘price increases’, the mean values <strong>of</strong> these categories<br />

prior to the World Cup were higher than after the games, suggesting that<br />

these problems did not occur as much as the residents expected. <strong>The</strong><br />

Games generated more societal and cultural <strong>benefits</strong> (i.e., cultural<br />

exchange between tourists and residents, finding the cultural identity <strong>of</strong><br />

local communities, understanding <strong>of</strong> other societies, preservation and<br />

development <strong>of</strong> the local culture and natural resources, and restoration <strong>of</strong><br />

historical buildings than what was anticipated by residents before the<br />

event. In conclusion, although the 2002 World Cup contributed positively to<br />

the image <strong>of</strong> South Korea as a host country, local communities were more<br />

concerned about their personal economic impacts, e.g. income and number<br />

<strong>of</strong> jobs created from the event. Research implies that expectations <strong>of</strong><br />

impact size need to be managed and that pre-event studies <strong>of</strong> resident<br />

perceptions can identify concerns and expectations prior to the Games so<br />

that problems can be promptly and properly addressed.<br />

Kim, N.-S., & Chalip, L. (2004). Why travel to the FIFA World Cup? Effects <strong>of</strong><br />

motives, background, interest, and constraints. Tourism Management,<br />

25(6), 695-707.<br />

This study explored the desires <strong>of</strong> 556 members <strong>of</strong> American soccer clubs to<br />

attend the World Cup. <strong>The</strong> study considered demographic measures, fan<br />

motivations, travel motives, event interest and constraints (financial). <strong>The</strong><br />

majority <strong>of</strong> the respondents were male (71%) and “Caucasian” (86%). This<br />

study has significant implications for theory, practice and, and future<br />

research. 'Hosting an event should be treated as an exercise in co-branding'.<br />

<strong>The</strong> practical implications <strong>of</strong> this research found that learning about Korean<br />

42


culture increased the level <strong>of</strong> interest in the event and desire to attend.<br />

<strong>The</strong> study also highlighted the importance <strong>of</strong> marketing attractions other<br />

than the event itself because the desire to learn about the host country was<br />

positively related to interest in the event and the desire to attend the<br />

event. Consequently, event marketers should develop marketing campaigns<br />

to both fan and travel motives. <strong>The</strong> findings here suggest that efforts to<br />

capitalise on flow-on tourism might benefit by emphasising the learning<br />

<strong>benefits</strong> to be obtained as a consequence <strong>of</strong> travelling beyond the event.<br />

Kim, S. S., & Petrick, J. F. (2005). Residents' perceptions on impacts <strong>of</strong> the FIFA<br />

2002 World Cup: <strong>The</strong> case <strong>of</strong> Seoul as a host city Tourism Management, 26,<br />

25-38.<br />

This research empirically analysed residents’ perceptions and opinions <strong>of</strong><br />

the positive and negative impacts <strong>of</strong> the 2002 World Cup held in Korea and<br />

Japan. <strong>The</strong> researchers sought to identify if 1) socio-demographic variables<br />

influenced event impact perceptions and 2) these attitudes were stable<br />

over time. <strong>The</strong> five positive impacts were ‘tourism resource development<br />

and urban revitalisation’, ‘image enhancement and consolidation’,<br />

‘economic <strong>benefits</strong>’, ‘interest in foreign countries or their cultures’ and<br />

‘‘tourism infrastructure development’. <strong>The</strong> three negative impacts were<br />

‘negative economic perspective’, ‘disorder and conflicts,’ and ‘traffic<br />

problem and congestion’. Younger respondents were more likely to indicate<br />

a higher level <strong>of</strong> perception on the negative impact factors. Female<br />

respondents indicated that they more highly perceived both positive and<br />

negative impacts <strong>of</strong> the World Cup than male respondents. Residents’<br />

perceptions <strong>of</strong> the impacts <strong>of</strong> mega-<strong>events</strong> vary over time. Residents’<br />

enthusiasm three months after the World Cup was less compared to when<br />

the event was occurring. <strong>The</strong>se results clearly indicate the ability for<br />

resident perceptions to continually renegotiate their relationship with the<br />

event by changing their perception <strong>of</strong> the <strong>events</strong> impacts.<br />

Lenskyj, H. J. (2002). <strong>The</strong> best Olympics ever? Social impacts <strong>of</strong> Sydney 2000.<br />

Albany, NY: State University <strong>of</strong> <strong>New</strong> York Press.<br />

Some groups, such as the underclass, the homeless and low cost rental<br />

groups, are worse <strong>of</strong>f as a result <strong>of</strong> an Olympic Games. Lenskyi contends<br />

that Olympic ‘legacy <strong>benefits</strong> accrue to the already privileged sectors <strong>of</strong><br />

the population’ while the disadvantaged bear a disproportionate share <strong>of</strong><br />

the burden.<br />

Mihalik, B. J., & Simonetta, L. (1999). A midterm assessment <strong>of</strong> host population's<br />

perceptions <strong>of</strong> the 1996 Summer Olympics: Support, attendance, <strong>benefits</strong>,<br />

and liabilities Journal <strong>of</strong> Travel Research, 37, 244-248.<br />

In this study, resident (i.e. state) perceptions <strong>of</strong> the 1996 Olympic Games<br />

were collected between 1992 and 1995. <strong>The</strong> research found that the level<br />

<strong>of</strong> resident support for the games decreased by approximately 8% over<br />

time. This is explained by future optimism theory which posits that that<br />

when outcomes occur in the future, optimism occurs because <strong>of</strong> the<br />

43


elatively greater valuation <strong>of</strong> gains. When outcomes are expected to occur<br />

in the present, losses loom greater than gains, leading to more pessimism.<br />

In terms <strong>of</strong> expected attendance, Georgia residents’ plans to attend the<br />

1996 Olympics steadily decreased in all five studies after the initial 1992<br />

study. <strong>The</strong> authors consider it noteworthy that the ticket prices were not<br />

yet announced at the time <strong>of</strong> the initial survey. In terms <strong>of</strong> perceived<br />

<strong>benefits</strong>, Georgia respondents ranked image issues (i.e. International<br />

recognition and enhanced Georgia’s image) higher than the economic or<br />

facility concerns in all three years <strong>of</strong> the survey. Georgia residents rated<br />

the traffic congestion, as the highest perceived liability; followed by price<br />

gouging, strain on law enforcement, and increased crime.<br />

Misener, L., & Mason, D. S. (2006). Creating community networks: Can sporting<br />

<strong>events</strong> <strong>of</strong>fer meaningful sources <strong>of</strong> social capital? Managing Leisure, 11, 39-<br />

56.<br />

Social capital refers to the relationships <strong>of</strong> mutual reciprocity embedded in<br />

social networks that enable action. Using the Manchester Commonwealth<br />

Games as a case study, the authors argue that social capital can encourage<br />

new investment as well as making existing investment go further, by<br />

bringing together the <strong>benefits</strong> <strong>of</strong> economic and physical capital into<br />

typically marginalised communities. <strong>Sport</strong>ing <strong>events</strong> are conceived,<br />

promoted, and championed by urban elites that stand to benefit the most<br />

from the successful hosting <strong>of</strong> sporting <strong>events</strong>. Reflecting this, the <strong>benefits</strong><br />

to be accrued by hosting <strong>events</strong> are usually presented in terms <strong>of</strong><br />

improving/expanding civic pr<strong>of</strong>ile, and economic and tourism development.<br />

In many cases the hosting <strong>of</strong> <strong>events</strong> moves forward with or without the tacit<br />

or overt endorsement <strong>of</strong> the local community within the host cities. In<br />

order to promote the development <strong>of</strong> social capital the authors argue that<br />

1) 'community values should be central to all decision-making processes'; 2)<br />

'various stakeholders, particularly community interest groups, should be<br />

involved in strategic activities related to <strong>events</strong> (i.e. bid process,<br />

management, legacy)'; 3) 'collaborative action should empower local<br />

communities to become agents <strong>of</strong> change'; and, 4) 'open communication<br />

and mutual learning throughout strategic activities related to <strong>events</strong> should<br />

be maintained to minimise power brokering'. In this way, cities can be<br />

empowered to realise <strong>benefits</strong> that go far beyond that <strong>of</strong> tourism and<br />

economic development.<br />

Ohmann, S., Jones, I., & Wilkes, K. (2006). <strong>The</strong> perceived social impacts <strong>of</strong> the<br />

2006 Football World Cup on Munich residents. Journal <strong>of</strong> <strong>Sport</strong> & Tourism,<br />

11, 129-152.<br />

This paper explores the perceived social impacts <strong>of</strong> the 2006 FIFA World<br />

Cup on local residents. A multi-stage sampling approach was applied, and<br />

130 interviews were completed shortly after the final World Cup match was<br />

played. Eighty-eight percent <strong>of</strong> respondents supported the statement that<br />

the hosting <strong>of</strong> the FIFA World Cup strengthened the sense <strong>of</strong> community;<br />

only 8% disagreed. Just over half (58%) <strong>of</strong> respondents agreed that the cohosting<br />

<strong>of</strong> the World Cup lead to improvement in local infrastructure. <strong>The</strong><br />

44


construction <strong>of</strong> a new sporting arena and its use for future <strong>events</strong> was<br />

viewed as a positive outcome by 74% <strong>of</strong> respondents. <strong>The</strong> majority <strong>of</strong><br />

respondents (88%) did not feel that the event had lead to increased crime.<br />

21% <strong>of</strong> respondents agreed that there had been an increase in prostitution;<br />

56% disagreed. Over 80% <strong>of</strong> survey respondents disagreed that bad<br />

behaviour <strong>of</strong> football fans during the World Cup in Munich had a negative<br />

impact <strong>of</strong> the event; only 11% agreed. No respondents felt that rent prices<br />

were affected by the event, and only 2% <strong>of</strong> respondents felt that house<br />

prices were affected. In summary, the impacts were largely perceived as<br />

positive by residents, especially in terms <strong>of</strong> urban regeneration, increased<br />

sense <strong>of</strong> security, positive fan behaviour and the general atmosphere<br />

surrounding the event. Negative impacts (e.g. increased crime,<br />

prostitution, and displacement <strong>of</strong> local residents) were perceived by fewer<br />

respondents. Socio-demographic factors such as age, gender or length <strong>of</strong><br />

residence in the city were not found to be influential.<br />

Owen, K. A. (2002). <strong>The</strong> Sydney 2000 Olympics and urban entrepreneurialism:<br />

Local variations in urban governance. Australian Geographical Studies,<br />

40(3), 323-336.<br />

This article examines the local impacts <strong>of</strong> the 2000 Sydney Olympics,<br />

especially in relation to urban governance. This is done through<br />

investigation <strong>of</strong> the planning processes and impacts <strong>of</strong> hosting Olympic<br />

