The benefits of events: An annotated bibliography - Sport New ...
The benefits of events: An annotated bibliography - Sport New ...
The benefits of events: An annotated bibliography - Sport New ...
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<strong>The</strong> <strong>benefits</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>events</strong>: <strong>An</strong> <strong>annotated</strong> <strong>bibliography</strong><br />
Prepared for <strong>Sport</strong> and Recreation <strong>New</strong> Zealand (SPARC)<br />
By<br />
<strong>The</strong> <strong>New</strong> Zealand Tourism Research Institute<br />
AUT University<br />
April 2007<br />
www.nztri.org
Executive summary<br />
This <strong>annotated</strong> <strong>bibliography</strong> summarises studies on the likely impacts and value <strong>of</strong><br />
sports <strong>events</strong>. <strong>The</strong> impacts examined were economic, socio-cultural,<br />
environmental and health impacts.<br />
Key themes that emerged from the literature relate were:<br />
1. Widespread claims that <strong>events</strong> provide a community with economic<br />
<strong>benefits</strong> are made in the absence <strong>of</strong> compelling evidence;<br />
2. Events provide both social <strong>benefits</strong> and cost to a community, but<br />
communities remain largely supportive <strong>of</strong> such activities;<br />
3. Events play only a small role in macro-environmental change but can have<br />
significant negative impacts at the local level. Large scale <strong>events</strong> can<br />
showcase new ‘green’ technologies and practices;<br />
4. <strong>The</strong> absence <strong>of</strong> any compelling evidence that large-scale sport <strong>events</strong><br />
increase physical activity and sports participation levels;<br />
5. Whilst much is known about event impacts, there are considerable<br />
knowledge gaps and disputes regarding appropriate methodologies.<br />
2
Table <strong>of</strong> Contents<br />
Economic Impacts ............................................................................ 4<br />
Summary: Economic impacts............................................................ 31<br />
Socio-cultural Impacts ...................................................................... 33<br />
Summary: Socio-cultural impacts ...................................................... 49<br />
Environmental Impacts ..................................................................... 50<br />
Summary: Environmental impacts...................................................... 59<br />
Health Impacts............................................................................... 60<br />
Summary: Health impacts ............................................................... 66<br />
Appendix 1: Method......................................................................... 67<br />
Appendix 2: Databases searched .......................................................... 68<br />
Appendix 3: Definitions..................................................................... 69<br />
3
Economic Impacts<br />
<strong>An</strong>dranovich, G., Burbank, M. J., & Heying, C. H. (2001). Olympic cities: Lessons<br />
learned from mega-event politics. Journal <strong>of</strong> Urban Affairs, 23(2), 113-131.<br />
'Mega-<strong>events</strong> allow cities to focus economic development activities and<br />
attention for competitive gain. Mega-<strong>events</strong> are a category <strong>of</strong> <strong>events</strong> so<br />
spectacular that they are recognised around the world as a peak event,<br />
worthy <strong>of</strong> everyone's attention.' In addition 'cities can usually leverage<br />
event preparations to promote an impressive array <strong>of</strong> development<br />
opportunities'. This study addresses policy opportunities and challenges in<br />
hosting the Olympic Games in Los <strong>An</strong>geles (1984), Atlanta (1996) and Salt<br />
Lake City (2002). In order to understand the impacts <strong>of</strong> these large-scale<br />
and multidimensional <strong>events</strong>, government documents, <strong>of</strong>ficial Olympic<br />
documents, interviews with local <strong>of</strong>ficial, local media reports, public<br />
opinion poll data, and other available sources were examined. <strong>The</strong> study<br />
found that support for mega-event is premised upon the generation <strong>of</strong><br />
revenue for the state’s tourism industry in the short term and the provision<br />
<strong>of</strong> a long-term boost to the city’s image. For example the 2002 Salt Lake<br />
City games generated $1.3b in federal fund, $1.4b in tourism, expansion <strong>of</strong><br />
tourism business and estimated $40m legacy fund (est.). <strong>The</strong> total<br />
economic impact for the 1996 to 2003 period was estimated to be $4.5b,<br />
with net revenues to state and local government projected to be $75.9<br />
million. In addition the event was hoped to brand Salt Lake City as the<br />
‘winter sports capital’ <strong>of</strong> North America. Two reasons for engaging in a<br />
mega-event strategy were identified. First, city leaders see the Olympic<br />
Games in strategic terms, providing opportunities to gain regional,<br />
national, international media exposure at relatively low cost. Second,<br />
hosting the Olympics is expected to make significant contributions to<br />
tourism and economic development. In order to ensure that both <strong>of</strong> these<br />
opportunities are capitalised upon, the adoption <strong>of</strong> long time frame is<br />
encouraged as well as the creation <strong>of</strong> public-private partnerships.<br />
Baade, R. A., & Matheson, V. (2002). Bidding for the Olympics: Fool's gold?<br />
Available at:<br />
http://www.holycross.edu/departments/economics/vmatheso/research/ol<br />
ympics.pdf<br />
<strong>The</strong> purpose <strong>of</strong> this paper was to assess the economic impact <strong>of</strong> the 1984<br />
and 1996 Summer Olympics. A review <strong>of</strong> the literature indicated the<br />
evolution <strong>of</strong> standard techniques based on standard macroeconomic theory,<br />
in which expenditure and income approaches are used to estimate the<br />
economic impacts. In order to provide credible estimates on the economic<br />
impacts <strong>of</strong> a mega-event, this study recommends an ex post (i.e. after the<br />
event) model. A survey to determine expenditure by those attending the<br />
event (complete with a question on place <strong>of</strong> residence) was identified as a<br />
straightforward means <strong>of</strong> estimating direct expenditures in a manner that is<br />
statistically acceptable. In both instances <strong>of</strong> the 1984 and the 1996 Summer<br />
4
Olympic Games, the economic impact was more modest than that<br />
projected by those promoting the <strong>events</strong>. <strong>The</strong> authors conclude that the<br />
mega-<strong>events</strong> industry is by its very nature exceptional in terms <strong>of</strong> its<br />
infrequency and the particular and immediate demands it makes on a host<br />
economy. Rather than fitting in, the host economy must change to<br />
accommodate the event. Host communities need to 'be realistic about what<br />
the Olympics <strong>of</strong>fer economically'. <strong>The</strong> <strong>of</strong>fers suggest that 'In the absence <strong>of</strong><br />
careful and controlled planning, cities that succeed in hosting the Olympics<br />
may well only find fool’s gold for their efforts'.<br />
Baade, R. A., & Matheson, V. A. (2004). <strong>The</strong> quest for the cup: Assessing the<br />
economic impact <strong>of</strong> the World Cup. Regional Studies, 38(4), 343-354.<br />
<strong>The</strong> purpose <strong>of</strong> this study was to evaluate the boost to the US economy<br />
from hosting the 1994 FIFA World Cup. <strong>An</strong> ex post model was used to<br />
provide a filter through which the promises made by event<br />
boosters/advocates can be filtered. Ex ante approaches (i.e. before the<br />
event) 1) <strong>of</strong>ten confuse event turnover with impact, 2) use incorrect or<br />
inaccurate multipliers, and 3) are influenced sample/respondent bias. <strong>The</strong><br />
study indicated that with over 3.5 million fans attending games during the<br />
tournament, the 1994 World Cup was clearly an enormous popular success,<br />
providing event organisers with large pr<strong>of</strong>its. <strong>The</strong> evidence suggests that a<br />
$4 billion economic impact for the US projected by Cup boosters probably<br />
did not materialise. On the contrary, the evidence indicates a far greater<br />
likelihood that the World Cup had an overall negative impact on the<br />
average host city and on the US economy overall. Host cities were<br />
estimated to have combined losses <strong>of</strong> between $5.5 and $9.3 billion<br />
compared to the ex ante estimates <strong>of</strong> a $4 billion boost for the host<br />
communities. <strong>The</strong> authors encourage host communities to 'more thoroughly<br />
evaluate booster promises <strong>of</strong> a financial windfall…before committing<br />
substantial public resources'.<br />
Burgan, B., & Mules, T. (2001). Reconciling cost-benefit and economic impact<br />
assessment for event tourism. Tourism Economics, 7(4), 321-330.<br />
This paper presents a theoretical analysis <strong>of</strong> the relationship between costbenefit<br />
analysis (CBA) and economic impact assessment (EIA). Governments<br />
typically justify their investment in <strong>events</strong> in terms <strong>of</strong> the economic<br />
impacts that the <strong>events</strong> bring to their host region. However, the<br />
justification for other types <strong>of</strong> public expenditure is usually based upon CBA<br />
which emphasises opportunity costs as well as consumer and producer<br />
surplus measures. In practice, it tends to be the measurement <strong>of</strong> <strong>benefits</strong><br />
rather than costs that causes most disagreement. <strong>The</strong> authors state that<br />
public spending on special <strong>events</strong> is a specific example <strong>of</strong> public spending<br />
on tourism promotion. Special <strong>events</strong> have an economic impact through the<br />
expenditure <strong>of</strong> those visitors who would not have come had the event not<br />
been held. Reviewing the past studies carried on <strong>events</strong> in Australia<br />
indicates that if the owners <strong>of</strong> the means <strong>of</strong> production are the residents,<br />
this area represents extra income that the residents <strong>of</strong> the region receive<br />
as a result <strong>of</strong> hosting the event. <strong>The</strong> study also identifies other <strong>benefits</strong> and<br />
5
costs measured under a more standard CBA approach. For example, major<br />
<strong>events</strong> <strong>of</strong>ten cause inconvenience (i.e. indirect cost) to local residents such<br />
as noise pollution and congestion. This demonstrates the difference<br />
between CBA and economic impact as means <strong>of</strong> measuring the benefit from<br />
hosting an event. It is stated that CBA estimates <strong>of</strong> cost and benefit could<br />
not be added to the economic impact to generate a value <strong>of</strong> net benefit or<br />
net cost, as CBA only emphasizes consumer and producer surplus. '<strong>The</strong><br />
spending <strong>of</strong> public money on hosting <strong>events</strong> is justified in terms <strong>of</strong> the<br />
tourism promotion implication <strong>of</strong> the event, and the existence <strong>of</strong> market<br />
failure, which pr<strong>events</strong> individual providers <strong>of</strong> tourist services from<br />
capturing all <strong>of</strong> the tourist expenditure'. <strong>The</strong> authors conclude that the<br />
economic impact approach is an appropriate methodology to evaluate<br />
public expenditure on special <strong>events</strong>. 'A more appropriate measure <strong>of</strong><br />
benefit than the consumer surplus measure used in cost–benefit analysis is<br />
the impact that the event has on regional incomes'.<br />
Burton, R. (2003). Olympic Games host city marketing: <strong>An</strong> exploration <strong>of</strong><br />
expectations and outcomes. <strong>Sport</strong> Marketing Quarterly, 12(1), 37-47.<br />
This study attempts to review the various organisations involved in the host<br />
city Olympic bidding process and correlate investments and actual<br />
performance. <strong>The</strong> study highlighted the risks and rewards associated with<br />
hosting the Olympics. Historical evidence from the past Olympic<br />
organisations revealed that cost overruns, large operating budgets, and<br />
construction delays are common risks for host cities. <strong>The</strong>se are usually<br />
utilised 'in the absence <strong>of</strong> quantifiable metrics'. <strong>The</strong> study concluded that<br />
'bidding cities will generally factor in the value <strong>of</strong> global media attention,<br />
infusion <strong>of</strong> infrastructure, sponsor investments and the promise <strong>of</strong> longterm<br />
image <strong>benefits</strong> when proposing to host the Olympic'. Not every host<br />
city/nation 'achieves a break-even position'. <strong>The</strong>refore, 'it appears difficult<br />
to justify hosting the Games solely on a financial ROI basis'. <strong>The</strong> authors<br />
suggest that to answer the question <strong>of</strong> whether the community was better<br />
<strong>of</strong>f for having hosted the Olympics may remain a discussion driven more by<br />
qualitative observations than by quantitative facts.<br />
Cashman, R. (2002). Impact <strong>of</strong> the Games on Olympic host cities. Barcelona,<br />
Spain: Centre d’Estudis Olímpics, Universitat Autonoma De Barcelona.<br />
Cashman argues that 'It is virtually impossible to know the true cost to a<br />
city <strong>of</strong> hosting an Olympic Games because there is no accepted way <strong>of</strong><br />
assessing expenditure'. Benefits for hosting the event are described as<br />
'vague', 'inflated’, ‘uncosted' and 'without assessment'. Government and<br />
business are keen to host mega <strong>events</strong> because they are seen as a way <strong>of</strong><br />
'enhancing the global status <strong>of</strong> the city (and country) leading to business<br />
opportunities, tourism and general promotion <strong>of</strong> the city globally'. <strong>The</strong>se<br />
legacy issues (i.e. facilities, <strong>benefits</strong> from global exposure) <strong>of</strong>fer an<br />
additional return on the investment for the host city and country.<br />
Inadequate attention has been paid to planning for the post-Games period<br />
and the legacy <strong>of</strong> an Olympic Games. “<strong>The</strong>re is a growing belief that an<br />
Olympic Games should leave a host community and the city environment<br />
6
etter rather than worse <strong>of</strong>f”. Bid cities tend to focus on winning the bid,<br />
planning for the Games and staging a successful Games rather than<br />
considering what happens after the Games. More attention needs to be paid<br />
to whether there can be some ongoing return and community benefit from<br />
Olympic precincts and venues. Facilities without a significant post-Games<br />
use...can become...a burden to the taxpayers'.<br />
Chalip, L., & Costa, C. A. (2005). <strong>Sport</strong> event tourism and the destination brand:<br />
Towards a general theory. <strong>Sport</strong> in Society, 8(2), 218-237.<br />
This study describes the general principles for incorporating <strong>events</strong> into a<br />
destination branding strategy. <strong>Sport</strong>ing <strong>events</strong> have the potential to build<br />
the brand <strong>of</strong> their host destination. <strong>The</strong> main argument <strong>of</strong> this study is that<br />
sporting <strong>events</strong> must be strategically incorporated into a destination’s<br />
overall marketing plan. Incorporating a sport event into destination<br />
branding requires that the event be complementary with other <strong>events</strong> in<br />
the host community. Events are <strong>of</strong>ten poorly used in destination branding<br />
because the means and bases for building <strong>events</strong> into destination branding<br />
strategies are poorly understood. '<strong>The</strong> effect <strong>of</strong> individual <strong>events</strong> needs to<br />
be considered with reference to the overall event portfolio and with<br />
reference to the destination’s mix <strong>of</strong> products and services, particularly<br />
other sport products and services'. Destination marketers must carefully<br />
plan an <strong>events</strong> portfolio, with a mix <strong>of</strong> sporting and cultural <strong>events</strong>, which<br />
are appropriately suited for the specific destination. Destination markets<br />
should be completely reliant upon sport <strong>events</strong> for their branding -<br />
'Destination marketers can cross-leverage sport elements at the<br />
destination, but the contribution <strong>of</strong> sport <strong>events</strong> to the destination’s brand<br />
will be greatest when their brand relevance is not constrained only to<br />
sport'. <strong>The</strong> more varied the array <strong>of</strong> sport and cultural <strong>events</strong> in the<br />