<strong>events</strong> in three case study areas. Discourse analysis <strong>of</strong> semi-structured<br />

interviews and <strong>of</strong>ficial documents were used. A purposive sample <strong>of</strong> eleven<br />

informants from community groups, councils and Olympic organising<br />

authorities was utilised. <strong>The</strong> Ryde Council viewed the Ryde Aquatic Leisure<br />

Centre as an urban marketing and redevelopment tool, providing the<br />

community with an impressive positive economic and physical legacy.<br />

However, negative legacies also arose: 1) the community consultation in<br />

the planning process was superficial characterised by meetings to<br />

disseminate information rather than true community consultation; 2) the<br />

community suffered from reduced access to the facilities during the<br />

Olympic period; and 3) social capital networks were undermined by a lack<br />

<strong>of</strong> trust in public participation processes. <strong>The</strong> Bondi Beach Volleyball<br />

Stadium would take up approximately 34% <strong>of</strong> the Bondi Park and 20% <strong>of</strong> the<br />

beach area. Despite growing opposition, the local council successfully bid<br />

to host the volleyball venue, Subsequent community consultations lead to<br />

the council making some positive changes to the design <strong>of</strong> the stadium. <strong>The</strong><br />

end result was improved community facilities that secured an important<br />

legacy for the community. <strong>The</strong> Homebush area had previously been left as a<br />

contaminated wasteland, but the successful Olympic bid saw the area being<br />

redeveloped into the Sydney Olympic Park. A financial shortfall <strong>of</strong> the local<br />

council, due to land transfer rates for the Olympic Park, had a negative<br />

impact on the provision <strong>of</strong> services to community and youth, resulting in<br />

many programmes being postponed. <strong>The</strong> authors concluded that a lack <strong>of</strong><br />

openness, accountability and meaningful consultation existed between the<br />

Olympic organising authorities and the host communities. Preparations for<br />

the Sydney Olympics had both positive and negative impacts on local<br />

communities. <strong>The</strong> author concludes that 'the public should be afforded the<br />

45


transparency and accountability they require to be involved in charting<br />

future urban environment'.<br />

Regan, M. (1999). Commonwealth gains. Leisure Manager, 17(12), 20-24.<br />

This article, written well before the 2002 Commonwealth Games, outlines<br />

the role <strong>of</strong> the event in rejuvenating the eastern district <strong>of</strong> Manchester.<br />

<strong>The</strong> article argues the case for the event in terms <strong>of</strong> the legacy <strong>of</strong> sporting<br />

structures put in place for the event, generation <strong>of</strong> new employment,<br />

infrastructure improvement and hotel construction. <strong>The</strong> research also<br />

notes the likelihood <strong>of</strong> Manchester becoming more highly regarded as a<br />

place to do business that will result in new companies to relocate to east<br />

Manchester. In order to ensure that these impacts are sustainable, the<br />

author calls for investment not just in the ‘bricks and mortar’, but in the<br />

education and training <strong>of</strong> marginalised people. <strong>The</strong> author argues that post<br />

event evaluations 'should focus on changes to people's quality <strong>of</strong> life as a<br />

consequence <strong>of</strong> the event as opposed to using purely economic indicators as<br />

a method <strong>of</strong> evaluation'.<br />

Soutar, G. N., & McLeod, P. B. (1993). Residents' perceptions on impact <strong>of</strong> the<br />

America's Cup <strong>An</strong>nals <strong>of</strong> Tourism Research, 20, 571-582.<br />

This article presents the results <strong>of</strong> a longitudinal study <strong>of</strong> Fremantle<br />

resident perceptions <strong>of</strong> the 1986/87 America’s Cup and its impacts on the<br />

city. By surveying residents before and after the event it was possible to<br />

consider the expected and actual level <strong>of</strong> impact and changes in<br />

perceptions over time. Random samples <strong>of</strong> 740 Fremantle residents were<br />

selected to take part in the surveys at three separate points in time, two<br />

surveys prior to the Cup and one afterwards. Response rates were over 70%<br />

for each survey, but as the sampling frame was based upon dwellings, and<br />

people move, only half <strong>of</strong> respondents answered all three surveys. Resident<br />

perceptions were classified into two dimensions: physical congestion and<br />

economic activity. Prior to the event residents perceived the current level<br />

<strong>of</strong> both dimensions to be at a low level, but they anticipated that during<br />

the event economic activity and physical congestion levels would increase.<br />

<strong>The</strong> second survey showed that residents noted some increase in economic<br />

activity and physical congestion compared to the first survey. Respondents<br />

still had expectations for higher levels <strong>of</strong> both dimensions to occur after<br />

the event. <strong>The</strong> results <strong>of</strong> the third survey showed that resident perceptions<br />

<strong>of</strong> economic activity did increase, but not to the high levels expected.<br />

Similarly, physical congestion was not as severe as anticipated, suggesting<br />

that that the infrastructure upgrading was a success. Overall, residents’<br />

expectations <strong>of</strong> what Fremantle would be like during the America’s Cup<br />

were more extreme than their perceptions <strong>of</strong> what actually occurred during<br />

the Cup. Most respondents felt that the event had no major disruptive<br />

impact on lifestyles, and that during the Cup period, living in Fremantle<br />

was better than before. <strong>The</strong> majority <strong>of</strong> respondents welcomed having<br />

another America’s Cup or similar event staged in the city in the future. <strong>The</strong><br />

authors note that the results <strong>of</strong> this study must be seen in the light <strong>of</strong> the<br />

46


large extent <strong>of</strong> infrastructure spending surrounding this event that went<br />

into general community facilities.<br />

Twynam, G. D., & Johnston, M. (2004). Changes in host community reactions to a<br />

special sporting event. Current Issues in Tourism, 7(3), 242-261.<br />

'Community support is a key component in the success <strong>of</strong> special <strong>events</strong>'.<br />

Support for sport tourism <strong>events</strong> is sometimes controversial if a community<br />

is required to subsidise the event without a reasonable return to the<br />

community. This research examines residents’ perceptions <strong>of</strong> the 1995<br />

Nordic World Championships, held in Thunder Bay, Northern Ontario,<br />

Canada, and also examines changes in perception over time. Three surveys,<br />

three months prior to the event (T1), three days after the event (T2), and<br />

eight months after the event (T3) were distributed to a sample <strong>of</strong> Thunder<br />

Bay residents. In terms <strong>of</strong> positive impacts, ‘focus national and<br />

international attention on Thunder Bay’ and ‘boost Thunder Bay’s short<br />

term economy’ both ranked highly. <strong>The</strong> highest negative impact score was<br />

‘visitors will interfere with my enjoyment <strong>of</strong> Thunder Bay’. T1 (i.e. before<br />

the event) respondents were more concerned about negative impacts such<br />

as crowded parking, restaurants and shopping areas and expected a more<br />

positive impact on cleanliness than the post-event groups. T3 respondents<br />

were less positive compared to post-event groups in other longitudinal<br />

studies, suggesting that that residents’ views may be different several<br />

months after the event, compared to immediately after the event. <strong>An</strong>other<br />

finding was that concerns over the quality <strong>of</strong> preparation/organisation were<br />

found to be negatively associated with support for the event.<br />

Waitt, G. (2003). Social impacts <strong>of</strong> the Sydney Olympics. <strong>An</strong>nals <strong>of</strong> Tourism<br />

Research, 30, 194-215.<br />

This study addresses the temporal dynamics <strong>of</strong> the social impacts <strong>of</strong><br />

Sydney’s 2000 Olympics, and examines whether a wave <strong>of</strong> mass<br />

consciousness increasingly captures resident imagination. Primary data was<br />

collected through two telephone surveys; the first sample was collected in<br />

1998 from 658 Sydney residents. <strong>The</strong>y were asked to participate in a followup<br />

survey in 2000 during the Olympics which resulted in a second sample <strong>of</strong><br />

178 responses. Results show that enthusiasm levels from 1998 to 2000 <strong>of</strong><br />

residents towards the Olympics were not only sustained, but increased. <strong>The</strong><br />

highest increases were seen in the willingness to participate as a volunteer<br />

(up from 3% to 35%) and a sense <strong>of</strong> community inspired by the Olympic<br />

spirit (up from 43% to 68%). <strong>The</strong> level <strong>of</strong> experienced enthusiasm was also<br />

much higher in 2000 than anticipated in 1998. <strong>The</strong> enthusiasm for Sydney’s<br />

Olympics was seen most positively by respondents with young dependents<br />

and less enthusiastically by older respondents. Enthusiasm was also high for<br />

migrants from non-English speaking countries, due to a feeling <strong>of</strong> becoming<br />

part <strong>of</strong> their community. Positive themes highlighted as an outcome <strong>of</strong> the<br />

event was the argument for improved health and social networking, and<br />

how principles <strong>of</strong> global citizenship, social equity and respect for cultural<br />

differences may illustrate an example to follow. Those respondents who<br />

had negative anticipations <strong>of</strong> the Olympics were concerned about personal<br />

47


economic burdens such as increased taxation and living costs from the<br />

event; however this number <strong>of</strong> respondents decreased from 1998 to 2000.<br />

Respondents rating the Olympics positively generally saw wider economic<br />

<strong>benefits</strong> from the Games such as the creation <strong>of</strong> permanent jobs and<br />

positive spin-<strong>of</strong>fs. <strong>The</strong>mes related to public expenditure were expressed as<br />

‘social injustice’ and ‘no personal rewards’; the majority <strong>of</strong> respondents,<br />

however, perceived material and social rewards as outweighing the public<br />

costs. <strong>The</strong> most powerful psychological reward for many respondents was<br />

the altruistic theme <strong>of</strong> ‘community and national spirit’; another theme <strong>of</strong><br />

‘international promotion’ highlighted the end <strong>of</strong> Australia being seen as a<br />

marginalised destination. Findings confirm that 'global sporting <strong>events</strong> can<br />

be employed as a mechanism to generate patriotism and a sense <strong>of</strong><br />

community or belonging, particularly among the young and ethnic<br />

minorities'. However, the authors caution that these positive outcomes will<br />

diminish if the <strong>benefits</strong> from the event are not sustainable.<br />

Williams, P. W., Hainsworth, D., & Dossa, K. B. (1995). Community development<br />

and special event tourism: the Men's World Cup <strong>of</strong> Skiing at Whistler, British<br />

Columbia. Journal <strong>of</strong> Tourism Studies, 6(2), 11-20.<br />

Community development within a region is dependent on successful mega<br />

event promotions. Simultaneously, successful mega event promotions are<br />

reliant on the support <strong>of</strong> the community in delivering a high quality visitor<br />

experience. Qualitative and quantitative data were collected from a total<br />

<strong>of</strong> 438 respondents (key informants, local resident and non-resident<br />

spectators) in order to examine the degree to which the Men's World Cup <strong>of</strong><br />