portfolio, the greater the reach. <strong>The</strong> challenge therefore is to develop a<br />
portfolio <strong>of</strong> <strong>events</strong> that support the desired branding for the host<br />
community. <strong>The</strong> challenge in this regard is to accurately identify how<br />
different target markets perceive each event, so that the <strong>events</strong> cobranding<br />
potential with the host community can be evaluated.<br />
Coates, D., & Humphreys, B. R. (2006). Proximity <strong>benefits</strong> and voting on stadium<br />
and arena subsidies. Journal <strong>of</strong> Urban Economics, 59(2), 285-299.<br />
This paper examines the role that residential proximity plays in voting on<br />
stadium and arena subsidies. '<strong>The</strong> net <strong>benefits</strong> <strong>of</strong> stadiums and arenas may<br />
be highly localised in areas near these facilities'. <strong>The</strong> research question is<br />
whether and how residents’ proximity to pr<strong>of</strong>essional sports facilities<br />
influences the likelihood <strong>of</strong> voting for subsidies. <strong>The</strong> findings show that<br />
voter proximity leads to voter preferences for the subsidies in both<br />
researched areas, i.e. voters living closer to facilities tend to favour<br />
subsidies more than their counterparts living farther away. <strong>The</strong> possible<br />
implications for future research can be multi-fold. For example, the<br />
proximity <strong>benefits</strong> can be highlighted to push for hosting mega-<strong>events</strong>. <strong>An</strong>d<br />
on the other hand, if a public vote for the final decision has to be held<br />
7
egarding forthcoming mega-<strong>events</strong>, the vote outcome must be analysed<br />
carefully with the role <strong>of</strong> voters’ proximity taken into account.<br />
Connell, J., & Page, S. J. (2005). Evaluating the economic and spatial effects <strong>of</strong><br />
an event: <strong>The</strong> case <strong>of</strong> the World Medical and Health Games. Tourism<br />
Geographies, 7(1), 63-85.<br />
By studying the case <strong>of</strong> the 2003 World Medical and Health Games, a<br />
medium-sized event held in the City <strong>of</strong> Stirling, this paper demonstrates<br />
that the economic <strong>benefits</strong> associated with <strong>events</strong> are not necessarily<br />
distributed evenly in time and space involved, i.e. there are always winners<br />
and losers geographically. A business survey (postal survey) was used to<br />
assess the impacts <strong>of</strong> the event on business sectors in the region. '<strong>The</strong>re is a<br />
close geographical association with location <strong>of</strong> businesses and the <strong>benefits</strong><br />
from hosting <strong>of</strong> the [event]. Event tourists may not be the same as other<br />
tourists - '<strong>The</strong> structured and focused manner with which event participants<br />
engage in activities reflects their time–space budgets which are constrained<br />
due to the formal event organisation which can <strong>of</strong>ten leave little time for<br />
the pursuit <strong>of</strong> tourist activities'. <strong>The</strong> authors note that in order to maximise<br />
the geographic distribution <strong>of</strong> spending, 'deliberate spatial strategies need<br />
to be planned for directing tourist spending opportunities. Simply locating<br />
visitors in accommodation in outlying areas as a means <strong>of</strong> spreading the<br />
opportunities is insufficient'. Attention needs to be paid to the imbalance <strong>of</strong><br />
the <strong>benefits</strong> <strong>events</strong> might bring to businesses in different areas within a<br />
region.<br />
Crompton, J. L. (2006). Economic impact studies: Instruments for political<br />
shenanigans? Journal <strong>of</strong> Travel Research, 45(1), 67-82.<br />
This article is a critique <strong>of</strong> research into the <strong>benefits</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>events</strong> on local<br />
economies. <strong>The</strong> authors argue that economic impact studies that see the<br />
council/government as the investor are 'flawed conceptually because the<br />
money invested does not belong to the council; rather, it belongs to the<br />
city’s residents. ‘It is the return that residents receive that is important,<br />
rather than only that proportion <strong>of</strong> the total return that filters back to the<br />
council'. Impact studies tend to discuss the issues from the interested<br />
parties’ perspective rather than from a truth pursuer’s viewpoint -<br />
'Economic impact analyses have an obvious political mission. <strong>The</strong>y<br />
invariably are commissioned by tourism entities and usually are driven by a<br />
desire to demonstrate their sponsors’ positive contribution to the economic<br />
prosperity <strong>of</strong> the jurisdiction that subsidises their programs or projects'.<br />
<strong>The</strong> legitimacy <strong>of</strong> economic impact studies is 'predicated on the studies’<br />
being undertaken with integrity'. Examples <strong>of</strong> 'mischievous procedure<br />
include 1) inclusion <strong>of</strong> local residents; 2) inappropriate aggregation and<br />
inclusion <strong>of</strong> time-switchers; 3) abuse <strong>of</strong> multipliers; 4) ignoring<br />
displacement and opportunity costs, 5) ignoring the costs borne by the local<br />
community; 6) expanding the project scope; 7) exaggerating visitor<br />
numbers; and, 8) the inclusion <strong>of</strong> consumer surplus. '<strong>The</strong> media, general<br />
public, city council, and other relevant public organisations are unlikely to<br />
be aware <strong>of</strong> the underlying assumptions, subtleties, and potential error<br />
8
sources associated with economic-impact studies'. For those organisations<br />
taking the ethical/accurate approach to determining economic impacts, it<br />
is important 'to recognise the political reality <strong>of</strong> being compared to others<br />
who [report] misleading economic impacts'.<br />
Daniels, M. J. (2004). Beyond input-output analysis: Using occupation-based<br />
modeling to estimate wages generated by a sport tourism event. Journal <strong>of</strong><br />
Travel Research, 43(1), 75-82.<br />
This paper introduces a relatively new way <strong>of</strong> estimating the impact <strong>of</strong><br />
sport tourism <strong>events</strong> - the generation <strong>of</strong> wages. According to the author,<br />
the occupation-based modelling is viewed as an effective extension <strong>of</strong> the<br />
traditional and commonly accepted input-output approach. Shortcomings<br />
and criticisms <strong>of</strong> the input-output analyses are highlighted and discussed,<br />
based on which the eight-stage occupation-based modelling is suggested.<br />
'Occupation-based modelling allows for a thorough understanding <strong>of</strong> the<br />
specific types <strong>of</strong> jobs and resulting wage income that accompany a change<br />
in final demand to an economy due to a tourism initiative'. <strong>The</strong> author<br />
then demonstrates the application <strong>of</strong> the model by using the National<br />
S<strong>of</strong>tball Association’s games as example. <strong>The</strong> article concludes that the<br />
new approach is an extension, rather than a replacement <strong>of</strong> the existing<br />
input-output approach. <strong>The</strong>re are great potential for broader applications<br />
<strong>of</strong> the model in analysing the employment and wages generated by sports<br />
<strong>events</strong>.<br />
Daniels, M. J. (2007). Central place theory and sport tourism impacts. <strong>An</strong>nals <strong>of</strong><br />
Tourism Research, 34(2), 332-347.<br />
'Metropolitan areas continue to dominate as principal centres <strong>of</strong> tourism<br />
activity'. When two politically distinct destinations co-host an event, 'the<br />
location higher on the central place theory hierarchy stands to realize more<br />
economic <strong>benefits</strong> from the event, unless specific measures are taken to<br />
equalize the outcomes' <strong>The</strong> aim <strong>of</strong> this paper is to apply central place<br />
theory to demonstrate how different areas co-hosting the same sports<br />
<strong>events</strong> receive different economic outcomes. Data collected from the<br />
National S<strong>of</strong>tball Association’s games was analysed, concluding that in this<br />
particular case, the smaller county where most <strong>of</strong> the activities took place<br />
experienced a reverse false excursionist effect. At the same time the larger<br />
country gained nearly double the economic <strong>benefits</strong> from the event. 'In<br />
order for hinterland places to successfully host sport tourism <strong>events</strong>, they<br />
must band together and cooperatively market their goods, attractions, and<br />
services'. To protect their interest, they need to work closely with the<br />
urban counterpart to make sure to achieve an equal share <strong>of</strong> cost and<br />
<strong>benefits</strong>'. <strong>The</strong> authors conclude that there has generally been a failure 'to<br />
ensure that all affected areas realise an equitable share <strong>of</strong> an event’s costs<br />
and <strong>benefits</strong>'.<br />
9
Daniels, M. J., Norman, W. C., & Henry, M. S. (2004). Estimating income effects <strong>of</strong><br />
a sport tourism event. <strong>An</strong>nals <strong>of</strong> Tourism Research, 31(1), 180-199.<br />
<strong>The</strong> widely accepted input-output models to measuring economic impacts<br />
are problematic because the results do not reveal the distribution effects<br />
<strong>of</strong> tourist spending across different household-income segments. In other<br />
words, input output models do not make clear the extent to which different<br />
household groups are benefiting. To address this issue, this paper presents<br />
four models to estimate the income effects <strong>of</strong> sport tourism <strong>events</strong>. By<br />
analysing data from a large road race in the south-eastern USA, it is<br />
demonstrated that the aggregated occupation-based model <strong>of</strong>fered the<br />
most promise for future applications. 'Occupation and wage data can also<br />
be used as leverage when proposing sport tourism as a means <strong>of</strong> creating<br />
new employment in a community or supplementing the income <strong>of</strong> the<br />
underemployed'. <strong>The</strong> authors conclude that '<strong>The</strong> application <strong>of</strong> occupation<br />
and wage data <strong>of</strong>fers a means <strong>of</strong> demonstrating how the income <strong>of</strong><br />
individuals working in tourism-related industries is affected by increases in<br />
final demand'.<br />
Dwyer, L., Forsyth, P., & Spurr, R. (2005). Estimating the mpacts <strong>of</strong> special <strong>events</strong><br />
on an economy. Journal <strong>of</strong> Travel Research, 43(4), 351-359.<br />
<strong>The</strong> authors criticise the general four assumptions <strong>of</strong> the Input-Output (I-<br />
O)model, and argue that the I-O model only measures the positive<br />
economic impacts brought on by an event, and not the potential negative<br />
impacts. I-O economic analyses are likely to lead to over-estimates <strong>of</strong> the<br />
final impact on overall economic activity. 'Given the widespread use <strong>of</strong><br />
multipliers from I-O models in event impact assessment, there is a strong<br />
presumption that, worldwide, there is likely to be excessive funding being<br />
devoted to subsidising <strong>events</strong> and that the funds being used are probably<br />
being misallocated'. Computable General Equilibrium (CGE) models have<br />
been widely used as frameworks for exploring the economic impacts <strong>of</strong><br />
policy initiatives and in many other broad areas, but have only recently<br />
been introduced as frameworks for estimating tourism economic impacts.<br />
CGE models represent an example <strong>of</strong> current best practice in assessing<br />
economy-wide impacts <strong>of</strong> changes in expenditure within an economy.<br />
Proponents <strong>of</strong> CGE modelling point out that those economy-wide,<br />
interactive effects should be taken into account in determining the impacts<br />
<strong>of</strong> increased tourism expenditure on a destination. 'Tourism researchers<br />
seem to be relatively unaware <strong>of</strong> this extensive and evolving CGE modelling<br />
literature with its potential to inform impact analysis and policy making in<br />
their own field'. <strong>The</strong> assumptions <strong>of</strong> the CGE model are that all main final<br />
demand components are endogenous, capital and land are given<br />
exogenously, price-induced substitution effects occur, government budget<br />
deficits are fixed, and state employment can be regarded as fixed (zero<br />
elasticity) or flexible (perfectly elastic). <strong>The</strong> authors also distinguish<br />
between impacts and <strong>benefits</strong> - 'Economic impacts are not the same thing<br />
as the net economic <strong>benefits</strong> from an event, though they are <strong>of</strong>ten assumed<br />
to be the same. When an event leads to an increase in GDP, the net benefit<br />
or welfare gain will <strong>of</strong>ten be substantially less than the change in the value<br />
10
<strong>of</strong> gross output, as measured by GDP'. <strong>The</strong> comparison <strong>of</strong> an <strong>events</strong><br />
<strong>benefits</strong> using the I-O approach and the CGE approach yielded the following<br />
differences:<br />
1) <strong>The</strong> CGE simulations reveal that the net impact <strong>of</strong> an event in one<br />
state can have a negative effect on the economic activity in other<br />
states. I-O modelling projects a much greater impact on real output<br />
and gross product in both the event host state and Australia as a<br />
whole, as compared to CGE modelling;<br />
2) <strong>The</strong> projected increase in employment using the CGE model is less<br />
than I-O estimates for both the event’s host state and the nation.<br />
<strong>The</strong> I-O model projects increased employment in the rest <strong>of</strong> Australia<br />
(exclusive <strong>of</strong> the host state), whereas the CGE model projects<br />
relatively large job losses in the rest <strong>of</strong> Australia; and<br />
3) <strong>The</strong> CGE model projects reduced output and employment in<br />
several industries in the event’s host state, including some industries<br />
that might be regarded as closely associated with tourism—motor<br />
vehicles, water transport and transport services, rail transport,<br />
communications, and insurance. In contrast, the I-O modelling <strong>of</strong> the<br />
special <strong>events</strong> projects a positive or zero change in real output and<br />
employment in all industries.<br />
Dwyer, L., Forsyth, P., & Spurr, R. (2006). Assessing the economic impacts <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>events</strong>: A computable general equilibrium approach. Journal <strong>of</strong> Travel<br />
Research, 45(1), 59-66.<br />
This paper adds to the debate on the advantages <strong>of</strong> computable general<br />
equilibrium (CGE) analysis over the conventional I-O (Input-Output) model.<br />
'I-O analysis incorporates a systematic and serious upward bias if used to<br />
estimate impacts in broad regions or national economies. I-O techniques<br />
account for the positive impacts <strong>of</strong> an event on economic activity, but they<br />
ignore the equally real negative impacts'. In contrast CGE models 'CGE are<br />
quantitatively solvable models that incorporate the whole economy. <strong>The</strong>y<br />
treat the economy as an integrated system — one in which markets impact<br />
one another, in which resource constraints exist, and in which demand and<br />
supply must balance'. Several differences between the alternative forms <strong>of</strong><br />
analysis in event impact assessment are presented. 'A comparison <strong>of</strong> the<br />
economic impacts <strong>of</strong> a special event using both CGE and I-O models<br />
indicates that the latter technique ignores interactive effects between<br />
industries, thereby exaggerating the impacts on gross state (or regional)<br />
product and employment. <strong>The</strong> article discusses how economic<br />
impacts/<strong>benefits</strong> vary between the host region, other regions, and<br />
nationwide.<br />
Dwyer, L., Forsyth, P., & Spurr, R. (2006). Economic impact <strong>of</strong> sport <strong>events</strong>: A<br />
reassessment. Tourism Review International, 10(4), 207-216.<br />
This paper is another critique <strong>of</strong> the traditional Input-Output (I-O) model to<br />
assess the economic impact <strong>of</strong> an event. Computable General Equilibrium<br />
(CGE) is once again advocated as ‘best practice’ due to its ability to model<br />
the whole economy and treat the economy as an integrated and interactive<br />
11
network <strong>of</strong> markets. This approach is argued to overcome the shortcomings<br />
<strong>of</strong> the I-O model. CGE is applied to an analysis <strong>of</strong> an Australia-based motor<br />
sport event and the results are then compared with projects using I-O<br />
models. <strong>The</strong> article highlights the need for an institutional framework for a<br />
more rigorous assessment <strong>of</strong> economic impacts <strong>of</strong> sport <strong>events</strong>. This paper<br />
is part <strong>of</strong> the authors’ continuous efforts to apply CGE models in evaluating<br />
economic impacts <strong>of</strong> sport <strong>events</strong>. CGE provides 'very different, and much<br />
lower, estimates and <strong>benefits</strong> from the methods conventionally used in<br />
event evaluation'. <strong>The</strong> authors argue that due to existing methods <strong>of</strong><br />
measuring event <strong>benefits</strong>, 'sport <strong>events</strong> are being greatly oversold. <strong>The</strong><br />
economic impacts and net <strong>benefits</strong>, if rigorously assessed, are much lower<br />
than those invariably claimed'. Existing economic assessments are plagued<br />
by 'biased evaluation techniques'; a 'a failure to distinguish between the<br />
impacts on output and jobs and the net <strong>benefits</strong> that this increased<br />
economic activity brings'; and a failure to recognise that 'the <strong>benefits</strong> to<br />
one region are <strong>of</strong>ten at the expense <strong>of</strong> other regions, <strong>events</strong> will be<br />
supported that do not produce net <strong>benefits</strong> for the national economy'.<br />
Consequently, there is ‘most likely to be misallocation <strong>of</strong> event funding and<br />
excessive overall spending in seeking and promoting sport <strong>events</strong> and in the<br />
provision <strong>of</strong> infrastructure to support them'. <strong>The</strong> authors describe a 'serious<br />
need for improved economic evaluation <strong>of</strong> sport <strong>events</strong>'. CGE is advocated<br />
as the appropriate tool when the need is for 1) an estimate <strong>of</strong> the impacts<br />
<strong>of</strong> a policy or investment on the GDP or jobs, or 2) a comparison '<strong>of</strong> the<br />
<strong>benefits</strong> <strong>of</strong> a policy or investment with the costs <strong>of</strong> funding it'.<br />
Evangelia, K. (2003). Economic aspects and the Summer Olympics: A review <strong>of</strong><br />
related research. International Journal <strong>of</strong> Tourism Research, 5(6), 433-444.<br />
Given the economic significance <strong>of</strong> the summer Olympic Games on host<br />
countries and regions, a number <strong>of</strong> studies have been conducted to consider<br />
the economic implications <strong>of</strong> the event. Understandings <strong>of</strong> event<br />
economics are informed by 'a number <strong>of</strong> ex-ante economic analyses, but<br />
the research significantly lacks ex-post impact assessments'. <strong>The</strong>re are<br />
discrepancies between these two types <strong>of</strong> studies - 'ex ante models and<br />
forecasts were not confirmed by ex-post analyses'. <strong>The</strong> ex-ante economic<br />
studies outline the 'significant role <strong>of</strong> the Summer Olympic Games in the<br />
promotion <strong>of</strong> the host economy'. <strong>The</strong>se reports 'highlighted the extension <strong>of</strong><br />
the Games economic impact well beyond the actual period <strong>of</strong> the event<br />
occurrence itself. In terms <strong>of</strong> justifying government expenditure, it is<br />
argued that public funding should occur only if the mega-event yields<br />
higher net <strong>benefits</strong> from an alternative project.<br />
Gamage, A., & Higgs, B. (1997). Economics <strong>of</strong> venue selection for special sporting<br />
<strong>events</strong>: With special reference to the 1996 Melbourne Grand Prix. Asia<br />
Pacific Journal <strong>of</strong> Tourism Research, 1(2), 15-26.<br />
This paper discusses the venue selection issues <strong>of</strong> sports <strong>events</strong> by analysing<br />
the economic and long-term impacts <strong>of</strong> the <strong>events</strong> on alternative venues.<br />
<strong>The</strong> authors conduct research using secondary data <strong>of</strong> the 1996 Melbourne<br />
Grand Prix. <strong>The</strong> estimated multiplier effects <strong>of</strong> the event if they are held in<br />
12
metropolitan and rural districts are compared by using an input-output<br />
approach. <strong>The</strong> findings support the argument that hosting such <strong>events</strong> in<br />
metropolitan districts will generate more <strong>benefits</strong>, economic and others,<br />
than in the rural area. 'Input-output analysis demonstrates that venue<br />
decisions made purely on economic grounds will highlight regions where<br />
economic gains are maximised'. <strong>The</strong> authors conclude that given the fact<br />
that venue selections <strong>of</strong> such sports event are <strong>of</strong>ten a highly politicised<br />
decision making process, politicians should be cautious on issues related to<br />
potential economic impacts. <strong>The</strong>y suggest that 'finding effective methods to<br />
communicate the value <strong>of</strong> the event to private enterprise remain a high<br />
priority if public and media backlash is to ameliorated'. In terms <strong>of</strong><br />
communication, the 'disclosure <strong>of</strong> costs and <strong>benefits</strong>, alongside clear<br />
communications, which emphasize long term gains rattier than short-term<br />
irritations' may prove to be useful in garnering public support.<br />
Gratton, C., Dobson, N., & Shibli, S. (2000). <strong>The</strong> economic importance <strong>of</strong> major<br />
sports <strong>events</strong>: A case-study <strong>of</strong> six <strong>events</strong>. Managing Leisure, 5(1).<br />
Based on the reported results <strong>of</strong> economic impact assessments <strong>of</strong> six major<br />
sports <strong>events</strong> held in Great Britain in 1997, the authors argue that when<br />
evaluating economic impacts <strong>of</strong> those <strong>events</strong> on host cities, the cities’<br />
contribution to the cost must be considered. <strong>The</strong> extent to which the cities<br />
make such a contribution is always dependant on the predicted economic<br />
<strong>benefits</strong> the <strong>events</strong> can bring. <strong>The</strong> findings show a big variability <strong>of</strong> those<br />
<strong>benefits</strong> and some difficulties, which researchers may come across when<br />
predicting the <strong>benefits</strong>. According to the potential <strong>of</strong> <strong>events</strong> to generate<br />
significant economic <strong>benefits</strong>, a typology is developed which can divide the<br />
<strong>events</strong> into four different categories.<br />
<strong>The</strong> typology is as follows:<br />
Type A: Irregular, one-<strong>of</strong>f, major international spectator <strong>events</strong> generating<br />
significant economic activity and media interest (e.g. Olympics, Football<br />
World Cup, European Football Championship).<br />
Type B: Major spectator <strong>events</strong>, generating significant economic activity,<br />
media interest and part <strong>of</strong> an annual domestic cycle <strong>of</strong> sports <strong>events</strong> (e.g.<br />
FA Cup Final, Six Nations Rugby Union Internationals, Test Match Cricket,<br />
Open Golf, Wimbledon);<br />
Type C: Irregular, one-<strong>of</strong>f, major international spectator/ competitor<br />
<strong>events</strong> generating limited economic activity (e.g. European Junior Boxing<br />
Championships, European Junior Swimming Championships, World<br />
Badminton Championships, IAAF Grand Prix), and<br />
Type D: Major competitor <strong>events</strong> generating limited economic activity and<br />
part <strong>of</strong> an annual cycle <strong>of</strong> sports <strong>events</strong> (e.g. National Championships in<br />
most sports). <strong>The</strong> typology is relevant to indicate that not all <strong>events</strong> that<br />
are ‘major’ in sporting terms are important in economic terms.<br />
13
<strong>The</strong> authors <strong>of</strong>fered four generalisations about Type C <strong>events</strong>:<br />
1) <strong>The</strong> economic impact <strong>of</strong> competitor-driven <strong>events</strong> is relatively easy to<br />
forecast in advance;<br />
2) In general, junior competitor-driven <strong>events</strong> generate small impacts;<br />
3) <strong>The</strong> more senior the event and the longer the event, then the larger the<br />
economic impact, with World Masters <strong>events</strong>, in particular, generating<br />
significant impacts; and<br />
4) Spectator forecasts for Type C <strong>events</strong> are subject to large error margins<br />
and there is a tendency to make highly optimistic forecasts that rarely<br />
materialize.<br />
Hede, A. M. (2005). <strong>Sport</strong>s-<strong>events</strong>, tourism and destination marketing strategies:<br />
<strong>An</strong> Australian case study <strong>of</strong> Athens 2004 and its media telecast. Journal <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>Sport</strong> Tourism, 10(3), 187-200.<br />
This study explored the role and contribution <strong>of</strong> media telecasts <strong>of</strong> mega<strong>events</strong><br />
in developing positive attitudes toward host destinations. Data was<br />
collected on the Australian media telecast <strong>of</strong> the Athens 2004 Summer<br />
Olympic Games from a sample <strong>of</strong> Australian residents shortly after the<br />
Athens 2004 Olympics. <strong>The</strong> findings <strong>of</strong> this study show that 38.7% <strong>of</strong><br />
respondents indicated that their overall attitude toward Greece as a tourist<br />
destination changed as a result <strong>of</strong> their consumption <strong>of</strong> the Athens 2004<br />
telecast. Although not consistent across all respondent types, the key issues<br />
underpinning this change were the appearance <strong>of</strong> Greece, culture and<br />
history <strong>of</strong> Greece, capacity <strong>of</strong> Greece to stage the Olympic Games, and<br />
Greek infrastructure. <strong>The</strong> only common reason amongst the clusters for<br />
changes in attitudes towards Greece as a tourist destination was the<br />
‘appearance’ <strong>of</strong> Greece that was projected in the telecast. ‘While Olympic<br />
telecasts focus generally focus on the sports, it is clear that mediated,<br />
host-destination images, were absorbed by viewers and providing a<br />
foundation for attitude change. <strong>The</strong>refore, it is crucial for destination<br />
marketers to consider carefully how their destination is being projected in<br />
the telecasts.<br />
Hede, A. M. (2006). Mega-<strong>events</strong> and the "showcase" effect: Investigating the<br />
moderating influence <strong>of</strong> exposure to the 2004 Olympic Games telecast and<br />
interest in the Olympic movement - <strong>An</strong> Australian perspective. Tourism<br />
Review International, 10(4), 241-255.<br />
This study explores the influence <strong>of</strong> exposure to telecasts and interest in<br />
the Olympic Games on intentions to visit Greece. <strong>The</strong> study was set within<br />
the context <strong>of</strong> Australia and investigates viewers’ perceptions <strong>of</strong> Greece as<br />
a tourism destination. A telephone survey (sample size <strong>of</strong> 351 was<br />
achieved) was conducted a few weeks after the conclusion <strong>of</strong> the Athens<br />
2004 Olympics Games. <strong>The</strong> overall results <strong>of</strong> this study indicate that there<br />
is a positive relationship between latent construct brand (destination)<br />
14
perceptions and behavioural intentions. However, the relationship between<br />
destination perceptions and behaviour intentions was much stronger in the<br />
case <strong>of</strong> those respondents that had high levels <strong>of</strong> exposure to telecasts than<br />
those with low levels <strong>of</strong> exposure to the telecasts. <strong>An</strong> interesting finding in<br />
this study is that high telecast exposure with low interest in the Games,<br />
exerted the most influence on the destination perception and behavioural<br />
intentions relationship. <strong>The</strong>refore, the author argues that there are<br />
enormous opportunities for destination marketers to harness the<br />
opportunities by strategically developing content for the mega-event<br />
telecasts.<br />
Hiller, H. H. (2000). Mega-<strong>events</strong>, urban boosterism and growth strategies: <strong>An</strong><br />
analysis <strong>of</strong> the objectives and legitimations <strong>of</strong> the Cape Town 2004 Olympic<br />
bid. International Journal <strong>of</strong> Urban and Regional Research, 24(2), 439-458.<br />
This paper explores the impacts <strong>of</strong> mega-<strong>events</strong> on hosting cities from a<br />
new perspective, the human/city development. Using Cape Town’s 2004<br />
Olympic bid as an example, the report reveals that as the first Olympic bid<br />
from Africa, the bid successfully repositioned Cape Town and South Africa’s<br />
interest in the global economy. <strong>The</strong> bid highlighted the significance <strong>of</strong> the<br />
mega-event for the long-term interests <strong>of</strong> the grass roots rather than the<br />
widely accepted elite/commercial sector’s interests. '<strong>The</strong> idea <strong>of</strong><br />
harnessing a mega-event to a broader urban agenda that moves beyond the<br />
interests <strong>of</strong> finance capital, developers, inner-city reclamation and the<br />
tourist industry is a new idea'. However, 'when local people lack adequate<br />
housing, food and other subsistence needs, preparing for a circus when<br />
people need bread will always appear inappropriate'.<br />
Hiller, H. H. (2006). Post-event outcomes and the post-modern turn: <strong>The</strong> Olympics<br />
and urban transformations. European <strong>Sport</strong> Management Quarterly, 6(4),<br />
317-332.<br />
Hiller argues that there is more at stake than just the sports competition<br />
when hosting a mega event. <strong>The</strong> opportunity for urban renewal,<br />
regeneration and infrastructure development is a key incentive for cities to<br />
host mega <strong>events</strong>. Having been a host city for a mega event provides<br />
membership to an exclusive club, for which there may be ongoing <strong>benefits</strong>.<br />
<strong>The</strong>se <strong>benefits</strong> can reduce over time as new cities join the club. Nonsporting<br />
outcomes may be more important than the sporting outcomes.<br />
<strong>The</strong>re are problems with aligning mega-event needs with long term<br />
community interests, give the large capital costs associated with these<br />
modifications. Facilities that can be justified independently <strong>of</strong> hosting the<br />
mega-event are less likely to be challenged by local residents. <strong>The</strong>re is<br />
difficulty in event facilities avoiding obsolescence – facilities cannot remain<br />
‘state <strong>of</strong> the art’ forever. Converting them to use by the general public<br />
requires adaptations that will result in the ‘elite athlete’ feel <strong>of</strong> the venue<br />
being lost. Obsolescence ensures that the facility loses its high performance<br />
status, which will also reduce the significance for spectators and visitors.<br />
<strong>The</strong> use <strong>of</strong> mega-event facilities must re-evaluated and integrated into the<br />
needs <strong>of</strong> the local community.<br />
15
Horne, J. D., & Manzenreiter, W. (2004). Accounting for mega-<strong>events</strong>: Forecast<br />
and actual impacts <strong>of</strong> the 2002 Football World Cup Finals on the host<br />
countries Japan/Korea. International Review for the Sociology <strong>of</strong> <strong>Sport</strong>,<br />
39(2), 187-203.<br />
<strong>Sport</strong>ing mega-<strong>events</strong> now occupy 'central status for city and national<br />
government development agendas'. Government involvement is essential<br />
because the guarantees and resources are too costly for private business.<br />
Despite the investment and associated financial risks, governments invest in<br />
<strong>events</strong> because 'such spectacular peak-time <strong>events</strong> attract national and<br />
international media recognition for the hosting cities'. Drawing on the<br />
study <strong>of</strong> the 2002 FIFA World Cup finals co-hosted by Japan and Korea, the<br />
forecast and actual impact <strong>of</strong> the event on hosting countries is contrasted.<br />
Early estimates were quite substantial but were soon replaced by some<br />
revised estimates. As the event approached, a number <strong>of</strong> economic studies<br />
indicated that even the reduced estimations were likely to be overoptimistic.<br />
Due to the mediated nature <strong>of</strong> the event, and the PR campaign<br />
as well, media technology and subscriptions to related services were the<br />
main commodities to benefit from the 2002 World Cup in the domestic<br />
markets <strong>of</strong> Japan and Korea. <strong>The</strong> researchers argue that there is a close<br />
relationship between mega-<strong>events</strong> and the globalisation process: economic<br />
interests drive and promote the mega-event, as their activities drive and<br />