Skiing hosted by the community <strong>of</strong> Whistler, British Columbia, and Canada<br />

contributed to its development objectives. Findings suggested that the<br />

value <strong>of</strong> the event to the community was positive and it was highly<br />

endorsed by the local and non-local people. Community identity, pride and<br />

cooperation were strengthened through the hosting <strong>of</strong> this event. Extensive<br />

opportunities for cross-cultural exchange and understanding were<br />

facilitated through local and non-local spectator participation in the<br />

event’s formal and informal activities. <strong>The</strong> event also generated significant<br />

commercial tourism <strong>benefits</strong> such as direct tourism revenues, diversified<br />

tourism product and favourable international exposure through proactive<br />

marketing approaches. Few issues <strong>of</strong> conflict between the event's hosts and<br />

guests were reported as specific groups expressed some concern about the<br />

traffic pressures placed on the community's infrastructure during the peak<br />

periods <strong>of</strong> the event. In conclusion, systematic monitoring <strong>of</strong> this mega<br />

event provided an example <strong>of</strong> the kind <strong>of</strong> socio-cultural impact mega<br />

<strong>events</strong> could have on local communities. Research implies that monitoring<br />

<strong>of</strong> mega <strong>events</strong> is important as it provides valuable information for guiding<br />

the future management <strong>of</strong> <strong>events</strong> towards community goals. <strong>The</strong>re is also a<br />

need for further monitoring as it may focus on issues that provide a deeper<br />

appreciation <strong>of</strong> the event’s socio-cultural and economic effects.<br />

48


Summary: Socio-cultural impacts<br />

<strong>The</strong> literature on the socio-cultural impacts and <strong>benefits</strong> <strong>of</strong> sporting <strong>events</strong><br />

contains a number <strong>of</strong> clear messages. <strong>The</strong>se are that:<br />

• While a number <strong>of</strong> studies assessing the social impacts <strong>of</strong> <strong>events</strong> have emerged<br />

in the literature over recent years, there are indeed still need for more<br />

research into the social value <strong>of</strong> <strong>events</strong> and how host communities can<br />

leverage these <strong>events</strong>.<br />

• Community support is essential for a successful large-scale event. Involvement<br />

<strong>of</strong> the community in the earliest stages <strong>of</strong> planning is encouraged.<br />

• <strong>The</strong> majority <strong>of</strong> residents in a host community are likely to support a megaevent.<br />

Residents will be supportive and responsive to the event if they<br />

perceive that they will receive some sort <strong>of</strong> social, economic, or other kind <strong>of</strong><br />

benefit the event. Host community residents value the tourism spending,<br />

media coverage, business development opportunities and employment<br />

opportunities made possible by <strong>events</strong>. Increased community pride, crosscultural<br />

exchanges, lifting the pr<strong>of</strong>ile <strong>of</strong> the city, making a place more<br />

interesting place to live, community self-esteem and a sense <strong>of</strong> community<br />

rank highly in terms <strong>of</strong> the positive social outcome <strong>of</strong> <strong>events</strong>.<br />

• Longitudinal studies show that residents tend to expect higher levels <strong>of</strong><br />

negative impacts from an event than what they actually experience. Residents<br />

tend to show increased levels <strong>of</strong> enthusiasm during the event, than they would<br />

have expected prior to the event.<br />

• Opposition will greatest from those who live in closest proximity to the<br />

event/facility and from those who have little or no interest in the event.<br />

Noise levels, traffic congestion, overcrowding, and disruption to lifestyle are<br />

among the most highly cited negative outcomes <strong>of</strong> <strong>events</strong> for local residents.<br />

• Communities are increasingly aware <strong>of</strong> ‘being used’ political and business<br />

elites who pr<strong>of</strong>it at the expense <strong>of</strong> local residents. Communities are seeking<br />

to ensure that individuals and groups receive a just share <strong>of</strong> the <strong>benefits</strong>.<br />

• <strong>The</strong>re is little evidence that crime increases during an event although it clearly<br />

places pressure on police to respond effectively given the extra demands <strong>of</strong><br />

the event.<br />

• <strong>The</strong>re is little likelihood that major event volunteers will increase their level<br />

<strong>of</strong> volunteerism in the wider community.<br />

49


Environmental Impacts<br />

Becken, S. (2001). Energy consumption patterns in the accommodation sector -<br />

<strong>The</strong> <strong>New</strong> Zealand case. Ecological Economics, 39(3), 371-386.<br />

A review <strong>of</strong> the literature revealed the lack <strong>of</strong> a systematic approach for<br />

investigating resource use and particularly energy use in the<br />

accommodation sector. Hotels are the largest energy users, both in terms<br />

<strong>of</strong> total annual usage and use per visitor night, making up 67% <strong>of</strong> the total<br />

energy use in <strong>New</strong> Zealand’s accommodation sector. Motels are the second<br />

largest energy consumers, which is a result <strong>of</strong> the large number <strong>of</strong> visitornights<br />

rather than the energy use per visitor-night. It appears that 'the<br />

accommodation sector does not contribute substantially to the total energy<br />

use in <strong>New</strong> Zealand' because the sector consumes only 4.4% <strong>of</strong> the<br />

commercial sector’s energy use and 0.4% <strong>of</strong> the total energy use in <strong>New</strong><br />

Zealand. <strong>The</strong> authors still argue that the accommodation sector has a role<br />

'as a potential target for energy saving increases'. For tourist destinations<br />

that seek to perform sustainable tourism, and, for example, apply for<br />

international awards, such as the Green Globe, the ‘greening’ <strong>of</strong><br />

accommodation businesses is an integral part in achieving this goal. <strong>The</strong><br />

lack <strong>of</strong> awareness and interest on environmental issues within the<br />

accommodation sector should be a major aspect <strong>of</strong> further environmental<br />

programs. A 'green' event should ideally be associated with a green<br />

accommodation sector.<br />

Becken, S. (2002). Understanding energy consumption patterns <strong>of</strong> tourist<br />

attractions and activities in <strong>New</strong> Zealand. Tourism Management, 23(4),<br />

343-354.<br />

<strong>The</strong>re is a lack <strong>of</strong> comprehensive studies on energy consumption and energy<br />

benchmarks for tourist attractions and activities as there is throughout the<br />

tourism sector. <strong>The</strong> diverse character <strong>of</strong> tourist attractions and activities is<br />

a main feature, which makes it difficult to examine them systematically.<br />

Generally, entertainment establishments attract 10 times the visitors <strong>of</strong><br />

attractions (66,000) and 20 times those <strong>of</strong> activities (5000). Tourist<br />

attractions in <strong>New</strong> Zealand are generally characterised by low visitation<br />

levels, compared with other countries. Entertainment attractions are<br />

major consumers in terms <strong>of</strong> total energy use; they consume much less<br />

energy per tourist than activities. Tourist attractions consume a similar<br />

amount <strong>of</strong> per capita energy as entertainment establishments. This results<br />

from the allocation <strong>of</strong> energy to large visitor volumes. Activities generally<br />

require more energy per tourist. This is partly due to the individual style<br />

and service orientation <strong>of</strong> activity packages, compared with (mass-tourism)<br />

attractions. Often, the product is complex and composite and requires<br />

energy at different stages. Above-average energy consumption for the sake<br />

<strong>of</strong> only a few tourists (e.g. heliskiing) is undesirable from the energy point<br />

<strong>of</strong> view. Attractions with a generally low energy use and above-average<br />

visitation levels, could be promoted. Tourist activities are generally more<br />

50


energy intensive than attractions. This is <strong>of</strong> particular interest in the <strong>New</strong><br />

Zealand context, as the marketing focuses increasingly on the activity part<br />

<strong>of</strong> the tourist experience. Energy use is only one among other parameters<br />

to assess the environmental impact and there are many more effects that<br />

need to be considered. However, energy use is a valid parameter and has<br />

an advantage in that it is possible to assess it in a quantitative and<br />

objective way. A green event would encourage visitors and attendees to<br />

participate in green non-event-related activities.<br />

Becken, S. (2005). Towards sustainable tourism transport: <strong>An</strong> analysis <strong>of</strong> coach<br />

tourism in <strong>New</strong> Zealand. Tourism Geographies, 7(1), 23-42.<br />

Coach tourism, by nature, focuses on visiting a large range <strong>of</strong> tourist icons<br />

at a destination, while at the same time staying at places that <strong>of</strong>fer<br />

sufficient infrastructure for a service-conscious clientele. Coach tourism is<br />

comparatively energy-intensive because <strong>of</strong> typically large travel distances<br />

per day (between 187 and 285 km per day) and the common use <strong>of</strong><br />

domestic air transportation in addition to land-based travel. <strong>The</strong> average<br />

travel distance <strong>of</strong> all touring tourists in <strong>New</strong> Zealand is about 1,500 km<br />

(Becken and Cavanagh 2003), but coach tourists in this study were found to<br />

travel between 1,776 km (Asia) and 2,274 km (Europe). Australian coach<br />

tours are characterised by relatively short travel distance, low usage <strong>of</strong><br />

domestic air and the integration <strong>of</strong> a range <strong>of</strong> land/transport modes (e.g.<br />

train) and, for these reasons, transport energy use is lower compared with<br />

other coach tours. North American coach tours commonly include air<br />

travel, which is necessary to link the major hubs within their short stay <strong>of</strong><br />

nine days. In terms <strong>of</strong> the energy-efficiency <strong>of</strong> transport modes used by<br />

coach tourists, there are counteracting trends. A relative increase in air<br />

travel as opposed to land transportation results in larger energy use and<br />

potentially fortifies the concentration <strong>of</strong> tourists in main hubs in which<br />

airports are located. A concentration in hubs potentially restrains more<br />

remote regions from economic development. From the perspective <strong>of</strong><br />

energy use and greenhouse gas emissions, as well as regional development,<br />

the sustainability <strong>of</strong> these coach tourists has to be questioned.<br />

Becken, S., & Patterson, M. (2006). Measuring national carbon dioxide emissions<br />

from tourism as a key step towards achieving sustainable tourism. Journal<br />

<strong>of</strong> Sustainable Tourism, 14(4), 323-338.<br />

<strong>The</strong>re are two methodologies used to look at the carbon footprints <strong>of</strong><br />

tourism: top-down and bottom-up. <strong>The</strong> bottom-up approach requires<br />

potentially extensive collection <strong>of</strong> primary data. <strong>The</strong> analysis <strong>of</strong> tourist<br />

behaviour as part <strong>of</strong> the bottom-up approach is critical for understanding<br />

the main drivers <strong>of</strong> energy use both across and within sub sectors. This<br />

helps formulating energy efficiency and greenhouse gas policies that target<br />

human behaviour. <strong>The</strong> top-down analysis provides an abstract overview <strong>of</strong><br />

tourism as a sector in the national economy. This analysis is extremely<br />

useful to strategically assess tourism’s position as part <strong>of</strong> the economy, and<br />

can be used for policy analysis, allowing assessment <strong>of</strong> macroeconomic<br />

instruments such as a carbon charge. For the reference year <strong>of</strong> 2000, the<br />