promote globalisation. <strong>The</strong> cultural significance and signifiers <strong>of</strong> the megaevent,<br />
including sport heroes and their role as pop-cultural devices, the<br />
fashion-language <strong>of</strong> the apparel industry, and the multinational production<br />
<strong>of</strong> the event (both on-stage and <strong>of</strong>f-stage) are carriers, channels and<br />
transmitters <strong>of</strong> the globalisation process.<br />
Hudson, I. (2001). <strong>The</strong> use and misuse <strong>of</strong> economic impact analysis: <strong>The</strong> case <strong>of</strong><br />
pr<strong>of</strong>essional sports. Journal <strong>of</strong> <strong>Sport</strong> and Social Issues, 25(1), 20-39.<br />
Economic impact studies have been a powerful weapon in debates relating<br />
to subsidising pr<strong>of</strong>essional sports teams. A large number <strong>of</strong> studies have<br />
been conducted in this area - 'the degree <strong>of</strong> variation between studies that<br />
are investigating similar phenomenon is quite remarkable'. Based on this<br />
observation, the author tries to explore the factors that cause such<br />
variances by using a meta-analysis approach on 13 studies. He concludes<br />
that the most common source <strong>of</strong> variance between them is the use <strong>of</strong> gross<br />
rather than net impacts. <strong>The</strong> author suggests that in order to win the<br />
subsidies, the pr<strong>of</strong>essional sports teams must be able to successfully show<br />
that they are an important economic engine for the local region. <strong>The</strong><br />
studies in this sample tend 'to use methodologies that would inflate the<br />
economic impact <strong>of</strong> the sports team being studied'.<br />
16
John, R. M. (2006). Economic and fiscal impacts <strong>of</strong> mega sporting <strong>events</strong>: A<br />
general equilibrium assessment. Public Finance and Management, 6(3), 346-<br />
394.<br />
This article concentrates on the Sydney Summer Olympic Games to<br />
illustrate the estimation <strong>of</strong> the economic and financial effects <strong>of</strong> a mega<br />
event. <strong>The</strong> Computable General Equilibrium (CGE) model is used for the<br />
analysis <strong>of</strong> the effects <strong>of</strong> the Sydney Olympics. <strong>The</strong> results reveal that mega<br />
sporting <strong>events</strong>, even <strong>of</strong> the size <strong>of</strong> the Olympics, are unlikely to generate<br />
large economic <strong>benefits</strong>. <strong>The</strong>re are a number <strong>of</strong> key factors (e.g. labour<br />
market condition, potential to improve the terms <strong>of</strong> trade, degree <strong>of</strong> public<br />
subsidisation) that are likely to be major determinants <strong>of</strong> the size and sign<br />
<strong>of</strong> the impacts. <strong>The</strong> study also points out that the conventional method for<br />
conducting economic impact studies in advance <strong>of</strong> sporting projects, Input-<br />
Output (I-O) analysis, is poorly equipped for the task and can be expected<br />
to generate substantially over-optimistic results. It is suggested that CGE<br />
models are well equipped to highlight these determining factors and to<br />
enable scenario analysis. CGE modelling should be complementary to<br />
retrospective econometric analysis, not a substitute.<br />
Jones, C. (2001). Mega-<strong>events</strong> and host-region impacts: Determining the true<br />
worth <strong>of</strong> the 1999 Rugby World Cup. International Journal <strong>of</strong> Tourism<br />
Research, 3(3), 241-251.<br />
<strong>The</strong>re is a 'growing body <strong>of</strong> academic literature concerned with the<br />
negative and ambivalent effects on the host economy, both economic and<br />
social, <strong>of</strong> hosting hallmark and mega-<strong>events</strong> and questioning the <strong>benefits</strong> <strong>of</strong><br />
sports tourism in particular'. 'Mega-<strong>events</strong> are 'unique almost by definition<br />
and their long term effects are difficult to assess given their fixed length'.<br />
<strong>The</strong>re is 'no single method <strong>of</strong> impact assessment claims to enumerate and<br />
quantify all the consequences associated with such undertakings'. Events<br />
have developed an aura <strong>of</strong> the sacred - 'those in opposition can be made to<br />
feel disloyal or unambitious'. <strong>The</strong> purpose <strong>of</strong> the paper was to examine the<br />
wider economic and social impacts <strong>of</strong> the 1999 Rugby World Cup on Wales.<br />
<strong>The</strong> economic <strong>benefits</strong> to Wales are uncertain as it was noted that much<br />
spectator expenditure occurred outside <strong>of</strong> Wales. <strong>The</strong> longer term<br />
economic development <strong>benefits</strong> are 'open to question' and the 'jury...is still<br />
very much out'.<br />
Kasimati, E. (2003). Economic aspects and the Summer Olympics: A review <strong>of</strong><br />
related research. International Journal <strong>of</strong> Tourism Research, 5(6), 433-444.<br />
<strong>The</strong> goal <strong>of</strong> this paper is primarily to provide an overview and evaluation <strong>of</strong><br />
the different approaches used for analysis <strong>of</strong> economic impacts <strong>of</strong> the<br />
Summer Olympic Games on tourism and host cities. <strong>The</strong> article examines<br />
the alternative modelling approaches taken to ascertain the economic<br />
implications generated by the Summer Olympics. A review <strong>of</strong> past literature<br />
indicates that two main approaches have been used to identify and quantify<br />
economic impacts <strong>of</strong> <strong>events</strong> under the broad labels <strong>of</strong> the Input-Output (I-<br />
O) and the Computable General Equilibrium (CGE) framework. <strong>The</strong> study<br />
17
also identified the shortcomings in earlier ex-ante and ex-post studies and<br />
showed that the ex-ante models and forecasts were not confirmed by expost<br />
analysis and this therefore prompts the need for improved theory.<br />
Covering the period <strong>of</strong> 1984 through to 2012, all ex-ante economic studies<br />
indicate the significant role <strong>of</strong> the Summer Olympic Games in the<br />
promotion <strong>of</strong> the host economy. Meanwhile, ex-post studies’ results for<br />
employment were more divergent by far than those released by ex-ante<br />
studies. <strong>The</strong>se results will help planners and potential hosts <strong>of</strong> mega-<strong>events</strong><br />
to improve their forecasting and decisions. <strong>The</strong> study also suggests that<br />
research in this field needs to further consider a substantial element, which<br />
is the opportunity cost involved in hosting the Summer Olympic Games or<br />
other mega-<strong>events</strong>.<br />
Kesenne, S. (2006). Do we need an economic impact study or a cost-benefit<br />
anaysis <strong>of</strong> a sports event? European <strong>Sport</strong> Management Quarterly, 5(2),<br />
133-142.<br />
This article seeks to compare and contrast economic impact studies (EIS)<br />
from cost-benefit analysis (CBA). <strong>The</strong> objective <strong>of</strong> a CBA is to compare the<br />
<strong>benefits</strong> <strong>of</strong> an event for a region/country (i.e. the increase <strong>of</strong> the value <strong>of</strong><br />
consumption <strong>of</strong> the local population), with the costs <strong>of</strong> production. <strong>The</strong>se<br />
costs include opportunity costs (though in practice it is difficult to analyse<br />
all <strong>of</strong> the different ways this money could have been spent), import<br />
leakages, and crowding-out effects caused by international tourists. <strong>The</strong><br />
first type <strong>of</strong> EIS calculates the new money that flows into a region because<br />
<strong>of</strong> the event. A second type seeks to determine the additional income that<br />
is created by a sports event. <strong>The</strong> author notes that both types <strong>of</strong> studies<br />
can be useful and raises the question <strong>of</strong> which technique to use. <strong>The</strong><br />
author notes ‘the answer depends on how ‘economic impact’ is defined,<br />
and nobody seems to know. EIS are described as ‘a bit fuzzy’ and ‘not able<br />
to provide a good argument for governments to support an event’. On this<br />
basis the author calls for ‘serious’ CBA to be performed.<br />
Kim, S. S., & Morrison, A. M. (2005). Change <strong>of</strong> images <strong>of</strong> South Korea among<br />
foreign. tourists after the 2002 FIFA World Cup. Tourism Management,<br />
26(2), 233-247.<br />
<strong>The</strong> aim <strong>of</strong> this study was to empirically examine the image changes <strong>of</strong><br />
South Korea as perceived by Japanese, Mainland Chinese and US tourists as<br />
a result <strong>of</strong> hosting the 2002 World Cup. Significant differences were found<br />
for the five image factors (various tourism resources; negative image;<br />
stability; passionate image; and industrial products) before and after the<br />
World Cup for the three national tourist groups. All three national tourist<br />
groups were less concerned about safety, including the threat <strong>of</strong> aggression<br />
from North Korea, after the World Cup. Additionally, the research<br />
identified that respondents who were more aware about Korea before the<br />
World Cup and exposed to more <strong>of</strong> the matches through TV, had a more<br />
positive image change and enhanced levels <strong>of</strong> familiarity <strong>of</strong> Korea after the<br />
World Cup. Findings also suggest that an internationally significant event<br />
can positively influence the image <strong>of</strong> a tourism destination in a short time<br />
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period. However, the authors question whether these image modifications<br />
are stable and whether they will return to their previous levels with the<br />
passage <strong>of</strong> time.<br />
Lee, C., Lee, Y., & Lee, B. (2005). Korea's destination image formed by the 2002<br />
World Cup. <strong>An</strong>nals <strong>of</strong> Tourism Research, 32(4), 839-858.<br />
<strong>The</strong> results <strong>of</strong> this research were that people visiting Korea to attend the<br />
World Cup rated Korea higher than non-World Cup tourists on a number <strong>of</strong><br />
dimensions. <strong>The</strong> dimensions were 1) Refreshing/relaxing atmosphere, 2)<br />
Beautiful scenery/ natural attractions 3) Interesting historical/ cultural<br />
attractions 4) Personal safety/security 5) Interesting, friendly and<br />
hospitable people, 5) Various shopping products, 6) Unpolluted and<br />
unspoiled environment, 7) Suitable accommodations, 8) Good night-life/<br />
entertainment 9) Good climate, 10) Exotic atmosphere, 11) Easy<br />
accessibility, 12) Convenient local transportation, 13) Various recreational<br />
opportunities 14) Lack <strong>of</strong> language barrier 15) Appealing local food &<br />
beverage, 16) Inexpensive travel costs/prices, 17) Variety <strong>of</strong> interesting<br />
<strong>events</strong>/festivals, and 18) Good value for money. It is unclear the extent to<br />
which the World Cup may be attributable for these differences. <strong>The</strong><br />
authors acknowledge that because many World Cup fans attend the World<br />
Cup for the football regardless <strong>of</strong> the destination, these attendees might be<br />
more easily impressed because they arrived in Korea with fewer<br />
preconceptions about Korea as a holiday destination. However, World Cup<br />
tourists were more satisfied with their experiences in Korea, and had a<br />
greater willingness to recommend South Korea to others, when compared to<br />
non World Cup tourists. It is this final result which is more credible in its<br />
suggestion that the World Cup had a positive effect on the creation <strong>of</strong><br />
destination images.<br />
Lee, C., Taylor, T., Lee, Y., & Lee, B. (2005). <strong>The</strong> impact <strong>of</strong> a sport mega-event<br />
on destination image: <strong>The</strong> case <strong>of</strong> the 2002 FIFA World Cup Korea/Japan.<br />
International Journal <strong>of</strong> Hospitality & Tourism Administration, 6(3), 27-45.<br />
<strong>The</strong> purpose <strong>of</strong> this study is to examine the relationship between a mega<br />
sports event and the ability to stimulate international visitation and<br />
enhance the destination’s image by investigating the FIFA World Cup 2002<br />
in Korea. To assess the perception <strong>of</strong> Korea’s image, an on-site survey was<br />
conducted with a sample <strong>of</strong> 412 foreign tourists during the 2002 World Cup<br />
tournament at World Cup stadiums in Seoul, Suwon, and Incheon, and at<br />
two popular tourist sites, Itaewon and Insadong. <strong>The</strong> survey results clearly<br />
demonstrated that hosting the World Cup was associated with a positive<br />
impact on tourists’ perceptions <strong>of</strong> South Korea. Those tourists, who<br />
specifically travelled to Korea for the World Cup, had a more positive<br />
image <strong>of</strong> South Korea, were more satisfied with their experiences in Korea,<br />
and had a greater willingness to recommend South Korea to those who<br />
travelled to Korea for other reasons. <strong>The</strong>se tourists may be more<br />
susceptible to a greater image change, since they arrived in Korea with<br />
fewer preconceptions about Korea as a holiday destination. <strong>The</strong> study also<br />
suggests that future research should further explore the impact <strong>of</strong> sport<br />
19
mega-<strong>events</strong> on destination image with a representative sample <strong>of</strong><br />
international tourists.<br />
Lee, C.-K., & Taylor, T. (2005). Critical reflections on the economic impact<br />
assessment <strong>of</strong> a mega-event: the case <strong>of</strong> 2002 FIFA World Cup. Tourism<br />
Management, 26(4), 595-603.<br />
<strong>The</strong> purpose <strong>of</strong> this study was to examine the total economic impacts<br />
attributable to the FIFA World Cup in Korea by using an Input-Output (I-O)<br />
model excluding tourists whose travel was non-event related. Two<br />
questionnaires were used to collect data from foreign tourists during the<br />
2002 World Cup. <strong>The</strong> survey results indicated that World Cup tourists<br />
(direct plus indirect) accounted for 57.7% <strong>of</strong> the total tourist arrivals during<br />
the World Cup period. <strong>The</strong> survey results showed that per capita<br />
expenditure by international World Cup tourists was estimated to be<br />
US$2242. This amount <strong>of</strong> expenditure was 1.8 times as much as that <strong>of</strong><br />
ordinary international tourists (US$1229). In terms <strong>of</strong> general economic<br />
impacts, the World Cup generated US$1.35 billion <strong>of</strong> outputs as a result <strong>of</strong><br />
direct, indirect and induced expenditure. <strong>The</strong> authors, however, indicated<br />
a significant overestimation in the results as they included the expenditure<br />
by non-World Cup tourist (42.3%) in the calculations <strong>of</strong> general economic<br />
impacts. By using the survey data, the authors could distinguish World Cuprelated<br />
visitors and non-event visitors and their respective expenditure.<br />
This clearly illustrated the methodological pitfalls associated with<br />
forecasting based on generic tourist data. It is evident that current<br />
methods <strong>of</strong> economic impact assessment are not designed to give full<br />
consideration to these and other unique characteristics <strong>of</strong> mega sport<br />
<strong>events</strong> and the potential for these to effect calculations. This research has<br />
also highlighted the need to more adequately conceptualise aversion and<br />
diversion aspects, as well as attractive factors, in relation to mega sport<br />
<strong>events</strong>.<br />
Lybbert, D., & Thilmany, T. (2000). Migration effects <strong>of</strong> Olympic siting: A pooled<br />
time series cross-sectional analysis <strong>of</strong> host regions. <strong>An</strong>nals <strong>of</strong> Regional<br />
Science 34(3), 405-420.<br />
This paper examines the migration effect and economic impacts <strong>of</strong> hosting<br />
the 2002 Winter Olympics by focusing on actual population and economic<br />
data from previous host regions. <strong>The</strong> study employs a pooled time series<br />
cross-sectional analysis <strong>of</strong> pre- and post-Olympic migration experiences in<br />
past host regions. By using migration model for migration analysis, the<br />
study found that a peak in net migration rates may occur two to three years<br />
after the Olympics, which is then followed by a decline. In terms <strong>of</strong><br />
economic impacts, result <strong>of</strong> regression model indicated that there is a<br />
significant correlation between net migration rate and construction. Trade,<br />
FIRE (Financial, Insurance, and Real Estate) and Service are also significant,<br />
demonstrating that the make-up <strong>of</strong> an economy provide information or<br />