51


ottom-up analysis estimated a total energy use <strong>of</strong> 25.35 PJ for the tourism<br />

sector within <strong>New</strong> Zealand, and 1549 kilotonnes <strong>of</strong> carbon dioxide emitted.<br />

Domestic tourists make up 70% <strong>of</strong> energy use, although they contribute 91%<br />

to the total number <strong>of</strong> trips. Results from the top-down analysis showed<br />

direct energy consumption in 1997/98 by the tourism sector was 27.53 PJ,3<br />

and this energy use resulted in 1438 kilotonnes <strong>of</strong> CO2 emissions. Domestic<br />

tourism was responsible for 74% <strong>of</strong> tourism’s direct energy use and<br />

associated CO2 emissions. Moreover, the top-down analysis calculated<br />

indirect effects to be 19.83 PJ and 1251 kilotonnes <strong>of</strong> CO2, and it also<br />

determined that tourism ranked 19th (worst) out <strong>of</strong> 26 sectors (including<br />

households) in terms <strong>of</strong> energy use and carbon dioxide emissions.<br />

International air travel was not factored into either methodology. It is<br />

acknowledged that the inclusion <strong>of</strong> international air travel would increase<br />

the energy use and emissions from tourism at a particular destination<br />

substantially and could also change the relative importance <strong>of</strong> domestic<br />

compared with international tourism.<br />

Beder, S. (1993). Sydneys Toxic Green Olympics. Current Affairs Bulletin, 70(6),<br />

12-18.<br />

To win the Olympic Games for Sydney, the Sydney Olympics 2000 Bid<br />

Limited (SOBL) had to overcome a public relations hurdle. <strong>The</strong> International<br />

Olympic Committee (IOC) was keen to have a green Olympics. <strong>The</strong> solution<br />

was to concentrate on and market other "green" aspects <strong>of</strong> Sydney's bid and<br />

ensure that discussion <strong>of</strong> the contamination was kept out <strong>of</strong> the public<br />

arena. Sydney's problem was that the city's proposed site was to be amidst<br />

one <strong>of</strong> Australia's worst toxic waste dumps. Inspectors found that the most<br />

contaminated parts <strong>of</strong> the site posed potential health and safety problems<br />

to workers and site visitors during redevelopment, particularly from near<br />

surface asbestos contamination near the main brick pit and chemical<br />

contamination and ongoing generation and seepage to the surface <strong>of</strong><br />

landfill gas. <strong>The</strong>y also stated that there could be public health risks to users<br />

<strong>of</strong> these areas arising from possible seepage <strong>of</strong> contaminants and gases to<br />

the surface after redevelopment was complete. Despite misgivings by some<br />

environmentalists about the environmental credentials <strong>of</strong> the Games, the<br />

issue <strong>of</strong> toxic contamination <strong>of</strong> the site was not openly discussed prior to<br />

the Olympic decision because <strong>of</strong> the inaccessibility <strong>of</strong> relevant information.<br />

<strong>The</strong> claim that the 2000 Olympics would be green, 'should be seen in the<br />

same light as other green marketing claims, as a superficial attempt to sell<br />

a product rather than a genuine attempt at change'.<br />

Beyer, S. (2006). <strong>The</strong> Green Olympic Movement: Beijing 2008. Chinese Journal <strong>of</strong><br />

International Law, 5(2), 423–440.<br />

To secure an impact <strong>of</strong> Beijing’s green Olympics that lasts beyond the three<br />

weeks <strong>of</strong> the mega event, incentive-based measures ought to be specified<br />

to address overexploitation <strong>of</strong> resources and excessive consumption.<br />

<strong>The</strong>refore, regulations generally should be complemented by market-based<br />

measures which provide incentives for environmentally friendly behaviour.<br />

This involves reforms in the pricing system for natural resources and raw<br />

52


materials. Especially, the increase in prices both for industries and<br />

consumers would encourage more sustainable resource management and<br />

enable Beijing to break the cycle <strong>of</strong> resource shortage and pollution. Beyer<br />

writes that '<strong>The</strong> Olympics, although intended as a showcase for athletic<br />

achievements, generally give a strong impetus to reforms and therefore<br />

have the potential to function as a catalyst for environmental, social and<br />

political change'. She also argues that 'Since the Olympics represent an<br />

opportunity to encourage physical exercise, short distance travelling by<br />

means <strong>of</strong> muscular strength and awareness <strong>of</strong> its ecological impact should<br />

be promoted'. For Beijing, where pedestrians, bicycles and rickshaws have<br />

coined the city’s historical image for decades, 'these forms <strong>of</strong> locomotion<br />

should enjoy priority for short-distance travelling'. It is also decisive to<br />

ensure that service providers and sponsors endorse the sustainable<br />

development and support this policy from the early stages <strong>of</strong> planning.<br />

Close communication between the organising committee and the sponsors<br />

ought to be sought, ensuring the development <strong>of</strong> sustainable products and<br />

services associated with the Olympics, with the end-goal <strong>of</strong> 'facilitating<br />

long-term growth <strong>of</strong> an economy specialising in environmental business'.<br />

Brajer, V., & Mead, R. W. (2003). Blue Skies in Beijing? Looking at the Olympic<br />

Effect. <strong>The</strong> Journal <strong>of</strong> Environment & Development, 12(2), 239-263.<br />

In this research, the positive health outcomes associated with improved air<br />

quality created by the environmental cleanup activities for the Beijing<br />

Olympics are reported. Using China-based health-effects studies, the<br />

authors project averted deaths will increase and that hospital outpatient<br />

visits, and emergency room visits will decrease. <strong>The</strong> results indicate that<br />

the ‘Olympic effect’ is substantial, with a midrange value <strong>of</strong> health<br />

improvements likely to approximate US$29 billion over the period 1999-<br />

2008.<br />

Cantelon, H., & Letters, M. (2000). <strong>The</strong> making <strong>of</strong> the IOC environmental policy as<br />

the third dimension <strong>of</strong> the Olympic movement. International review for the<br />

sociology <strong>of</strong> sport, 35(3), 294-308.<br />

<strong>The</strong> 1994 Winter Olympics were the first to be organised under a clearly<br />

articulated environmental protection policy. <strong>The</strong>y note that wording <strong>of</strong> the<br />

IOC declaration suggest that the IOC led this process but clearly did not.<br />

This article argues that it was the was the widespread environmental<br />

damage at the 1992 Albertville and the Savoie Region Games, and the<br />

subsequent environmentally sensitive Green Games <strong>of</strong> Lillehammer in 1994<br />

that were the key antecedents for the development <strong>of</strong> this policy. <strong>The</strong><br />

authors argue that the IOC was pressured into developing an environmental<br />

policy but had little understanding <strong>of</strong> how to address this global issue. <strong>The</strong><br />

Norwegian people, with their long-standing and well-developed respect for<br />

nature, provided an example that the IOC embraced. <strong>The</strong> local initiative <strong>of</strong><br />

Lillehammer has now become the global policy that all future Olympic<br />

Games organising committees must follow if they are to win the bid to<br />

organise an Olympiad. This has encouraged other major <strong>events</strong> to adopt<br />

environmentally sensitive and sustainable practices.<br />

53


Gossling, S., Peeters, P., Ceron, J.-P., Dubois, G., Patterson, T., & Richardson, R.<br />

B. (2005). <strong>The</strong> eco-efficiency <strong>of</strong> tourism. Ecological Economics, 54(4), 417-<br />

434.<br />

<strong>The</strong> use <strong>of</strong> fossil fuels and related emissions <strong>of</strong> greenhouse gases is the most<br />

pressing environmental problem related to tourist. Transport contributes<br />

‘over proportionally’ to the overall environmental impact <strong>of</strong> leisuretourism.<br />

In this article, the relationship between environmental damage<br />

and economic gains is explored within the context <strong>of</strong> tourism. Ecoefficiency<br />

is a term coined by the World Business Council for Sustainable<br />

Development in 1995, and based on a lifecycle analysis approach to reduce<br />

the use <strong>of</strong> resources and environmental impacts. <strong>The</strong> 'damage per unit <strong>of</strong><br />

value generation' is the unit <strong>of</strong> analysis. <strong>The</strong> eco-efficiency <strong>of</strong> tourism is a<br />

function <strong>of</strong> carbon dioxide-equivalent emissions and revenues generated.<br />

All case studies highlighted travel distance and air transportation as the<br />

most relevant factor contributing to an unfavourable eco-efficiency rating.<br />

Factors influencing eco-efficiency in a favourable way were longer average<br />

lengths <strong>of</strong> stay and higher expenditures per day. Overall, and in order <strong>of</strong><br />

importance, travel distance, means <strong>of</strong> transport, average length <strong>of</strong> stay,<br />

and expenditures per day are the factors influencing eco-efficiency. <strong>The</strong><br />

authors also refute the claims from the tourism industry that tourism is<br />

more environmentally friendly than other industries.<br />

Kaspar, R. (1998). <strong>Sport</strong>, environment and culture. Olympic Review, 26(20), 67-<br />

70.<br />

Every human activity has an impact on the natural environment, as does<br />

sport. <strong>The</strong> IOC and other sports organisations have realised that sport is a<br />

key factor in the development <strong>of</strong> our global society. <strong>The</strong> complex concept<br />

<strong>of</strong> “sustainability” can be described as any form <strong>of</strong> economic development<br />

that serves current needs without having a negative impact on future<br />

generations. Even the “greenest” construction in the most natural setting<br />

still has an impact if its post-use is not guaranteed and can develop into a<br />

social burden for the community. Three areas <strong>of</strong> concern must be analysed<br />

when considering the environment and mega-<strong>events</strong>: impact on nature (<strong>of</strong><br />

sport venues, infrastructure); problems occurring during the event; and<br />

post use <strong>of</strong> sports facilities and infrastructure. Kaspar argues that 'Only a<br />

cooperative approach between the organisers, politics, sponsors and the<br />

media can guarantee a smooth implementation <strong>of</strong> environmental<br />

initiatives'. He concludes that 'environmental aspects should become<br />

central concerns in the charters <strong>of</strong> sports organisations as well as within the<br />

decision-making processes <strong>of</strong> <strong>events</strong> organisers'.<br />

54


Kearins, K., & Pavlovich, K. (2002). <strong>The</strong> role <strong>of</strong> stakeholders in Sydney's green<br />

games. Corporate Social Responsibility and Environmental Management,<br />

9(3), 157-169.<br />

This paper focuses on the various roles played by stakeholders in the<br />

development <strong>of</strong> Sydney Olympics and its efforts to become recognised as<br />

the Green Games. Environmental groups both assisted in defining the green<br />

agenda and, in retaining their independence, reserved the right to evaluate<br />

and publicly critique performance. <strong>The</strong> involvement <strong>of</strong> green lobby groups<br />

'<strong>of</strong>fered legitimacy to Games organisers’ environmental efforts'. <strong>The</strong>re was<br />

<strong>of</strong>ten tension between these green groups and the organisers. <strong>The</strong> authors<br />

write that 'While enhanced green credentials for every facet <strong>of</strong> the event<br />

might be an ideal, at a practical level it can impose additional cost burdens<br />

and demands under a regime <strong>of</strong> tight deadlines and potentially high<br />

visibility'. Resolving these inherent tensions necessarily requires<br />

considerable negotiation between stakeholders in the light <strong>of</strong> particular<br />

local conditions and the absence <strong>of</strong> much proven expertise in green event<br />

management'.<br />

Laginestra, E., & Hughes, K. (2000). <strong>The</strong> Olympics in Australia: Managing and<br />

monitoring remediated land. Paper presented at the <strong>The</strong> Brownfields 2000<br />

- Research and Regionalism: Revitalizing the American Community, <strong>New</strong><br />

Jersey, USA<br />

Remediation at Homebush was based on the need to improve surface water<br />

quality by removing the exposure pathways that existed from waste dumps<br />

to the wetlands and waterways. After discussion with stakeholders, the<br />

Olympic Coordination Authority (OCA) decided waste management on-site<br />

was preferable to exporting the waste and contaminated soil elsewhere.<br />

Waste was consolidated into discrete areas and a wet landfill approach was<br />

adopted to ensure that leachate was captured prior to migration to the<br />

environment. Surface stormwater paths were redirected around<br />

contaminated land and cut-<strong>of</strong>f walls were inserted to protect the<br />

waterways where necessary. By June 2000 most remediation work had been<br />

completed at the site and a visual inspection and chemical monitoring<br />

program <strong>of</strong> the leachate system was implemented. <strong>The</strong> entire Homebush<br />

Bay site consists <strong>of</strong> 760 hectares, <strong>of</strong> which 140 ha is remediated land. <strong>The</strong><br />

site is broadly divided into the “built” areas (Sydney Olympic Park and the<br />

Athletes Village) located on non-contaminated land, and open space, which<br />

contains the remediated mounds, remnant habitat and the undeveloped<br />

former naval site. A constraints map was developed to consider future land<br />

management requirements or issues. <strong>The</strong>se constraints are divided broadly<br />

into 4 categories – Contaminated Substrate, Habitat Protection, Public<br />

Health and Safety and Other Values. <strong>The</strong> site is used for both active and<br />

passive recreation. It will also provide habitat for terrestrial, avian and<br />

aquatic species. Areas <strong>of</strong> the site also provide cultural heritage (both preand<br />

post European).<br />

55


Lenskyj, H. (1998). <strong>Sport</strong> and Corporate Environmentalism: <strong>The</strong> Case <strong>of</strong> the<br />

Sydney 2000 Olympics. International review for the sociology <strong>of</strong> sport,<br />

33(4), 341-354.<br />

Mega <strong>events</strong> pose many environmental problems including waste<br />

management, energy consumption, transportation, materials recycling and<br />

negative impact on natural environment. <strong>The</strong> Sydney Olympics gave a<br />

commitment to energy conservation and use if renewable sources, water<br />

conservation, waste avoidance and minimisation, protecting human health<br />

with appropriate standards <strong>of</strong> air, water and soil quality and protecting<br />

significant cultural and natural environments. <strong>The</strong> author argued that 'the<br />

Sydney Olympics were prepared to embrace the green concept for public<br />

relations purposes but less willing to embrace it as commitment to<br />

environmental best practice' and were particularly sensitive to criticisms <strong>of</strong><br />

the environmental practices. 'Manipulation and dishonesty are poor<br />

strategies' for dealing with public interest in public <strong>events</strong>. Organisers<br />

'capitalised upon Australia's uncritical view <strong>of</strong> sport and the excitement <strong>of</strong><br />

the Olympics' to avoid their environmental responsibilities.<br />

May, V. (1995). Environmental implications <strong>of</strong> the 1992 Winter Olympic Games.<br />

Tourism Management, 16, 269-275.<br />

This research evaluates the environmental impacts <strong>of</strong> the 1992 Winter<br />

Olympics in Lillehammer. <strong>The</strong> positive effects were the selection <strong>of</strong> sites<br />

that would rehabilitate already damaged industrial sites; the design <strong>of</strong><br />

these sites to minimise harmful impacts; improvement <strong>of</strong> water quality in<br />

both treatment and in supply; road improvement (reducing air pollution and<br />

accidents); regional image enhanced for agriculture; reduced downstream<br />

eutrophication that safeguarded lake ecosystems; and extensive tree<br />

planting. <strong>The</strong> most significant negative effects have been post-Olympic<br />

damage to Les Saisies (venue from cross country skiing that once possessed<br />

rich wetland and moorland fauna and flora); increased snow-making<br />

impacts; scarred landscape with removal <strong>of</strong> forest and increased numbers<br />

and areas <strong>of</strong> pistes; disruption <strong>of</strong> animal migration routes; increased<br />

summer visitor numbers as a result <strong>of</strong> improved access and additional bed<br />

spaces, but without an extension <strong>of</strong> the season and at the cost <strong>of</strong><br />

overloading <strong>of</strong> other facilities; and a reduction in river biological diversity<br />

and productivity. <strong>The</strong> author conclude trade-<strong>of</strong>fs occur at the site, local<br />

and regional level and it is at the regional level <strong>of</strong> analysis where the<br />

positive impacts are likely to outweigh the negative impacts.<br />

Milton-Smith, J. (2002). Ethics, the Olympics and the search for global values.<br />

Journal <strong>of</strong> Business Ethics, 35(3), 1-22.<br />

'Although the cost <strong>of</strong> staging these <strong>events</strong> is massive, the unique<br />

opportunities for media exposure and promotion make them extremely<br />

attractive, both to host cities and sponsors'. This is also despite the<br />

separation <strong>of</strong> the event from its ideals - 'Olympic mythology also rests<br />

uncomfortably with the contemporary reality <strong>of</strong> an event which has been<br />

56


transformed by television and commercial sponsorship into global mass<br />

entertainment'.<br />

'Disillusionment with the Olympics mirrors the mounting disenchantment<br />

with the values <strong>of</strong> globalisation'. Global institutions 'have been particularly<br />

dismal in addressing issues involving poverty, terrorism, environmental<br />

protection, natural disasters and humanitarian crises involving the weak<br />

and defenceless. Apart from fundamental challenges to national<br />

sovereignty, cultural tradition and human rights, globalisation has<br />

unleashed a huge range <strong>of</strong> complex and unprecedented ethical challenges<br />

in areas as diverse as foreign investment, education, medicine, poverty,<br />

environmental sustainability, immigration, marketing, intellectual<br />

property, the Internet and sport. Sustained attacks on the UN, WTO, IMF<br />

and World Bank, as tools <strong>of</strong> global capitalism, have urged the need for 'a<br />

more ethical, compassionate and equitable distribution <strong>of</strong> wealth and for a<br />

more responsible balance between economic growth, on the one hand, and<br />

human rights and environmental protection on the other'. He argues that<br />

there should be 'a broadening <strong>of</strong> the Games’ agenda to include not only a<br />

larger program <strong>of</strong> cultural <strong>events</strong>, but also community forums to debate<br />

issues <strong>of</strong> global concern, including human rights and environmental<br />

protection'. In this way, mega <strong>events</strong> can provide a 'a platform for<br />

promoting positive global values'.<br />

Roper, T. (2006). Producing environmentally sustainable Olympic Games and<br />

‘greening’ major public <strong>events</strong>. Global Urban Development Magazine, 2(1).<br />

<strong>Sport</strong> is a vehicle for capturing the public’s attention, and therefore can be<br />

important for helping to change public attitudes. '<strong>The</strong>re is no reason why<br />

any major public event, from its planning to execution, should not be<br />

sustainably 'green'. All five <strong>of</strong> the final bidders for the 2012 Olympics<br />

committed their cities to fulfilling exemplary environmental standards.<br />

Major <strong>events</strong> and the design and construction <strong>of</strong> their facilities provide a<br />

key opportunity to advance awareness and technology for sustainable<br />

development. Urban hosts <strong>of</strong> major <strong>events</strong> increasingly seek to minimise<br />

the negative environmental effects and maximise the positive impacts. <strong>The</strong><br />

growing number <strong>of</strong> successful experiences has resulted in lowering the costs<br />

<strong>of</strong> best practices and enhancing long-term gains. Major <strong>events</strong> can harm the<br />

environment in the following ways: changes in land-use and the destruction<br />

<strong>of</strong> natural environments through building construction, transportation, and<br />

other forms <strong>of</strong> physical development; consumption <strong>of</strong> non-renewable<br />

resources; emissions to soil, air, and water, and the generation <strong>of</strong> large<br />

amounts <strong>of</strong> waste; contributing to ozone depletion, global warming, and air<br />

pollution; and diminishing biodiversity. Major <strong>events</strong> can help address the<br />

greenhouse problem in many different ways including improved planning<br />

and building <strong>of</strong> facilities, the promotion <strong>of</strong> non-polluting public transit<br />

vehicles, reducing waste, and encouraging participants and visitors to <strong>of</strong>fset<br />

their travel and accommodation emissions. <strong>The</strong> basic emissions <strong>of</strong>fsets,<br />

relevant to major <strong>events</strong>, are planting trees to reabsorb carbon dioxide<br />

and/or investing in energy conservation and renewable energy production<br />

projects which either reduce emissions or replace polluting fossil fuel<br />

57


power generation. 'Ecological footprinting' is put forward as a useful<br />

measure <strong>of</strong> an event’s demand for natural resources. <strong>The</strong> energy footprint,<br />

measured in 'global hectares per person' represents the area <strong>of</strong> forest that<br />

would be required to absorb the carbon dioxide emissions from the event’s<br />

direct and indirect energy consumption.<br />

Willis, A. M. (2000). <strong>The</strong> limits <strong>of</strong> sustainable architecture. Paper presented at<br />

the Shaping the Sustainable Millennium, Queensland University <strong>of</strong><br />

Technology.<br />

<strong>The</strong> author explores the role <strong>of</strong> architecture towards environmentally<br />

sustainable development (ESD). Despite the achievements in some <strong>of</strong> the<br />

venues in regard to water and energy conservation, the opportunity was not<br />

grasped at the Sydney Olympics to make ESD the driver <strong>of</strong> the design<br />

process - ESD battled unsuccessfully with cost and aesthetics for that role.<br />