incentives for migrants. It also appears that the Olympics do indeed<br />
promote employment growth as does the preparation period between the<br />
announcement <strong>of</strong> the host city and the actual games. <strong>The</strong> article concludes<br />
20
that there is a positive correlation between hosting the Olympics and<br />
migration. Hosting the Summer Olympic Games tend to exhibit consistently<br />
higher net migration than that <strong>of</strong> hosting the Winter Olympics. Unlike<br />
migration, the economic impacts begin after the announcement that the<br />
region will host the Olympics and continue after the hosting <strong>of</strong> the Games.<br />
Madden, J. R. (2002). <strong>The</strong> economic consequences <strong>of</strong> the Sydney Olympics: <strong>The</strong><br />
CREA/Arthur <strong>An</strong>dersen study. Current Issues in Tourism, 5(1), 7-21.<br />
<strong>The</strong> purpose <strong>of</strong> this study was to assess the economic impacts <strong>of</strong> the 2000<br />
Olympics. <strong>The</strong> multiregional computable general equilibrium model was<br />
employed to assess the effects <strong>of</strong> the Olympics over a 12-year period<br />
regarding the Australian labour market, capital supply constraints and<br />
government policy on foreign debt. <strong>The</strong> study found that the Olympics had<br />
a strong impact on both the <strong>New</strong> South Wales and national economies,<br />
particularly in the four years ending in the Event Year. On average the<br />
Olympics was estimated to increase NSW Gross State Product (GSD) by<br />
almost $490 million per year over a 12-year period ending in 2005/2006.<br />
This also reflects the projected increase in NSW jobs <strong>of</strong> almost 5300 per<br />
year on average over the 12-year Olympic period. In terms <strong>of</strong> the Olympics’<br />
effect on the industry, the study findings reveal that most industries are<br />
positively affected by the Olympic Games, particularly in the Pre-Event and<br />
Event-Year Phases. Only in the Post-Event Phase are a majority <strong>of</strong><br />
industries estimated to be negatively affected, and then not by enough to<br />
<strong>of</strong>fset the effects on GDP <strong>of</strong> positively affected industries. <strong>The</strong> overall<br />
estimated impact on Australian GDP is that it will be 0.12% higher over the<br />
12 years from 1994/95 than if Sydney had not staged the Games. <strong>The</strong><br />
article concludes that the success <strong>of</strong> the Olympics in generating increased<br />
economic activities and real household consumption is to a significant<br />
degree dependent on the ability <strong>of</strong> the Games to draw extra labour into the<br />
economy. It is also important to note that there may be some negative<br />
effects on utilities such as increased congestion during the fortnight or so in<br />
which the Games are held.<br />
Matheson, V. (2006). Mega-Events: <strong>The</strong> effect <strong>of</strong> the world’s biggest sporting<br />
<strong>events</strong> on local, regional, and national economies (Working paper no. 06-<br />
10): College <strong>of</strong> the Holy Cross, Department <strong>of</strong> Economics, Faculty Research<br />
Series.<br />
<strong>The</strong> purpose <strong>of</strong> this study was to provide an overview <strong>of</strong> the economics <strong>of</strong><br />
mega-sporting <strong>events</strong> and examines the reasons why the ex ante estimates<br />
<strong>of</strong> the economic impact <strong>of</strong> large sporting <strong>events</strong> by boosters tend to<br />
exaggerate the net economic impacts. <strong>The</strong> study found that while sports<br />
boosters routinely claim large <strong>benefits</strong> from hosting mega-<strong>events</strong>, the<br />
majority <strong>of</strong> independent academic studies <strong>of</strong> these <strong>events</strong> have shown that<br />
their economic impact appears to be limited. <strong>The</strong> overestimate <strong>of</strong><br />
economic contribution <strong>of</strong> mega-sporting <strong>events</strong> can be explained by being<br />
biased upwards, “crowding out,” which is the congestion caused by a mega<br />
event, leakages, and the common error in cost-benefit analysis,<br />
'opportunity cost'. This study suggests that in order to maximise the net<br />
21
enefit, the host cities should be limiting the amount <strong>of</strong> new infrastructure<br />
built, which requires a lot <strong>of</strong> funds but does only little promotion for<br />
economic growth. Local <strong>of</strong>ficials should keep in mind that hosting a series<br />
<strong>of</strong> smaller <strong>events</strong> may result in higher net benefit than a strategy<br />
encouraging one large event. Local government needs to be aware <strong>of</strong> these<br />
overestimations regarding mega-sporting <strong>events</strong>, and are advised simply to<br />
view with caution any economic impact estimates provided by entities that<br />
have an incentive to provide inflated benefit figures.<br />
Matheson, V. A., & Baade, R. A. (2006). Padding required: Assessing the economic<br />
impact <strong>of</strong> the Super Bowl. European <strong>Sport</strong> Management Quarterly, 6(4),<br />
353 - 374.<br />
<strong>The</strong> model developed by the researchers estimated that the host city on<br />
average experienced a reduction in personal income <strong>of</strong> $133.4M. This is<br />
substantially different from the $300M to $400M gains projected by the<br />
NFL. A wide range <strong>of</strong> results was identified - some host cities exhibited<br />
increased and decreased incomes measured in the billions. Given this<br />
range <strong>of</strong> results, the authors concede that their model does not explain all<br />
the variation in estimated income. Differences between booster estimates<br />
and academic estimates are explained by the use <strong>of</strong> a gross-spending<br />
approach, which aggregates all receipts associated with the event. This<br />
approach may include expenditure by locals and not account for spending<br />
changes by locals. <strong>The</strong> basic shortcoming <strong>of</strong> typical economic studies<br />
‘pertains not to information on spending by those included in a direct<br />
expenditure survey, but rather to the lack <strong>of</strong> information on the spending<br />
behaviour for those who are not’. Inaccurate multipliers that<br />
underestimate leakage and inappropriate multipliers – most economic<br />
impact studies utilise expenditure multipliers rather than income<br />
multipliers) also account for the large discrepancies. Economic impact<br />
studies are usually commissioned by event boosters and are likely to<br />
‘inflate the benefit-side <strong>of</strong> the cost equation but also completely ignore the<br />
costs <strong>of</strong> hosting such an event’.<br />
McKay, M., & Plumb, C. (2001). Reaching beyond the gold: <strong>The</strong> impact <strong>of</strong> the<br />
Olympic games on real estate markets.<br />
This report evaluates the impact <strong>of</strong> the Olympic Games on real estate<br />
markets on the host communities <strong>of</strong> the Seoul, Barcelona, Atlanta and<br />
Sydney Olympics. <strong>The</strong> influence <strong>of</strong> a host country’s economy on the local<br />
property market is substantial. <strong>The</strong>refore, direct comparisons between<br />
host countries are difficult. <strong>The</strong> hosting <strong>of</strong> the Olympics has a significant<br />
and varied impact on the real estate market, but these impacts are largely<br />
indirect and experienced over a long time. More direct, short-term impacts<br />
are largely focused on the hotel and tourism sector. Real estate impacts<br />
tend to be a consequence <strong>of</strong> decisions driven by other motivations, such as<br />
image and self-promotion, which provide indirect <strong>benefits</strong> to the sector.<br />
<strong>The</strong> Olympics provides five long-term legacies that impact on the real<br />
estate markets. <strong>The</strong>se are 1) urban regeneration that revitalise declining<br />
inner city areas; 2) creation <strong>of</strong> new neighbourhoods; 3) improvements to<br />
22
city infrastructure such as airport extension/upgrade, rail links, fibre optic<br />
communication networks, new parks and improved pedestrian footpaths; 4)<br />
increasing environment/sustainable development through improved public<br />
transport and use <strong>of</strong> solar energy; and 5) growth in tourism and convention<br />
industries through tourism promotion. <strong>The</strong> Olympics has two potential<br />
impacts on the residential real estate sector: 1) a short-term boost to<br />
rentals and prices in certain areas; and 2) a longer-term impact in terms <strong>of</strong><br />
new centres and the upgrading <strong>of</strong> new housing stock.<br />
Miller, P. A. (2002). <strong>The</strong> economic impact <strong>of</strong> sports stadium construction: <strong>The</strong><br />
case <strong>of</strong> the construction industry in St. Louis, MO. Journal <strong>of</strong> Urban Affairs,<br />
24(2), 159-173.<br />
This study examines overall employment in the construction sector <strong>of</strong> the<br />
St. Louis SMSA during which the Kiel Centre and the Trans World Dome were<br />
built. In doing so, data was obtained from databases <strong>of</strong> the Economic and<br />
Policy <strong>An</strong>alysis Research Centre at the University <strong>of</strong> Missouri. <strong>The</strong> data<br />
consists <strong>of</strong> 112 quarterly observations spanning the period from the first<br />
quarter <strong>of</strong> 1971 to the fourth quarter <strong>of</strong> 1998. <strong>The</strong> study found no evidence<br />
that construction industry employment in the St. Louis SMSA was higher in<br />
the periods during which the two stadia were under construction. <strong>The</strong><br />
economic impact statements used to justify public subsidies for sport stadia<br />
overstate the economic <strong>benefits</strong> <strong>of</strong> the stadia and the teams they house.<br />
This study suggests that instead <strong>of</strong> creating new construction jobs, jobs<br />
were shifted from projects that would otherwise have been undertaken,<br />
resulting in no new job creation in the construction industry. <strong>The</strong> results<br />
also revealed that there were no out <strong>of</strong> the ordinary wage changes<br />
occurring during the construction period. <strong>The</strong> study suggests that<br />
construction workers at a given site would have been working at another<br />
site. If the public sector wants to generate economic development, the<br />
money may be better spent elsewhere.<br />
Mules, T. (1998). Taxpayer subsidies for major sporting <strong>events</strong>. <strong>Sport</strong> Management<br />
Review, 1(1), 25-43.<br />
This paper concludes that 'major sporting <strong>events</strong> do not appear to generate<br />
extra tax revenue to justify the expenditure <strong>of</strong> taxpayers’ funds'.<br />
'Government involvement in sport is likely to be motivated by political,<br />
social, and economic considerations’. <strong>The</strong> article suggests that more<br />
emphasis should be placed on finding ways that the costs are borne by the<br />
tourism industry, and not the taxpayer. <strong>The</strong> real impact <strong>of</strong> congestion,<br />
accidents, vandalism, and noise on the residents has not been fully<br />
considered in previous research. <strong>The</strong> paper discusses and provides examples<br />
<strong>of</strong> government involvement, economic impacts <strong>of</strong> large, international<br />
<strong>events</strong>, the viewpoint <strong>of</strong> various stakeholders, promotional <strong>benefits</strong>,<br />
distributional effects, taxation and the evaluation <strong>of</strong> government assistance<br />
in tourism. As highlighted in this article, 'economic impacts have<br />
concentrated on the aggregate effects <strong>of</strong> <strong>events</strong> and have not concerned<br />
themselves with effects on the community'. <strong>The</strong> article concludes that 'the<br />
tourism industry should be encouraged to meet the costs' they place upon<br />
23
the community. If this does not happen, 'the taxpayer is generally the loser<br />
in the hosting <strong>of</strong> the major <strong>events</strong>'.<br />
Owen, J. G. (2005). Estimating the cost and benefit <strong>of</strong> hosting Olympic Games:<br />
What can Beijing expect from its 2008 Games? Industrial Geographer, 3(1),<br />
1-18.<br />
While the majority <strong>of</strong> previous economic impact studies assume that mega<strong>events</strong><br />
bring economic <strong>benefits</strong> to the host cities/countries, the author <strong>of</strong><br />
this article believes that many studies arrive at this conclusion by<br />
misapplying economic theories. Using the forthcoming 2008 Summer<br />
Olympic Games in Beijing as an example, the author concludes that given<br />
the complex nature <strong>of</strong> mega-<strong>events</strong> and unique feature <strong>of</strong> host countries<br />
such as China, the long-term impact and the potential negative impacts <strong>of</strong><br />
the mega-<strong>events</strong> must be considered when evaluating the event impacts.<br />
<strong>The</strong> potential for long term economic <strong>benefits</strong> from the Beijing Games will<br />
depend critically on how well Olympic-related investments in venues and<br />
infrastructure can be incorporated into the overall economy in the years<br />
following the Games as well as the opportunity cost <strong>of</strong> labour in China.<br />
Beijing, along with any other future host city <strong>of</strong> mega-<strong>events</strong>, should not<br />
solely base their investment debate upon previous studies, as they are<br />
argued to be based upon incorrect applications <strong>of</strong> theories.<br />
Preuss, H. (2006). Impact and evaluation <strong>of</strong> major sporting <strong>events</strong>. European <strong>Sport</strong><br />
Management Quarterly, 6(4), 313-316.<br />
Preuss contends that from an economics perspective, the key issue is<br />
whether sporting <strong>events</strong> ‘achieve efficient outcomes given the potentially<br />
incompatible aims <strong>of</strong> different stakeholders’. Major <strong>events</strong> are ‘not a<br />
panacea and some scientific controversy has developed over whether major<br />
sporting <strong>events</strong> have a measurable and long-lasting economic benefit’. Key<br />
to this debate is the ability to distinguish between ‘the measurement <strong>of</strong> the<br />
output <strong>of</strong> event-related activities’ on the one hand and ‘event-related<br />
changes <strong>of</strong> production factors which may induce further non-event related<br />
economic activity’. Most studies <strong>of</strong> major sporting <strong>events</strong> use the<br />
expenditure approach, which measures all direct and indirect spending,<br />
linked to an event and its consequential induced effects. Most studies do<br />
not consider effects resulting from a long-lasting change in location factors<br />
and ‘analysts cannot isolate all event effects from other activities <strong>of</strong> the<br />
host region which also contribute to economic activity’. Extrapolation is a<br />
problem - it is problematic for one set <strong>of</strong> results to be applied to the same<br />
event if hosted in another community. Policymakers are advised ‘not to<br />
deduce inductive evidence for event applications from both case studies<br />
and average results on economic growth’ because averages are misleading<br />
and conceal outstanding successes and failures. Different goals, varying<br />
levels and quality <strong>of</strong> infrastructure and the complexity <strong>of</strong> structural<br />
changes within a city make measuring the economic efficiency <strong>of</strong> an event<br />
difficult.<br />
24
Preuss, H., & Solberg, H. A. (2006). Attracting major sporting <strong>events</strong>: <strong>The</strong> role <strong>of</strong><br />
local residents. European <strong>Sport</strong> Management Quarterly, 6(4), 391 - 411.<br />
Research conducted on behalf <strong>of</strong> event organisers is usually more optimistic<br />
than those without a vested interest in the event. Many impacts from<br />
major <strong>events</strong> have characteristics <strong>of</strong> public goods and externalities. Local<br />
(and national) residents play an important role in influencing the political<br />
process that decides the willingness to support an event financially. <strong>The</strong><br />
prospect <strong>of</strong> economic growth increases people’s desire to host an event in<br />
their community. Major <strong>events</strong> are perceived as a catalyst for<br />
development. People fear that large <strong>events</strong> can lead to unacceptable<br />
levels <strong>of</strong> government debt. As public debt increases, support for the megaevent<br />
will decrease. A review <strong>of</strong> 117 opinion polls for 54 <strong>events</strong> revealed<br />
that approximately 75% were supportive <strong>of</strong> hosting the event. Support was<br />
strongest in low-income economies leading the authors to suggest that<br />
contrary to the common assumption, major sporting <strong>events</strong> cannot be<br />
regarded as a luxury good, and that people are aware that <strong>events</strong> can<br />
influence the production <strong>of</strong> goods and services in the community. People<br />
base their support for an event not just on consumption factors, but also<br />
matters <strong>of</strong> economic production.<br />
Ritchie, J. R. B. (2000). Turning 16 days into 16 years through Olympic legacies.<br />
Event Management, 6, 155-165.<br />
Focusing on legacy issues is just as important as winning the bid. <strong>The</strong><br />
author states that 'the short-term success <strong>of</strong> the event itself can also play a<br />
key role in promoting lasting impacts as well as a meaningful and lasting<br />
legacy (or composite legacies)'. Most tourism, and by default event tourism<br />
policies are 'based on the premise that the costs, inconveniences, and other<br />
negative impacts caused by outside visitors who participate in the<br />
<strong>events</strong>/activities hosted by a region must be more than <strong>of</strong>fset by the<br />
<strong>benefits</strong> or positive residual effects resulting from this visitation' While<br />
the most common types <strong>of</strong> legacies are physical facilities, financial<br />
resources, and community programs, 'some <strong>of</strong> the most valuable legacies<br />
may be psychological or social in nature'. Ten main principles for<br />
enhancing the legacies <strong>of</strong> mega-<strong>events</strong> were identified. <strong>The</strong>se were 1)<br />
legacy planning must involve all important stakeholders for the event, 2)<br />
'Legacy planning must understand and build upon the values <strong>of</strong> local<br />
residents and stakeholders', 3) 'mega-<strong>events</strong> must incorporate additional<br />
dimensions, such as cultural, educational, and commercial <strong>events</strong>', 4) 'host<br />
city must actively seek to make a given mega-event as regional as possible',<br />
5) 'Organizers need to recognize that enthusiasm for the “event window” is<br />
very limited following the event', 6) 'Organizers must appreciate the<br />
magnitude <strong>of</strong> the effort required to “train” all residents to be good hosts',<br />
7) It is 'highly desirable to attempt to develop a number <strong>of</strong> supporting or<br />
“satellite <strong>events</strong>,” such as festivals and pr<strong>of</strong>essional/academic conferences<br />
around both the timing and the theme/nature <strong>of</strong> the mega-event in<br />
question, 8) <strong>The</strong> event should strive 'to enhance social understanding and<br />
community cohesion', 9) the achievements and impacts <strong>of</strong> the event are<br />
preserved and publicized for the benefit <strong>of</strong> later generations, and 10) <strong>The</strong><br />
25
event should 'incorporate, or relate directly, to another major event or<br />
characteristic <strong>of</strong> the host city/region.<br />
Ryan, C., & Lockyer, T. (2001). <strong>An</strong> economic impact case study: <strong>The</strong> South Pacific<br />
Masters' Games. Tourism Economics, 7(3), 267-275.<br />
This study analyses the economic impacts <strong>of</strong> the South Pacific Master’s<br />
Games held in Hamilton City. Questionnaires (surveys) were used to collect<br />
data for this study. All questionnaires were posted to participants within a<br />
few days after they had completed their respective <strong>events</strong>. <strong>The</strong> response<br />
rate was just over 17%, yielding 290 usable survey forms. <strong>The</strong> findings <strong>of</strong><br />
this study indicate that the Games helped generate a net positive<br />
contribution <strong>of</strong> around NZ$250,000 to the local Hamilton economy. Thus,<br />
there appears to be sufficient reasons to continue with the promotion <strong>of</strong><br />
the Games in future years in Hamilton. <strong>The</strong> article suggests that organisers<br />
should attract as many competitors as possible to participate in the sports:<br />
it is the sense <strong>of</strong> significant competition that motivates many competitors.<br />
<strong>The</strong> organisers also need to consider carefully the range <strong>of</strong> sports to be<br />
covered and, if they wish to maximise economic outputs, to select carefully<br />
those that account for most <strong>of</strong> the out-<strong>of</strong>-region visitors.<br />
Saayman, M., Saayman, A., & du Plessis, C. (2005). <strong>An</strong>alysis <strong>of</strong> spending patterns<br />
<strong>of</strong> visitors <strong>of</strong> three World Cup Cricket matches in Potchefstroom, South<br />
Africa. Journal <strong>of</strong> <strong>Sport</strong> Tourism, 10(3), 211-221.<br />
<strong>The</strong> aim <strong>of</strong> this research is to analyse the spending patterns <strong>of</strong> visitors <strong>of</strong><br />
three World Cup Cricket matches in Potchefstroom, located in the North<br />
West Province <strong>of</strong> the Republic <strong>of</strong> South Africa. <strong>The</strong> method employed<br />
included the administration <strong>of</strong> visitor questionnaires to determine the<br />
magnitude <strong>of</strong> visitor spending, and to compare visitor spending according to<br />
different criteria. <strong>The</strong> survey consisted <strong>of</strong> 1,000 questionnaires that were<br />
distributed during the three matches, <strong>of</strong> which 965 surveys were<br />
completed. <strong>The</strong> study found that the different methods <strong>of</strong> determining the<br />
total visitor expenditure resulted in different amounts. On average, locals<br />
spent R212.68, other South African visitors spent R235.67, and foreigners<br />
spent R342.87. Longer <strong>events</strong> also have a greater impact than one-day<br />
<strong>events</strong>. This should also be taken into consideration when a destination is<br />
planning or bidding for <strong>events</strong>. This study also confirmed previous research<br />
which has indicated that foreign visitors tend to spend more than domestic<br />
visitors at an event. Different markets/age groups in this case have<br />
different spending patterns. Based on the results, it is suggested that if the<br />
aim is to generate economic <strong>benefits</strong> by hosting such <strong>events</strong>, the marketing<br />
drive should be focused on those high spenders. It is also very important to<br />
note from these findings that the various methods <strong>of</strong> calculating the<br />
economic spending at an event have different results. <strong>The</strong> importance <strong>of</strong><br />
this is that event managers should be careful in relying on only one<br />
approach. <strong>The</strong> contribution <strong>of</strong> this research lies in the fact that not one<br />
method can be singled out as the only method <strong>of</strong> determining total<br />
economic impact. <strong>The</strong>re are too many factors influencing spending<br />
patterns, for example, age, income, nationality, number <strong>of</strong> visitors, to<br />
26
name a few. <strong>The</strong>se methods do, however, give a good indication <strong>of</strong> the<br />
value and amounts generated by an event.<br />
Siegfried, J., & Zimbalist, A. (2006). <strong>The</strong> economic impact <strong>of</strong> sports facilities,<br />
teams and mega-<strong>events</strong>. Australian Economic Review, 39(4), 420-427.<br />
This study examines the economic impacts <strong>of</strong> sports facilities, teams and<br />
mega-<strong>events</strong> on the local economy. <strong>The</strong> study found that sports teams and<br />
facilities do not stimulate economic development due to three reasons: <strong>The</strong><br />
substitution effect; leakages; and the likely budgetary gap. Empirical<br />
evidence indicated that host cities provided an average US$7 million<br />
operating subsidy annually to the team in addition to their contribution to<br />
venue construction. It is also estimated that the local organising committee<br />
<strong>of</strong> the Sydney Olympic in 2000 experienced losses <strong>of</strong> AU$45 million. In none<br />
<strong>of</strong> the cases did the host city receive a positive net operating income from<br />
the facility. Based on economic theory and empirical tests <strong>of</strong> such possible<br />
<strong>benefits</strong>, Siegfried and Zimbalist conclude that sports facilities cannot be<br />
expected to stimulate local economies. <strong>The</strong> lesson is clear: before agreeing<br />
to subsidise a sports facility with public funds, residents should ask<br />
themselves what they expect to receive in return and realistically this will<br />
not lead to a more vibrant local economy.<br />
Smith, A. (2005). Reimaging the city. <strong>The</strong> value <strong>of</strong> sport initiatives. <strong>An</strong>nals <strong>of</strong><br />
Tourism Research, 32(1), 217-236.<br />
<strong>The</strong> purpose <strong>of</strong> this study was to evaluate whether and how sport can<br />
provide a valuable re-imaging theme for city destinations. Based on the<br />
assessment <strong>of</strong> three English cities (Birmingham, Manchester and Sheffield)<br />
this study evaluates whether sporting <strong>events</strong> can affect tourist images <strong>of</strong><br />
city destinations. <strong>The</strong> author uses a three-pronged methodological<br />
approach for collecting data: 180 questionnaires and 54 interviews were<br />
conducted on ‘potential tourists’ and a further 45 questionnaires were<br />
collected from 75 respondents, comprising <strong>of</strong> individuals attending sporting<br />
<strong>events</strong> in five different cities throughout England. <strong>The</strong> study shows that<br />
widespread awareness <strong>of</strong> sport <strong>events</strong> and facilities among potential<br />
tourists emphasises that sport can be an effective promotional vehicle.<br />
Initiatives appear to have the capacity to influence images in a variety <strong>of</strong><br />
different ways. However, there are also problems with sport re-imaging.<br />
<strong>The</strong> problems include a lack <strong>of</strong> control a city can exert over sporting<br />
images, potential confusion between using new sports to promote a<br />
destination with reputation/ traditions in other sports, and the inability <strong>of</strong><br />
some stadiums/facilities to be at the very least, ‘imageable’, and ideally a<br />
symbolic element <strong>of</strong> the urban environment. <strong>The</strong> authors caution against a<br />
‘city <strong>of</strong> sport’ brand because a large number <strong>of</strong> potential tourists find it<br />
difficult to comprehend what this represents.<br />
27
Smith, A. (2006). Tourists' consumption and interpretation <strong>of</strong> sport event imagery.<br />
Journal <strong>of</strong> <strong>Sport</strong> Tourism, 11(1), 77-100.<br />
<strong>The</strong> purpose <strong>of</strong> this study is to explore the effects <strong>of</strong> sport event imagery.<br />
<strong>The</strong> main objectives <strong>of</strong> the study were to 1) identify whether <strong>events</strong><br />
pervade images <strong>of</strong> city destinations; 2) evaluate the role an event<br />
initiatives in any recent changes to those images; and, 3) analyse how<br />
tourists interpret sport event imagery more generally. <strong>The</strong> focus <strong>of</strong> the<br />
research was on Birmingham, Manchester, and Sheffield – three cities that<br />
have utilised sport in their branding <strong>The</strong> authors conducted a total <strong>of</strong> 54<br />
semi-structured interviews, from nine electoral wards from three different<br />
areas <strong>of</strong> England, on ‘potential tourists’, rather than tourist who had<br />
already decided to visit a particular destination. Findings <strong>of</strong> the study<br />
suggest that recent sport initiatives have not been a significant agent <strong>of</strong><br />
Birmingham’s recent image change. Manchester’s image appears to have<br />
been assisted by the city’s various sports initiatives and in Sheffield<br />
interviews revealed event initiatives have enhanced its image, albeit to a<br />
limited extent. Despite some participants making connections with traffic<br />
chaos and violence, in general sport <strong>events</strong> appear to have encouraged<br />
positive connotations amongst potential tourists, including modernity,<br />
progress, and vitality. <strong>The</strong>refore, this study suggests that sports <strong>events</strong> do<br />
generate positive connotations for the majority <strong>of</strong> potential tourists. This<br />
conclusion is explained by the term ‘synecdoche’ which refers to instances<br />
where a part <strong>of</strong> something is used to stand for the whole. In this way, sport<br />
teams, <strong>events</strong> and stadiums may become synonymous with a community, to<br />
such an extent, that the brand values <strong>of</strong> the team/event/stadium are<br />
shared with the host community<br />
Sterken, E. (2006). Growth impact <strong>of</strong> major sporting <strong>events</strong>. European <strong>Sport</strong><br />
Management Quarterly, 6(4), 375-389.<br />
<strong>The</strong> overall economic impact <strong>of</strong> large-scale <strong>events</strong> is ‘difficult to evaluate’<br />
because <strong>of</strong> the multiplicity <strong>of</strong> factors involved. Economic studies show<br />
‘mixed evidence’ <strong>of</strong> <strong>events</strong> contributing to economic growth. Local<br />
organisers and their ex-ante forecasts are likely to predict serious growth<br />
impact. This is in contrast to the ‘more modest’ outcomes reported in ex<br />
post studies. <strong>The</strong> impact <strong>of</strong> major <strong>events</strong> on local economic activity is<br />
described as ‘a topic <strong>of</strong> significant debate’ and empirical studies are yet to<br />
provide ‘a unified conclusion with respect the economic impact <strong>of</strong> major<br />
sporting <strong>events</strong>’. In this longitudinal study <strong>of</strong> Olympic and World Cups<br />
(Soccer) the conclusion is made that per-capita GDP growth rates-have<br />
been higher in nations that have hosted the Olympics than in countries that<br />
have hosted the World Cup. It is suggested that the Olympics may be hosted<br />
by higher growth-potential economies and that infrastructure investment is<br />
likely to be less for a World Cup than an Olympic Games.<br />
28
Szymanski, S. (2002). <strong>The</strong> economic impact <strong>of</strong> the World Cup. World Economics,<br />
3(1), 169-177.<br />
Szymanski observed through comparison with long-time averages, the<br />
cyclical norms and equivalent figures for similar economies at the same<br />
stage <strong>of</strong> the business cycle suggest there is no statistically significant<br />
positive macroeconomic impact on GDP for World Cup hosts. He concluded<br />
that countries should 'stop inventing economic <strong>benefits</strong> from sporting<br />
<strong>events</strong>', and simply treat them as expenses, or investments, in national<br />
promotion. He suggests that 'Rather than thinking <strong>of</strong> an event as an<br />
investment in generating an economic return, it should be considered a<br />
form <strong>of</strong> public consumption – a reward for past efforts'.<br />
Taks, M., Girginov, V., & Boucher, R. (2006). <strong>The</strong> outcomes <strong>of</strong> coattail marketing:<br />
<strong>The</strong> case <strong>of</strong> Windsor, Ontario, and Super Bowl XL. <strong>Sport</strong> Marketing<br />
Quarterly, 15(4), 232-242.<br />
This paper examines the outcomes <strong>of</strong> ‘coattail marketing’ using the<br />
involvement <strong>of</strong> the Canadian city, Windsor, in co-hosting the Super Bowl XL<br />
(SBXL) as a case. <strong>The</strong> authors review the complexities involved in<br />
understanding the impacts <strong>of</strong> mega-sporting <strong>events</strong>, and an argument is<br />
developed for adopting a more comprehensive approach to their study. <strong>The</strong><br />
linkage model is employed as an analytical tool to bridge the gap between<br />
theory and method. Qualitative methods, such as on-site interviews, were<br />
used to collect data for this study. <strong>The</strong> findings indicate that the<br />
commercial establishments in Windsor city did not equally benefit from cohosting<br />
the mega-sport event. <strong>The</strong> level <strong>of</strong> success greatly depended on the<br />
business levering with Budweiser as well as the location <strong>of</strong> the bars in the<br />
city. With regards to the forward linkages, the expected positive economic<br />
impact was partially supported through the great success experienced by<br />
some downtown core businesses, indicating the crucial importance <strong>of</strong> the<br />
location <strong>of</strong> the establishment to experience any form <strong>of</strong> spill-over effect.<br />
<strong>The</strong> authors conclude that the 'coattail marketing' strategy <strong>of</strong> municipalities<br />
which co-host hallmark <strong>events</strong>, has in this instance had a rather low level <strong>of</strong><br />
success, with only a limited number <strong>of</strong> actors seeing any <strong>benefits</strong>. This<br />