ESD was positioned within the procurement process in a way that rendered<br />

it marginal. <strong>The</strong> genuine efforts <strong>of</strong> some <strong>of</strong> the architects and engineers to<br />

build more in a more sustainable way was not matched by the <strong>of</strong>ficial<br />

bodies that had, quite ironically, put the ESD on the Olympic agenda.<br />

Sustainable architecture is under-developed because <strong>of</strong> a failure to take<br />

issues <strong>of</strong> sustainability seriously enough, incoherent ESD policy, the<br />

predominantly aesthetic agenda <strong>of</strong> architecture and the assumption that<br />

certain technologies in themselves will deliver sustainability. Efforts to<br />

design environmentally sustainable facilities for the Sydney Olympics were<br />

limited by these same problems. Willis argues for a 'radical<br />

reconceptualisation <strong>of</strong> architecture from being an activity <strong>of</strong> designing<br />

structures to one <strong>of</strong> designing ‘sustainments’ or environments with the<br />

ability to sustain that which needs to be sustained'.<br />

58


Summary: Environmental impacts<br />

<strong>The</strong> literature on the environmental impacts and <strong>benefits</strong> <strong>of</strong> sporting <strong>events</strong><br />

contains a number <strong>of</strong> clear messages. <strong>The</strong>se are that:<br />

• More research needs to be conducted on environmental impacts <strong>of</strong> <strong>events</strong>.<br />

<strong>The</strong> event impact literature is dominated largely by economic studies and, to a<br />

lesser extent, social impact studies.<br />

• Waste management, energy consumption, transportation, materials recycling<br />

and negative impact on natural environment are amongst the most likely<br />

environmental issues associated with large-scale <strong>events</strong>.<br />

• <strong>The</strong>re is no literature that directly links large-scale <strong>events</strong> to climate change.<br />

However, there is increasing recognition <strong>of</strong> the contribution <strong>of</strong> motorised<br />

transportation, air transport in particular, to carbon emissions, climate change<br />

and global warming.<br />

• <strong>The</strong> recreational activities that visitors undertake beyond the event may well<br />

result in the more environmental damage than their participation in the event<br />

itself<br />

• Ecological foot printing, energy consumption and eco-efficiency are all useful<br />

ways <strong>of</strong> measuring an <strong>events</strong> environmental impact.<br />

• Not withstanding the lack <strong>of</strong> connection between <strong>events</strong> and large-scale<br />

environmental damage, the adoption <strong>of</strong> ‘green’ policies appears to be<br />

institutionalised within large scale <strong>events</strong>. Major <strong>events</strong> and the design and<br />

construction <strong>of</strong> their facilities provide a key opportunity to advance awareness<br />

and technology for sustainable development. Mega <strong>events</strong> need to be seen as<br />

environmentally friendly to avoid lobby group and community disapproval.<br />

• A cooperative approach between organisers, politicians, sponsors and the<br />

media can guarantee a smooth implementation <strong>of</strong> environmental initiatives.<br />

<strong>The</strong> involvement <strong>of</strong> green organisations in the planning process can ameliorate<br />

concerns regarding environmental damage. <strong>The</strong>re is growing scepticism to the<br />

commitment <strong>of</strong> <strong>events</strong> to their much-publicised green objectives.<br />

59


Health Impacts<br />

<strong>Sport</strong> England (2004). Athens success inspires one in four to take up sport. (2004).<br />

Available at:<br />

http://www.sportengland.org/news/press_releases/athens_success_inspire<br />

s.htm<br />

<strong>Sport</strong> England claims that due to success at Athens, more people indicated<br />

they will be more involved sport. More than a quarter <strong>of</strong> the population in<br />

England (26%) have been inspired by British medal-winning performances at<br />

the Olympic Games in Athens to play more sport or become more involved<br />

in sport in the near future. Roger Draper, Chief Executive <strong>of</strong> <strong>Sport</strong> England,<br />

said; “This research confirms what we already believed, that major<br />

international sporting <strong>events</strong> have a significant impact on boosting the<br />

public’s positive perceptions about sport. From the success achieved by our<br />

athletes at both the 2002 Commonwealth Games and again in Athens, we<br />

can clearly see the positive impact through people now taking up sport and<br />

others planning to do so in the near future. <strong>Sport</strong> England claims “the<br />

impact on levels <strong>of</strong> participation in sport would be even greater were<br />

London to win the bid to host the 2012 Games. This is according to the<br />

feedback received by <strong>Sport</strong> England from 11 <strong>of</strong> the governing bodies that<br />

represent leading Olympic sports. Most <strong>of</strong> the sports that shone brightest<br />

for Britain at this year’s Olympics believe that a successful London bid for<br />

the 2012 Games would have a major impact on the levels <strong>of</strong> future<br />

participation in their sport.” This survey-based research shows the<br />

perceived intent to participate rather than the actual participation rate.<br />

Curling success and its impact on participation. (2004). Research Report No. 92.<br />

Edinburgh, Scottland: <strong>Sport</strong> Scottland.<br />

Media coverage during and following the British women’s team’s<br />

involvement in the Olympics and World Championships and the success<br />

gained at these <strong>events</strong> contributed somewhat to public interest in the<br />

sport, and that these factors contributed to increasing participation. Thirtyeight<br />

per cent <strong>of</strong> people new to curling indicated that television coverage<br />

<strong>of</strong> curling was an important factor in their decision to take up curling, while<br />

36% <strong>of</strong> new curlers were influenced by the success the British team.<br />

However, the results indicated that the most important factor for<br />

participation was the influence <strong>of</strong> friends. Nearly 50% <strong>of</strong> new participants<br />

indicated that friends were the most important factor in their decision to<br />

take part in curling. It is not known what impact the success <strong>of</strong> the British<br />

team had on the friends that encouraged the new curlers to take part and<br />

new curlers. Also, the success may have made the new curlers more likely<br />

to respond to the influence <strong>of</strong> their friends. <strong>The</strong>refore, it is difficult to<br />

quantify the full impact on this increase in participation.<br />

60


Bauman, A., Ford, I., & Armstrong, T. (2001). Trends in population levels <strong>of</strong><br />

reported physical activity in Australia, 1997, 1999 and 2000. Canberra,<br />

Australia: Australian <strong>Sport</strong>s Commission.<br />

This report indicates that there were declines in physical activity between<br />

1997 and 1999 for adult Australians and no change in physical activity<br />

participation between 1999 and November 2000. Four percent adults<br />

reported that they had done some physical activity which they attributed to<br />

the Olympics. <strong>The</strong> authors conclude that 'the Olympics had little impact<br />

upon physical activity participation overall across the adult population and<br />

that 'the Olympics was not likely to have specifically resulted in increases in<br />

physical activity participation in the whole community'. One apparent<br />

impact <strong>of</strong> the Olympics, was the intention to be more active. Across<br />

gender and a variety <strong>of</strong> groups, short-term intention to be active increased.<br />

This could be attributed to the Olympics, as the Olympics 'might have been<br />

an encouraging event that got people to think about being physically<br />

active'. Of the adults surveyed in 2000, almost 50% are doing no more, or<br />

no less physical activity than one year previously. Although 28% <strong>of</strong> adults<br />

indicated they were more active than one year previously, this is countered<br />

by the 23% <strong>of</strong> adults who indicated they were less active than a year<br />

before. In summary, there is no demonstrated cause and effect<br />

relationship between the Olympics and physical activity participation.<br />

Brown, A., & Massey, J. (2001). <strong>The</strong> sports development Impact <strong>of</strong> the Manchester<br />

2002 Commonwealth Games: Initial baseline research. Manchester,<br />

England: Manchester Institute for Popular Culture, Manchester Metropolitan<br />

University.<br />

This report was a literature review <strong>of</strong> studies <strong>of</strong> previous major sporting<br />

<strong>events</strong>. It was a guide for UK <strong>Sport</strong> in preparation for Manchester 2002. <strong>The</strong><br />

authors suggested that interest in sport during and immediately following<br />

the Commonwealth Games be measured. This could be done monitoring<br />

national and regional governing body enquiries, and even selected case<br />

study sports clubs. However, the full co-operation <strong>of</strong> these organisations<br />

would be needed for this to be a success and it would need to be followed<br />

by an assessment <strong>of</strong> whether these enquiries translated into actual postevent<br />

participation. Coalter (1999) suggests that policies aimed at sports<br />

development need to take account <strong>of</strong> wider social, economic and cultural<br />

influences. He asserts that policy makers might be better to follow patterns<br />

<strong>of</strong> sports participation, meaning that provision should respond to the needs<br />

<strong>of</strong> consumers, rather than try to encourage participation in sports which are<br />

currently less popular. This has implications for the ongoing impact study,<br />

given that some <strong>of</strong> the sports in the Commonwealth Games are less popular<br />

sports. Materials from the Leisure Industry Research Centre at Sheffield<br />

Hallam University suggest that international <strong>events</strong> may have a particularly<br />

strong effect on the participation <strong>of</strong> people from ethnic minority<br />

backgrounds. Due to historical factors, the Commonwealth Games <strong>of</strong>fers a<br />

unique testing ground for this assertion because the countries competing<br />

are <strong>of</strong>ten the same as those from which ethnic minority populations are<br />

derived. This means that the international nature <strong>of</strong> the event is<br />

61


particularly linked to the ethnic minority populations UK <strong>Sport</strong> are<br />

concerned with and one might expect a higher response in terms <strong>of</strong><br />

participation than for some other major <strong>events</strong>.<br />

Coalter, F. (2004). London 2012: a sustainable sporting legacy? In A. Vigor & M.<br />

Mean (Eds.), After the goldrush: A sustainable Olympics for London.<br />

London, England: Ippr and Demos.<br />

<strong>The</strong> report highlights misperceptions associated with the Olympic Games<br />

and increased participation in sport as a result <strong>of</strong> hosting the Games. <strong>The</strong><br />

London 2012 bid included comments about increased participation and the<br />

nation becoming healthier as a result <strong>of</strong> London hosting the Summer<br />

Olympics. Coalter acknowledges the dearth <strong>of</strong> research specifically focused<br />

on participation, health and the Olympics as they pertain to the host city<br />

and country. He suggests that “if large-scale changes in sports<br />

participation are to occur, this will be the result <strong>of</strong> complex (and not well<br />

understood) interactions between such factors as changing public attitudes<br />

and values, changing distributions <strong>of</strong> work time, sustained government<br />

investment in schools and improved infrastructure <strong>of</strong> local, quality,<br />

facilities” (p. 12). <strong>The</strong>re is little research on the impact <strong>of</strong> major <strong>events</strong> on<br />

sports development (Hindson et al., 1994). <strong>The</strong>re are tremendous<br />

difficulties in isolating an “Olympic effect.” It would seem inappropriate<br />

to establish strategic sports participation targets related directly to a<br />

successful Olympics. Unless the Games are embedded in a longer-term<br />

developmental strategy they are likely to have only limited sports-specific<br />

impacts. Finally, there is a lack <strong>of</strong> leveraging by NSOs as they fail to take<br />

advantage <strong>of</strong> the publicity surrounding the Games.<br />

Dickson, G., & Sch<strong>of</strong>ield, G. (2005). Globalisation and globesity: the impact <strong>of</strong> the<br />