result confirms that only few <strong>of</strong> the <strong>benefits</strong> will reach the everyday lives<br />
<strong>of</strong> the city's residents.<br />
Whitson, D., & Horne, J. (2006). Underestimated costs and overestimated<br />
<strong>benefits</strong>? Comparing the outcomes <strong>of</strong> sports mega-<strong>events</strong> in Canada and<br />
Japan. Sociological Review, 54, 73-89.<br />
This chapter examines the discrepancies between predicted and actual<br />
outcomes <strong>of</strong> sports mega-<strong>events</strong>, and why the hosting <strong>of</strong> <strong>events</strong> is so <strong>of</strong>ten<br />
a project <strong>of</strong> political and business elites. <strong>The</strong> article also analyses the<br />
economic impacts <strong>of</strong> tourism in the years after the Games are gone. It is<br />
widely assumed that hosting the Olympic Games represents an<br />
extraordinary economic opportunity for host cities. Yet, it is well known<br />
that hosting the Olympics resulted in huge losses and debts for the City <strong>of</strong><br />
Montreal. It is estimated that the hosting <strong>of</strong> the Olympics have cost<br />
29
Montreal well over CA$2 billion in capital and interest costs, without<br />
anything like commensurate <strong>benefits</strong>. Despite the fact that tourism may<br />
boom in the year <strong>of</strong> a special event, growth in tourism in the years after<br />
the event is difficult to sustain, and is highly dependent on extraneous<br />
factors such as economic recessions, political concerns, or health scares.<br />
<strong>The</strong> article also points out that special mega-<strong>events</strong> are likely to have less<br />
impact on the civic economy in the longer term, than annual <strong>events</strong> for<br />
which a city over time develops an international reputation. Despite<br />
legacies saying that the hosting <strong>of</strong> major Games is problematic and has a<br />
long history <strong>of</strong> cost over run, why then do cities and nations seek so<br />
assiduously to host those <strong>events</strong>? <strong>The</strong> reasons are that the staging <strong>of</strong> global<br />
mega-<strong>events</strong> has <strong>of</strong>fered a way <strong>of</strong> putting cities/nations ‘on the map’, and<br />
thereby showcasing their attractions to international visitors and potential<br />
investors. Mega-<strong>events</strong> are also envisaged as catalysts for major<br />
investments in public and private construction. <strong>The</strong> authors conclude that<br />
the outcomes <strong>of</strong> hosting the Olympics have been that public and private<br />
investments in the ‘infrastructure <strong>of</strong> play’ have created expensive sporting<br />
infrastructure and other consumer spaces, but with few social <strong>benefits</strong> for<br />
those unable to present themselves as consumers. A full and transparent<br />
account <strong>of</strong> an Olympics will still show a loss on the public account. <strong>The</strong><br />
authors recommend that ‘the challenge for any host city . . . is ‘to make<br />
the Olympics fit the city’ and not the city fit the Olympics’. What this<br />
points to, in the end, is that environmental and social impact assessments,<br />
as well as full public consultation before submitting bids, are necessary if<br />
major sports <strong>events</strong> are ever to become democratically accountable.<br />
30
Summary: Economic impacts<br />
<strong>The</strong> literature on the economic impacts and <strong>benefits</strong> <strong>of</strong> sporting <strong>events</strong> contains a<br />
number <strong>of</strong> clear messages. <strong>The</strong>se are that:<br />
• <strong>The</strong>re is no shortage <strong>of</strong> cities/ nations seeking to host mega-<strong>events</strong> and<br />
develop event-related tourism strategies. Events are a favoured tool for an<br />
increasing number <strong>of</strong> locations for stimulating tourism activity.<br />
• <strong>The</strong> majority <strong>of</strong> evidence arguing that <strong>events</strong> do have a significant economic<br />
impact likely to be premised on methodologically deficient studies. <strong>The</strong>re is a<br />
need to be sceptical <strong>of</strong> reports commissioned or authored by those standing to<br />
benefit from an event, if the substantial economic impacts/<strong>benefits</strong> are<br />
predicted. Economic Impact Studies (EIS) should be undertaken with<br />
methodological integrity or at the very least with full disclosure <strong>of</strong><br />
methodologies and assumptions to permit critical analysis.<br />
• <strong>The</strong>re is increasing scepticism in media (and therefore the general public) and<br />
academic circles <strong>of</strong> the ability for mega-<strong>events</strong> to provide economic<br />
impacts/<strong>benefits</strong> Efforts to justify support for an event for economic reasons<br />
alone is not encouraged. <strong>The</strong>re are winners and losers from mega <strong>events</strong>; not<br />
all stakeholders share equally in the distribution <strong>of</strong> an event’s costs and<br />
<strong>benefits</strong>. <strong>The</strong> opportunity for urban renewal, regeneration and infrastructure<br />
development is a key incentive for cities to host mega <strong>events</strong>. Despite the<br />
rhetoric about legacy creation, there is generally insufficient long-term, postevent<br />
planning conducted in the early stages <strong>of</strong> the event’s development.<br />
• <strong>The</strong>re is no agreement on the single best way to measure an <strong>events</strong> economic<br />
impacts and <strong>benefits</strong>. Cost Benefit <strong>An</strong>alysis (CBA) is generally considered<br />
superior to EIS because CBA emphasise opportunity costs. Proponents <strong>of</strong> the<br />
CBA method argue that taxpayer funding is justifiable only if the mega-event<br />
yields higher net <strong>benefits</strong> from alternative investment opportunities.<br />
• Ex post measures are superior to ex ante measures when evaluating economic<br />
impacts/<strong>benefits</strong>. Computed General Equilibrium (CGE) measures are gaining<br />
increased recognition as the preferred method at the expense <strong>of</strong> Input-Output<br />
(I-O) methods. CGE values are likely to be substantially less than I-O values for<br />
the same event. Occupation-based modelling is becoming increasingly popular<br />
way <strong>of</strong> measuring event-related, economic <strong>benefits</strong> because the technique<br />
estimates the event-attributable increased (or decreased) wage in the host<br />
community.<br />
• <strong>The</strong>re is difficulty in applying the results <strong>of</strong> one economic impact/benefit<br />
assessment to other locations. Economic impacts are maximised when<br />
government, event organisers and the private sector interact effectively. A<br />
‘build it and they will come’ will not be the most effective strategy.<br />
31
• <strong>Sport</strong>ing <strong>events</strong> have the potential to build the brand <strong>of</strong> their host destination,<br />
but they must be strategically incorporated into a destination’s overall<br />
marketing plan. Given the mediated nature <strong>of</strong> these <strong>events</strong>, destination<br />
marketers need to consider carefully how their destination is being projected<br />
in the telecasts.<br />
32
Socio-cultural Impacts<br />
<strong>An</strong>dersson, T., Rustad, A., & Solberg, H. A. (2004). Local residents' monetary<br />
evaluation <strong>of</strong> sports <strong>events</strong>. Managing Leisure, 9(3), 145-158.<br />
This study identifies the value placed by local residents on hosting the<br />
World Skiing Championships in Trondheim, Norway. <strong>The</strong> authors argue that<br />
a simple yes-no response is inadequate for distinguishing between strong<br />
and moderate supporters/opponents <strong>of</strong> an event. This study identified that<br />
75% favoured the event. Those favouring the event were asked ‘How much<br />
would you be willing to pay (WTP) in earmarked taxes to finance the event?<br />
[US$6779] and ‘How much would you personally require in compensation to<br />
be willing to let the championship go (Willingness to Accept (WTA))?<br />
[US$207]. Those not favouring the event were asked ‘How much would you<br />
be willing to pay in order to get rid <strong>of</strong> the event?’ (WTP) [US$828] and ‘How<br />
much would you require in compensation to accept the championships?’<br />
(WTA) [$36]. <strong>The</strong> authors acknowledge that the WTA figures were skewed<br />
by extreme answers. Variables such as ‘exciting city life’, ‘noise’, and ‘the<br />
city being crowded during the event’ were more influential than economic<br />
benefit arguments when people with high enthusiasm for the event were<br />
differentiated from those with low support for the event. This last result<br />
suggests that different messages regarding justification <strong>of</strong> <strong>events</strong> may need<br />
to be developed for different target markets groups.<br />
Barker, M., Page, S. J., & Meyer, D. (2002). Evaluating the impact <strong>of</strong> the 2000<br />
Americas Cup on Auckland, <strong>New</strong> Zealand Event Management, 7, 79-92.<br />
'<strong>The</strong> impact <strong>of</strong> the America’s Cup in Auckland in 2000 has been substantial<br />
for both Auckland as the host city and <strong>New</strong> Zealand'. Similarly, the event<br />
'undoubtedly created numerous tourism, trade, and investment<br />
opportunities'. <strong>The</strong> authors argue that tourism and government leaders<br />
need to recognise the interrelationships that exist between impacts and the<br />
success <strong>of</strong> hosting <strong>events</strong>. <strong>The</strong> purpose <strong>of</strong> this study was to evaluate<br />
economic but also social, physical, environmental and tourism impacts<br />
associated with the 2000 America’s Cup in Auckland. <strong>The</strong>re was a 14%<br />
increase in visitor numbers to Auckland in February 2000 compared to the<br />
year before, and commercial accommodation increased <strong>of</strong> 21%. <strong>The</strong>re were<br />
not sufficient economic and social reports available to determine whether<br />
the average Auckland resident financially benefited from the event. No<br />
major studies were conducted to specifically measure resident perceptions<br />
<strong>of</strong> the Cup. Increased costs for dining out and property prices in Viaduct<br />
Harbour were evidence <strong>of</strong> the inflationary impact <strong>of</strong> the event. Following<br />
the defence <strong>of</strong> the Cup the mood in Auckland was one <strong>of</strong> celebration. <strong>The</strong><br />
event did not lead to increased crime and disorder. <strong>The</strong> America’s Cup<br />
became the driver for the redevelopment <strong>of</strong> Auckland’s waterfront area.<br />
<strong>The</strong> America’s Cup Village was converted into a tourism and marine<br />
industry precinct with ongoing economic value. <strong>The</strong> Viaduct Basin created<br />
a social entertainment hub within the city. Improvements were made to the<br />
33
sewage and stormwater systems providing better water quality. <strong>The</strong><br />
increased amount <strong>of</strong> noise, litter and boats in the water had negative<br />
impacts on coastal and marine environment. Broken glass littering was also<br />
a concern. '<strong>The</strong> adoption <strong>of</strong> special <strong>events</strong> has become a favoured tool in an<br />
increasing number <strong>of</strong> tourism destinations as a means to stimulate tourism<br />
activity'.<br />
Cegelski, M., & Mules, T. (2002). Aspects <strong>of</strong> residents' perceptions <strong>of</strong> the GMC 400<br />
- Canberra's V8 Supercar Race. Current Issues in Tourism, 5, 54-70.<br />
This study measured residents’ attitudes and differences among residents’<br />
attitudes towards the V8 Super Car race in Canberra, Australia. Random<br />
telephone interviews were conducted with 423 Canberra residents over the<br />
week immediately after the event. Respondents were grouped into three<br />
zones according to their residential distance to the racetrack. Questions<br />
were designed to elicit a yes/no answer plus brief explanation for the<br />
response given. Overall 69% <strong>of</strong> residents thought the event was good for<br />
Canberra’s image as the National Capital, lifted lift the pr<strong>of</strong>ile <strong>of</strong> the city<br />
(24%) and make it a more interesting place to live (19%). Just over half<br />
(55%) <strong>of</strong> residents think the V8 Race increases community pride. Over half<br />
<strong>of</strong> respondents (58%) did not perceive track construction and road closures<br />
to hinder their access to the city area. <strong>The</strong> majority <strong>of</strong> respondents (73%)<br />
were not affected by noise from the V8 cars in their home (majority living<br />
in zones 2 or 3). 79% <strong>of</strong> residents wanted the race to continue being held in<br />
Canberra. Findings also show that differences among resident perceptions<br />
exist: Residents, who attended the race or are interested in motor sports,<br />
are likely to have more positive perceptions <strong>of</strong> the event. Residents who<br />
live closer to the event are more likely to hold negative perceptions. <strong>The</strong>se<br />
results suggest that an event is never likely gain universal acceptance by<br />
members <strong>of</strong> the host community, that opposition to the event will be<br />
greatest from those 1) living closest to the event and 2) without an interest<br />
in the event itself.<br />
Chalip, L. (2006). Towards social leverage <strong>of</strong> sport <strong>events</strong>. Journal <strong>of</strong> <strong>Sport</strong> &<br />
Tourism, 11, 109-127.<br />
This article argues that the celebratory nature <strong>of</strong> <strong>events</strong> may facilitate<br />
liminality, which in turn creates social value, particularly through a sense<br />
<strong>of</strong> communitas. Liminality refers to a feeling that an overtly sacred act is<br />
occurring. Liminality is created by a combination <strong>of</strong> celebration (i.e. an<br />
occasion for rejoicing) and a sense <strong>of</strong> social camaraderie. Communitas<br />
refers to the sense <strong>of</strong> community created. Event organisers and host<br />
community planners 'should foster social interaction and prompt a feeling<br />
<strong>of</strong> celebration by enabling sociability among event visitors, creating eventrelated<br />
social <strong>events</strong>, facilitating informal social opportunities, producing<br />
ancillary <strong>events</strong>, and theming widely. '<strong>The</strong> mere creation <strong>of</strong> a celebratory<br />
space can be sufficient to foster social interaction'. Chalip is critical <strong>of</strong><br />
economic and social impact studies because they only provide 'post hoc<br />
information about an event’s outcomes, it does not tell us why these<br />
outcomes occurred. Impact studies are 'inadequate for event planning and<br />
34
management'. <strong>The</strong> positive effects resulting from <strong>events</strong> have more<br />
commonly been used to shore up the status <strong>of</strong> political elites, rather than<br />
to create or sustain meaningful community development. Consequently, the<br />
tactics and techniques to socially leverage the ‘feel good’ character <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>events</strong> have been developed as political tools, rather than as tools to<br />
empower social action. Events are 'more than mere entertainments; they<br />
are social occasions with potential social value'.<br />
Deccio, C., & Baloglu, S. (2002). Non-host community resident reactions to the<br />
2002 Winter Olympics: the spillover impacts Journal <strong>of</strong> Travel Research, 41,<br />
46-56.<br />
This study investigates residents’ reactions <strong>of</strong> non-host community<br />
residents’ perceptions <strong>of</strong> the spill-over effects <strong>of</strong> the 2002 Winter Olympic<br />
Games in Salt Lake City. <strong>The</strong> study is designed to understand non-residents’<br />
tourism related values and attitudes towards the Olympics and how spill<br />
over effects may influence their support for the Olympics. Five hundred<br />
self-administered questionnaires were mailed to randomly selected<br />
residents in Garfield County. In addition, 50 non-respondent residents were<br />
randomly selected for a telephone interview to assess non-response bias.<br />
While 31% <strong>of</strong> respondents reported that they support or strongly support<br />
the 2002 Winter Olympics, 46% <strong>of</strong> respondents indicated that they neither<br />
supported nor opposed the event. 59% <strong>of</strong> respondents would support<br />
promotion <strong>of</strong> the non-host community as a tourist destination during the<br />
Olympics, and 50% would support community activities coinciding with the<br />
event. Residents who use recreational areas and are dependent on tourism<br />
were more likely to support these linkages. Environmentally conscious<br />
residents were more likely to oppose the event. Consistent with social<br />