2008 Beijing Olympics on China. International Journal <strong>of</strong> <strong>Sport</strong> Management<br />

and Marketing, 1(1/2), 169-179.<br />

It is not the Olympic Games itself that is directly responsible for the<br />

negative related health outcomes, but rather it is the market opportunities<br />

and the sorts <strong>of</strong> foreign direct investment that the Olympic sponsorship<br />

programme attracts to the Chinese marketplace. As sponsors, Coca-Cola,<br />

McDonalds, Volkswagen, Panasonic, Samsung, Lenova and General Electric<br />

are partially responsible for this massive change. Although these<br />

multinationals will undoubtedly benefit from their investment in China and<br />

their association with the 2008 Olympics, there are likely to be substantial<br />

long-term economic and health costs for China. <strong>The</strong> argument put forward<br />

here is that the 2008 Olympics will assist a number <strong>of</strong> companies to market<br />

to the Chinese population calorie-dense food and beverages as well as<br />

devices associated with reduced energy expenditure. <strong>The</strong> authors suggest<br />

that the 2008 Olympics will not create China’s obesity problem but rather<br />

that it will exacerbate it. In so doing, the International Olympic Committee<br />

(IOC) and its sponsors are contributing to globesity – the worldwide<br />

epidemic that is obesity. In the absence <strong>of</strong> any literature suggesting<br />

otherwise, the authors contend that it is 'unlikely that the negative impact<br />

<strong>of</strong> increased caloric consumption and motor vehicle use associated with the<br />

62


2008 Olympics will be <strong>of</strong>fset by physical activity increases associated with<br />

the same event'. <strong>The</strong> authors conclude with the statement '<strong>The</strong> irony <strong>of</strong> the<br />

2008 Olympics is that being the pinnacle <strong>of</strong> health and physical prowess,<br />

the event will serve to accelerate the opportunities for massive<br />

multinational globalisation and ultimately, globesity'. Note, that these<br />

impacts are likely to be most prevalent in developing economies.<br />

Game Plan: A strategy for delivering Government's sport and physical activity<br />

objectives. (2002). London, England.<br />

This is a large report covering social, economic, cultural and other views<br />

regarding health and fitness in the UK. <strong>The</strong>re is section on hosting mega<strong>events</strong><br />

and participation. Education plays a key role in affecting levels <strong>of</strong><br />

participation. <strong>The</strong> <strong>benefits</strong> <strong>of</strong> hosting mega sporting <strong>events</strong>, whether<br />

economic, social or cultural are difficult to measure and the available<br />

evidence is limited. <strong>The</strong> report argues for cost benefit anlayses rather than<br />

simple economic impact studies - 'As impact studies treat investment costs<br />

as a stimulus for further <strong>benefits</strong>, the calculation <strong>of</strong> opportunity costs<br />

should include the potential <strong>benefits</strong> that could be derived from alternative<br />

investments'. After describing the empirical support for the <strong>benefits</strong> <strong>of</strong><br />

<strong>events</strong> as week, the report comments '<strong>The</strong> message is not: ‘don’t invest in<br />

mega <strong>events</strong>’; it is rather: ‘be clear that they appear to be more about<br />

celebration than economic returns’. On the contribution <strong>of</strong> <strong>events</strong> to urban<br />

regeneration, the report comments that 'there is little statistical or<br />

economic evidence to suggest that such regeneration impacts are<br />

significant in practice'. <strong>The</strong> report also states that 'the economic<br />

justifications for any future bids for mega <strong>events</strong> must be rigorously<br />

assessed'. On the matter <strong>of</strong> destination branding, 'the effect is greatest for<br />

less well known, in global terms, host cities'. <strong>The</strong> interactions between<br />

participation, international competition and hosting <strong>events</strong> are unclear.<br />

<strong>The</strong> report notes that despite 'hosting <strong>events</strong> does not appear to lead to<br />

increased long-term success'; and 'hosting <strong>events</strong> does not necessarily lead<br />

to increases in mass participation' and that there is 'little evidence that<br />

hosting <strong>events</strong> has a significant influence on participation'. If increased<br />

participation is generated, it may be as much a consequence <strong>of</strong> the public<br />

pr<strong>of</strong>ile <strong>of</strong> the sport via news and advertising. If major new facilities are<br />

needed, the economic and regeneration <strong>benefits</strong> <strong>of</strong> hosting mega <strong>events</strong><br />

must be carefully weighed against all costs, including opportunity costs.<br />

<strong>The</strong> interactions between participation, international competition and<br />

hosting <strong>events</strong> are unclear. For example, international success does not<br />

appear to stimulate sustained increases in participation; and hosting <strong>events</strong><br />

does not appear to lead to increased long-term success. Major <strong>events</strong> 'are<br />

an integral part <strong>of</strong> the business <strong>of</strong> sport'. Governments should be involved<br />

in more than just the funding <strong>of</strong> the mega-event - 'From a government<br />

perspective, arguably many <strong>of</strong> the problems experienced with mega <strong>events</strong><br />

projects are due to its lack <strong>of</strong> active involvement from the earliest stages'.<br />

63


Hadjichristodoulou, C., Mouchtouri, V., Vaitsi, V., Kapoula, C., Vousoureli, A.,<br />

Kalivitis, I., et al. (2006). Management <strong>of</strong> environmental health issues for<br />

the 2004 Athens Olympic Games: is enhanced integrated environmental<br />

health surveillance needed in every day routine operation? BMC Public<br />

Health, 6(306).<br />

A public health sector, enforcing and ensuring prevention, control, and<br />

management <strong>of</strong> environmental health issues, is essential during a mass<br />

gathering event such as the Olympic and Paralympic Games. Management <strong>of</strong><br />

environmental health issues is an integral part <strong>of</strong> public health systems. <strong>An</strong><br />

active integrated environmental health surveillance and response system<br />

was developed for the Athens Olympics to monitor and prevent exposure to<br />

environmental hazards. <strong>The</strong> potential for permanent implementation <strong>of</strong> the<br />

program was examined. <strong>The</strong> Olympic Planning Unit integrated and<br />

centrally managed data from 13 public health agencies, recommended,<br />

supervised and coordinated prompt corrective actions. Methods used to test<br />

the effectiveness <strong>of</strong> the program were the assessment <strong>of</strong> water quality test<br />

and inspection results trends over time using linear regression and<br />

epidemiological surveillance findings. Between January 2003 and<br />

September the 30th, 2004, 196 inspectors conducted 8562 inspections,<br />

collected 5024 water samples and recommended 17 027 corrective actions.<br />

Unsatisfactory inspection results and positive water quality tests were less<br />

frequent over time. <strong>The</strong> authors attribute this to timely implementation<br />

and installation <strong>of</strong> communication processes, and rapid and coordinated<br />

response to unsatisfactory inspection results.<br />

Hamlyn, P., & Hudson, Z. (2005). 2012 Olympics: Who will survive? . British<br />

Journal <strong>of</strong> <strong>Sport</strong>s Medicine, 39, 882-883.<br />

<strong>The</strong> authors lament the lack <strong>of</strong> research associated with mega-<strong>events</strong> such<br />

as the Olympics and any increase in health and participation as a result <strong>of</strong><br />

hosting the Games. <strong>The</strong> article discusses the problems related to poor<br />

health but also touches on the need for more sport medicine doctors should<br />

the general public increase its participation. Hamlyn writes that 'the ability<br />

to generate a legacy <strong>of</strong> health 'is not as straight forward as it might at first<br />

appear' and that '<strong>The</strong> health equation <strong>of</strong> an Olympic games is by no means<br />

simple'. <strong>The</strong> research published 'on the health legacy <strong>of</strong> major sporting<br />

<strong>events</strong> is scant. Referencing tends to be circular, and the markers <strong>of</strong><br />

improved health are almost invariably indirect'. It has been acknowledged<br />

that, although hard data to support the economic <strong>benefits</strong> and urban<br />

renewal are quite commonly generated, research into the health related<br />

impact is lacking.<br />

Jorm, L. R., Thackway, S. V., Churches, T. R., & Hills, M. W. (2003). Watching the<br />

Games: public health surveillance for the Sydney 2000 Olympic Games. .<br />

Journal <strong>of</strong> Epidemiology and Community Health, 57, 102-108.<br />

During the Sydney 2000 Olympic Games, there were around 5% more<br />

presentations to emergency departments than in comparable periods in<br />

other years. Several incidents detected through surveillance, including<br />

64


injuries caused by broken glass, and a cluster <strong>of</strong> presentations related to<br />

the use <strong>of</strong> the drug ecstasy prompted further action. Key elements in the<br />

success <strong>of</strong> public health surveillance for Games included careful planning,<br />

comprehensive coverage, and timely reporting. <strong>The</strong> findings <strong>of</strong> public<br />

health surveillance indicate that the Sydney 2000 Games had only a small<br />

impact on health. <strong>The</strong>re were slightly more presentations to emergency<br />

departments than in the corresponding periods in the preceding and<br />

following years—an increase that was not observed in Atlanta. However,<br />

only a few <strong>of</strong> the extra presentations were by overseas visitors. <strong>The</strong><br />

increased activity may have reflected reduced availability <strong>of</strong> general<br />

practitioner services, as a result <strong>of</strong> doctors taking holidays. No<br />

communicable disease outbreaks that had a direct bearing on Sydney during<br />

the Games were reported. Regarding food safety at Olympic venues, 22% <strong>of</strong><br />

compliance audits and 6.4% <strong>of</strong> hygiene checks were unsatisfactory.<br />

Although several public health incidents were managed during the<br />

surveillance period, there was no evidence that these were directly related<br />

to the Games.<br />

Veal, A. J., & Toohey, K. (July 2005). <strong>Sport</strong> for All & the Legacy <strong>of</strong> the Sydney<br />

2000 Olympic Games. Paper presented at the International Event<br />

Management Research Conference, Sydney, Australia.<br />

Increased mass sport participation is a 'major justification for public<br />

funding' <strong>of</strong> sport and <strong>events</strong>. Survey results appear to show a small<br />

increase in participation post-Sydney Olympics but there are<br />

methodological questions to consider as the survey type and style changed.<br />

Veal and Toohey suggest that policy makers are 'not serious about the<br />

effects <strong>of</strong> the Olympics on mass sport participation. In the top 10 Olympic<br />

sports, participation levels were varied as some sports showed increases,<br />

some remained static, and some showed decreases in participation. Veal<br />

concludes that changes could be the result <strong>of</strong> the Olympic effect, changes<br />

in the survey, both, or other factors. <strong>The</strong> top 10 non-Olympic sports had<br />

the greatest participation increases. Given the difficulty in measuring these<br />

outputs, there is no reliable evidence that the Sydney Olympics positively<br />

impacted upon mass sport participation.<br />

65


Summary: Health impacts<br />

<strong>The</strong> literature on the health impacts and <strong>benefits</strong> <strong>of</strong> sporting <strong>events</strong> contains a<br />

number <strong>of</strong> clear messages. <strong>The</strong>se are that:<br />

• <strong>The</strong>re is evidence that public health monitoring systems can be developed<br />

to ensure food and water quality standards are maintained during a megaevent.<br />

This is not to say that public health issues are not created by<br />

<strong>events</strong>, merely that they can be managed.<br />

• Despite the intuitive link, there is no compelling evidence that <strong>events</strong> lead<br />

to increased physical activity or sport participation within a host<br />

community. Increased awareness levels and intentions can result but these<br />

may not lead to actual changes in behaviour.<br />

• <strong>The</strong>re is difficulty in measuring the link between mega-<strong>events</strong> and mass<br />

sport participation. <strong>The</strong>re is need for more research in this area.<br />

• Physical activity and sports participation is likely to remain unaffected<br />

unless the event is embedded in a longer-term developmental strategy.<br />

<strong>Sport</strong> organisations are <strong>of</strong>ten unprepared to capitalise on the opportunities<br />

provided by <strong>events</strong>.<br />

66


Appendix 1: Method<br />

A comprehensive literature search was conducted. A number <strong>of</strong> set phrases and<br />

keywords were used to search for relevant journal articles. <strong>The</strong>se included but<br />

were not limited to: economic impact, social impact, environmental impact,<br />

economic development, business leveraging, destination branding, mega event,<br />

hall mark event, major event, Olympic Games, Commonwealth Games, climate<br />

change, global warming, sport tourism, event tourism, sport <strong>events</strong>, legacies,<br />

urban redevelopment/ regeneration, and resident attitudes. To be included in the<br />

<strong>annotated</strong> <strong>bibliography</strong>, articles had to:<br />

• Be peer reviewed<br />

• Be based on an acceptable and sound research methodology (broadly defined)<br />

• Make a contribution to understanding the impact <strong>of</strong> <strong>events</strong><br />

• Be published in the last ten years<br />

Online databases provided a systematic way <strong>of</strong> identifying articles that might<br />

reasonably be expected to have published event impact type studies. <strong>The</strong><br />

following list is indicative <strong>of</strong> the journals searched:<br />

• Journal <strong>of</strong> <strong>Sport</strong> Management<br />

• <strong>Sport</strong> Management Review<br />

• Journal <strong>of</strong> <strong>Sport</strong>s Economics<br />

• Journal <strong>of</strong> <strong>Sport</strong> and Social Issues<br />

• European <strong>Sport</strong> Management<br />

Quarterly<br />

• International Journal <strong>of</strong> <strong>Sport</strong>s<br />

Marketing and Sponsorship<br />

• International Journal <strong>of</strong> <strong>Sport</strong><br />

Management & Marketing<br />

• Journal <strong>of</strong> <strong>Sport</strong> Tourism<br />

• <strong>An</strong>nals <strong>of</strong> Tourism Research<br />

• Current Issues in Tourism<br />

• International Journal <strong>of</strong> Event<br />

Management Research<br />

• International Journal <strong>of</strong><br />

Hospitality Management<br />

• International Journal <strong>of</strong> Tourism<br />

Research<br />

• Journal <strong>of</strong> Leisure Research<br />

• Journal <strong>of</strong> Sustainable Tourism<br />

• Journal <strong>of</strong> Travel & Tourism<br />

Marketing<br />

• Journal <strong>of</strong> Travel and Tourism<br />

Research<br />

• Journal <strong>of</strong> Vacation Marketing<br />

• Tourism <strong>An</strong>alysis<br />

• Tourism Economics: <strong>The</strong> Business<br />

and Finance <strong>of</strong> Tourism and<br />

Recreation<br />

• Tourism Management<br />

• Tourism Recreation Research<br />

• Tourism Review International<br />

Other information sources<br />

A search <strong>of</strong> relevant internet sources was also undertaken.<br />

67


Appendix 2: Databases searched<br />

Database Fulltext Platform Description<br />

Blackwell-Synergy Y Blackwell<br />

Synergy<br />

Over 620 journals within physical sciences,<br />

life sciences, medicine, social sciences and<br />

humanities.<br />

EBSCO<br />

Premier<br />

MegaFile<br />

Y EBSCOHost Suite <strong>of</strong> 24 databases covering a wide<br />

variety <strong>of</strong> subjects. More than 7,000 <strong>of</strong> the<br />

11,000 titles are available in full text<br />

including 3200 peer-reviewed journals.<br />

Also includes 900 Country Economic reports<br />

and 10,000 company pr<strong>of</strong>iles from<br />

Datamonitor.<br />

Expanded Academic<br />

ASAP<br />

Index <strong>New</strong> Zealand<br />

(INNZ)<br />

Leisure, Recreation<br />

and Tourism<br />

Abstracts<br />

ProQuest 5000<br />

International<br />

Y Info Trac Web Premier database for research in all the<br />

academic disciplines. Balanced coverage <strong>of</strong><br />

every academic concentration — from<br />

advertising and microbiology to history and<br />

women’s studies.<br />

N Voyager Index with abstracts from selected NZ<br />

serial publications journals, including<br />

newspapers and nearly 300 journals about<br />

NZ and the South Pacific. Approximately<br />

2,000 documents added monthly. Subjects<br />

covered include general interest material,<br />

social research, current affairs, the arts<br />

and humanities. Many <strong>New</strong> Zealand titles<br />

have also been retrospectively indexed.<br />

N CABI Brings together information for those<br />

interested in research and strategic<br />

development <strong>of</strong> leisure, recreation, sport,<br />

tourism and hospitality activities,<br />

facilities, products, and services.<br />

Y ProQuest Over 5,500 journals across several<br />

disciplines and with full text for over<br />

3,000.<br />

Science Direct Y ScienceDirect Over 1,700 journals from Elsevier Science,<br />

Academic Press and Harcourt Health<br />

Sciences covering a wide range <strong>of</strong><br />

disciplines.<br />

SPORT Discus N OVID Contains international information on:<br />

sports medicine, exercise physiology,<br />

biomechanics, psychology, training<br />

techniques, coaching, physical education,<br />

physical fitness, active living, recreation,<br />

history, facilities, and equipment.<br />

68


Appendix 3: Definitions<br />

Economic impact: This is defined as ‘the net economic change in the incomes <strong>of</strong><br />

host residents that results from spending attributed to tourists.<br />

Crompton, J. L. (2006). Economic impact studies: Instruments for political<br />

shenanigans? Journal <strong>of</strong> Travel Research, 45(1), 67-82.<br />

It is important to note that there is widespread variation in the meaning <strong>of</strong> this<br />

term in the literature. Many economic impact assessments confuse the turnover<br />

<strong>of</strong> the event, the indirect spending associated with the event (especially<br />

infrastructure development), the ‘new money’ that flows into a region and the<br />

net benefit to residents as measured by increased wages/income.<br />

Social/Cultural impact: Studies that examine the social impacts <strong>of</strong> tourism usually<br />

consider interpersonal relations, moral conduct, religion, language and health,<br />

whereas the cultural studies consider both material and non-material forms <strong>of</strong><br />

culture and processes <strong>of</strong> cultural change. It is commonly accepted that there is no<br />

clear distinction between social and cultural phenomena. <strong>The</strong>se authors define<br />

the social impacts <strong>of</strong> tourism as the changes in the quality <strong>of</strong> life <strong>of</strong> residents <strong>of</strong><br />

tourist destinations.<br />

Mathieson, A., & Wall, G. (1982). Tourism: economic, physical and social impacts.<br />

Harlow Essex, UK: Longman Scientific & Technical.<br />

“<strong>The</strong> social impacts involve the more immediate changes in quality <strong>of</strong> life and<br />

adjustment to the industry in destination communities. <strong>The</strong> cultural impacts focus<br />

on the longer-term changes in a society's norms and standards, which will<br />

gradually emerge in a community's social relationships and artifacts.”<br />

Murphy, P. E. (1985). Tourism: a community approach. <strong>New</strong> York: Routledge.<br />

Environmental impact: <strong>The</strong>re are generally three areas <strong>of</strong> concern that must be<br />

analysed considering the environment and mega-<strong>events</strong>: impacts on the natural<br />

environment are the most visible (for building sport venues, infrastructure such as<br />

construction <strong>of</strong> roads, railways and parking areas); problems that may occur<br />

during the event; and post use <strong>of</strong> sports facilities and infrastructure.<br />

Kaspar, R. (1998). <strong>Sport</strong>, environment and culture. Olympic Review, 26(20), 67-<br />

70.<br />

Environmental impact is <strong>of</strong>ten associated with the concept <strong>of</strong><br />

Sustainable development. Sustainable development is defined by the World<br />

Commission on Environment and Development (WCED) as "development that meets<br />

69


the needs <strong>of</strong> the present generation without compromising the ability <strong>of</strong> future<br />

generations to meet their own needs"<br />

Health impact: This is defined in terms <strong>of</strong> an <strong>events</strong> ability to positively and<br />

negatively impact upon a person’s physical wellbeing.<br />

Major event: Major <strong>events</strong> are categorised as either hallmark or mega-<strong>events</strong>.<br />

Characteristics <strong>of</strong> major <strong>events</strong> are: they attract media attention, large crowds,<br />

and funds to the region; they involve prestige and status, tradition or symbolism,<br />

and large costs; they leave behind legacies or urban renewal, are <strong>of</strong> national or<br />

international scale, and incorporate festivals and other <strong>events</strong>.<br />

Mega-event: Mega-<strong>events</strong> such as the World Soccer Cup Final or the Olympic<br />

Games are specifically targeted towards the international tourism market, and are<br />

characterised by their size in terms <strong>of</strong> attendance, target market, level <strong>of</strong> public<br />

financial involvement, political effects, extent <strong>of</strong> television coverage,<br />

construction <strong>of</strong> facilities, as well as social and economic impacts on the host<br />

community.<br />

Hall, C. M. (1992). Hallmark tourist <strong>events</strong>: impacts, management and planning.<br />

London: Belhaven Press.<br />

Hallmark event: “Major one-time or recurring <strong>events</strong> <strong>of</strong> limited duration,<br />

primarily to enhance the awareness, appeal and pr<strong>of</strong>itability <strong>of</strong> a tourism<br />

destination in the short and/or long term. Such <strong>events</strong> rely for their success on<br />

uniqueness, status, or timely significance to create interest and attract<br />

attention.”<br />

Ritchie, J. R. B. (1984). Assessing the impact <strong>of</strong> hallmark <strong>events</strong>: conceptual and<br />

research issues, Journal <strong>of</strong> Travel Research, 23(1), 2-11.<br />

<strong>The</strong> term ‘hallmark event’, does not only include large scale <strong>events</strong> generally<br />

occurring within major cities and towns, but also include community festivals,<br />

local celebrations and other special <strong>events</strong> as they should be seen in relation to<br />

their individual regional, local and cultural significance.<br />

Hall, C. M. (1992). Hallmark tourist <strong>events</strong>: impacts, management and planning.<br />

London: Belhaven Press.<br />

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