exchange theory and the results <strong>of</strong> this study suggest that 'residents will not<br />
be supportive and responsive if they do not perceive that they will receive<br />
some sort <strong>of</strong> social, economic, or other kind <strong>of</strong> benefit from the tourism<br />
exchange generated from the Olympics'. Overall, the results suggest that<br />
the majority <strong>of</strong> residents in communities adjacent to large <strong>events</strong> will not<br />
oppose the event. Support from these adjacent communities can be<br />
maximised by a communications strategy that promotes the <strong>benefits</strong> to the<br />
adjacent community.<br />
Decker, S. H., Varano, S. P., & Greene, J. R. (2007). Routine crime in exceptional<br />
times: <strong>The</strong> impact <strong>of</strong> the 2002 Winter Olympics on citizen demand for<br />
police services. Journal <strong>of</strong> Criminal Justice, 35(1), 89-101.<br />
Criminal behaviour during mega sport event can be explained by<br />
criminological theories emphasising anomie or opportunity. This study<br />
examined "routine" crime as measured by calls for police service, <strong>of</strong>ficial<br />
crime reports, and police arrests in Salt Lake City before, during, and after<br />
the 2002 Olympic Games. Findings suggested that Salt Lake City, which<br />
absorbed 2 million visitors during the games, experienced a sharp increase<br />
in community concern for routine crime. <strong>The</strong> average number <strong>of</strong> police<br />
calls for service remained reasonably static with approximately 4,600 calls<br />
35
per week over the entire analytic period. <strong>The</strong> post-hoc analysis indicated<br />
that there was a significant decrease <strong>of</strong> 203 weekly police recorded<br />
incidents during the games and a subsequent significant increase <strong>of</strong> 200<br />
weekly incidents after the games. <strong>The</strong>re was a significant decrease <strong>of</strong> 191<br />
weekly arrests during the games and a corresponding significant increase <strong>of</strong><br />
165 weekly arrests after the games. <strong>The</strong>se suggested that 'the Olympics did<br />
not have a significant effect on local community demand for services, but<br />
did have a significant effect (decrease) on indicators <strong>of</strong> law enforcement<br />
controlled workload measures'. This indicated 'a decline in the ability <strong>of</strong> the<br />
police to respond to calls for service, largely in part because <strong>of</strong> the<br />
deployment <strong>of</strong> a substantial part <strong>of</strong> the force to the Olympic mission'. In<br />
conclusion, the diversion <strong>of</strong> a substantial proportion <strong>of</strong> police resources<br />
(upwards <strong>of</strong> 40 percent) resulted in fewer incidents and arrests during the<br />
Olympics, but that such activity and outcomes returned to their “normal”<br />
rates once the games were completed. Research implies that the capacity<br />
<strong>of</strong> the police during mega <strong>events</strong> is stretched across two fronts – providing<br />
public safety services in areas immediately surrounding the event venues<br />
and the broader residential and business communities.<br />
Downward, P. M., & Ralston, R. (2006). <strong>The</strong> sports development potential <strong>of</strong><br />
sports event eolunteering: Insights from the XVII Manchester<br />
Commonwealth Games. European <strong>Sport</strong> Management Quarterly, 6(4), 333 -<br />
351.<br />
Increased volunteerism after a major event would provide a ‘human legacy’<br />
to complement economic development. Given the lack <strong>of</strong> clarity regarding<br />
economic <strong>benefits</strong>, there is a need to focus on the emotional and<br />
psychological <strong>benefits</strong>. Volunteering at major <strong>events</strong> <strong>of</strong>fers opportunities<br />
for personal development. By providing new challenges, volunteers can<br />
acquire into new skills and capabilities, self-confidence and increased<br />
employability. As result <strong>of</strong> volunteering at the 2002 Commonwealth games,<br />
there was only a low likelihood <strong>of</strong> increased participation (6-14%) or<br />
increased volunteerism (8-17%) in specific sports. Similar patterns were<br />
found for non-sport volunteering. Willingness to be involved in another<br />
major event however was much higher – 68% either agreed or strongly<br />
agreed that they were willing to do so. On this basis, there is only<br />
evidence <strong>of</strong> a small increase in interest, participation, and volunteering in<br />
sport as a result <strong>of</strong> volunteering at a major event. Quality volunteer<br />
experiences are vital. Those volunteers who experience personal<br />
development are more likely to have, as a consequence, an increased<br />
interest in sport as well as increased intention to participate more. People<br />
tend to trade-<strong>of</strong>f facilitating and participating sport. Turning people on to<br />
volunteering is a double-edged sword because volunteerism is likely to take<br />
them away from participation.<br />
Elias-Varotsis, S. (2006). Festivals and <strong>events</strong> -- (Re)Interpreting cultural Identity.<br />
Tourism Review, 61(2), 24-29.<br />
<strong>The</strong> author argues that many <strong>events</strong> today, ins<strong>of</strong>ar as tourism is concerned,<br />
appear to be ‘decontextualised’ on either the spatial or cultural scales.<br />
36
<strong>The</strong>refore, this study is concerned with what the process <strong>of</strong><br />
decontextualisation and how the ensuing recontextualisation leads to<br />
reinterpreting cultural identity. Three special <strong>events</strong> were used as<br />
illustrations for this study, two cultural <strong>events</strong> and one sport event. <strong>An</strong><br />
important theme within this study is that festivals and <strong>events</strong> combine<br />
space, time and memory to produce (or reproduce) the identity and or the<br />
identification <strong>of</strong> location. <strong>The</strong> research concludes that festivals and <strong>events</strong><br />
have the potential <strong>of</strong> enabling communities to interpret and re-interpret<br />
their cultural identity through the experience and practices they portray,<br />
motivate and help to introduce.<br />
Fredline, E., & Faulkner, B. (1999). Resident reactions to a major tourist event:<br />
<strong>The</strong> Gold Coast Indy Car Race. Festival Management & Event Tourism, 5(4),<br />
185.<br />
<strong>The</strong> authors argue that sustainability is an established guiding principle for<br />
managing tourism development, and that it was appropriate for <strong>events</strong> to<br />
do likewise. This study drew upon previous research on local resident<br />
perceptions <strong>of</strong> the Gold Coast Indy event investigated the social impacts <strong>of</strong><br />
the Gold Coast Indy. <strong>The</strong> researchers purport that although there is<br />
overwhelming support for the event among resident population irrespective<br />
<strong>of</strong> their exposure to its impacts, negative impacts are nevertheless<br />
recognised. More specifically, although event <strong>benefits</strong> with regard to<br />
tourism promotional effects, community self-esteem, and business and<br />
employment opportunities are broadly appreciated, costs <strong>of</strong> the event<br />
associated with noise levels, traffic congestion, overcrowding, and<br />
disruption to lifestyle are also acknowledged. In short, the <strong>benefits</strong> are<br />
generally regarded as outweighing the costs. A noteworthy observation<br />
from the research was the existence <strong>of</strong> a strong positive relationship<br />
between acceptance <strong>of</strong> the event and 1) perceptions <strong>of</strong> social justice<br />
outcomes (e.g. the extent to which individuals and groups receive a just<br />
share <strong>of</strong> the <strong>benefits</strong>) and 2) satisfaction with the level <strong>of</strong> public<br />
participation in the planning stage <strong>of</strong> the event.<br />
Fredline, L., Deery, M., & Jago, L. (2005). Host community perceptions <strong>of</strong> the<br />
impacts <strong>of</strong> <strong>events</strong>: A comparison <strong>of</strong> different event themes in urban and<br />
regional communities. In J. Allen (Ed.), <strong>The</strong> impacts <strong>of</strong> <strong>events</strong>: Proceedings<br />
<strong>of</strong> the International Event Research Conference held in Sydney July 2005<br />
(pp. 250-269). Lindfield, Australia: Australian Centre for Event<br />
Management.<br />
This paper investigates the social impacts <strong>of</strong> <strong>events</strong> by comparing three<br />
different <strong>events</strong> with different locations and theme characteristics, i.e. the<br />
Australian Grand Prix, the Moomba Festival (both Melbourne) and the<br />
Horsham Art Is Festival (regional community). Disproportionate stratified<br />
sampling was not used due to sufficient evidence from previous studies<br />
illustrating the relationship between proximity and level <strong>of</strong> impacts. For<br />
each <strong>of</strong> the <strong>events</strong> the majority <strong>of</strong> respondents noted that the event had<br />
“no effect” on them personally, yet all three <strong>events</strong> were rated as having a<br />
substantial community-level benefit. <strong>The</strong> most strongly perceived personal<br />
37
enefits <strong>of</strong> the Grand Prix were ‘pride that residents have in the city’,<br />
‘maintenance <strong>of</strong> public facilities’, ‘provides opportunities for people to<br />
have fun with their family and friends’, ‘enhances Victoria's reputation as<br />
‘<strong>The</strong> Events State’’, and ‘range <strong>of</strong> interesting things to do’. <strong>The</strong> most<br />
strongly perceived community <strong>benefits</strong> <strong>of</strong> the Grand Prix were ‘money that<br />
tourists spend when they come to the event helps to stimulate the<br />
economy’, ‘media coverage <strong>of</strong> the event promotes tourism and business<br />
development in Melbourne’, ‘enhances Victoria's reputation as ‘<strong>The</strong> Events<br />
State’’, ‘employment opportunities’, and ‘maintenance <strong>of</strong> public facilities’.<br />
<strong>The</strong> most strongly perceived personal costs <strong>of</strong> the Grand Prix were ‘traffic<br />
congestion in the vicinity’, ‘parking availability in the vicinity’, ‘public<br />
money spent on the event would be better spent on other things’, ‘noise<br />
levels’, and ‘damage to the environment. <strong>The</strong> most strongly perceived<br />
community costs were traffic, parking, ‘the event disrupts the lives <strong>of</strong> local<br />
residents and causes them stress’, ‘noise levels’ and ‘ordinary residents get<br />
no say in the planning and management <strong>of</strong> the event. It is interesting to<br />
note that although the Grand Prix registered the highest proportions<br />
indicating a negative impact, it also registered the highest proportion<br />
indicating the most positive level <strong>of</strong> benefit. <strong>The</strong> results show that many<br />
impacts are similar across different event themes and communities<br />
Fredline, L., Deery, M., & Jago, L. (2005). Testing <strong>of</strong> a compressed generic<br />
instrument to assess host community perceptions <strong>of</strong> <strong>events</strong>: A case study <strong>of</strong><br />
the Australian Tennis Open tournament. In J. Allen (Ed.), <strong>The</strong> impacts <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>events</strong>: Proceedings <strong>of</strong> the International Event Research Conference held in<br />
Sydney July 2005 (pp. 158-177). Lindfield, Australia: Australian Centre for<br />
Event Management.<br />
This article presents the results <strong>of</strong> the testing <strong>of</strong> a compressed generic<br />
instrument to evaluate the impacts <strong>of</strong> <strong>events</strong> using the Australian Open<br />
Tennis Tournament as a case study. <strong>The</strong> survey was administered 4-5 weeks<br />
after the event through telephone interviews. A systematic sampling<br />
approach using a random number generator was used. A total <strong>of</strong> 300<br />
interviews were completed. While 43.5% <strong>of</strong> respondents did not perceive<br />
any impact at the personal level from the event, 55.4% rated the personal<br />
impacts as positive. 78.7% <strong>of</strong> respondents rated the event positive at the<br />
community level. Very little negative sentiment was recorded. <strong>The</strong> most<br />
strongly perceived positive impacts at the personal level were<br />
entertainment, pride, showcase effect, economic impact and maintenance<br />
<strong>of</strong> facilities. A cluster analysis revealed two sub-groupings <strong>of</strong> respondents;<br />
unconcerned and positive. <strong>The</strong> positive group was characterised by an<br />
interest in watching pr<strong>of</strong>essional tennis, and were keen recreational tennis<br />
players. <strong>The</strong>y were also more likely than the unconcerned group to have<br />
attended the event. <strong>The</strong> majority <strong>of</strong> open-ended comments about positive<br />
impacts were tourism/economic <strong>benefits</strong> (43.7%), entertainment (29.3%),<br />
regional showcase (21%) and promotes sport (13%). Open-ended comments<br />
about negative impacts highlighted none (44%), prices (12%), heat (9%), and<br />
disruption (7%). This compressed generic instrument instrument provides an<br />
opportunity for event organisers to measure and monitor the social <strong>benefits</strong><br />
and costs <strong>of</strong> their <strong>events</strong>, and presents a tool for tourism planners in<br />
38
prioritising those <strong>events</strong> for funding because <strong>of</strong> the ability to compare data<br />
across <strong>events</strong>.<br />
Fredline, L., & Faulkner, B. (2000). Host community reactions: A cluster analysis.<br />
<strong>An</strong>nals <strong>of</strong> Tourism Research, 27, 763-784.<br />
This paper investigates host community reactions to the Gold Coast Indy<br />
event in Australia. Face to face interviews were conducted with 353 Gold<br />
Coast residents. A disproportionate sampling approach was taken with those<br />
residents living closest to the racetrack being overrepresented, as this is<br />
where event impacts are most pronounced in these areas. A cluster analysis<br />
identified five subgroups among respondents. Ambivalent Supporters, more<br />
likely to live in the non-Indy zone (62%), were in favour <strong>of</strong> the continuation<br />
<strong>of</strong> the Indy (97%) in its current location (60%). <strong>The</strong> Haters were mainly<br />
comprised <strong>of</strong> older residents (66% 50+, 44% 60+). <strong>The</strong> majority <strong>of</strong> this group<br />
were not in favour <strong>of</strong> the continuation <strong>of</strong> the Indy (65%). <strong>The</strong> Realists have<br />
mixed opinions about the Indy, tending to agree with both the negative and<br />
the positive impacts <strong>of</strong> the event. Lovers are enthusiastic supporters <strong>of</strong> the<br />
event and agree highly with community <strong>benefits</strong>, and disagree with the<br />
negative impacts. All Lovers were in favour <strong>of</strong> continuation <strong>of</strong> the Indy, and<br />
favouring its current location (76%). Concerned for a Reason, the last subgroup,<br />
are concerned with some specific impacts <strong>of</strong> the event, but are not<br />
completely negative. <strong>The</strong>y mostly favour the continuation <strong>of</strong> the Indy<br />
(97%), but would prefer it at another location (65%). <strong>The</strong> cluster analysis<br />
approach has utility 'as a tool for investigating the underlying structure <strong>of</strong><br />
community reactions to tourism and <strong>events</strong>'. By identifying groups <strong>of</strong><br />
residents (clusters), who share similar views on the event than other<br />
groups, a more targeted approach to the planning and management <strong>of</strong><br />
tourism and <strong>events</strong> can occur. <strong>The</strong> results highlight that universal support<br />
for an event is unlikely and that proximity to the event and interest in the<br />
event are highly related to a person opposing the event.<br />
Fredline, L., & Faulkner, B. (2001). Residents' reactions to the staging <strong>of</strong> major<br />
motorsport <strong>events</strong> within their communities: A cluster analysis Event<br />
Management, 7, 103-114.<br />
This article presents results from a study investigating host community<br />
reactions to major motor sport <strong>events</strong> in Australia, using the 1998 Gold<br />
Coast Indy Car Race and the 1999 Australian Formula One Grand Prix in<br />
Melbourne as case studies. <strong>The</strong> data was collected two weeks after the<br />
<strong>events</strong> had taken place. A cluster analysis resulted in 5 sub-groups <strong>of</strong><br />
respondents. Residents included in the two most negative clusters, live<br />
closer to the event (1.04km / 2.13km) than the most positive clusters’<br />
members (3.68km / 3.62km), and are more likely to oppose the<br />
continuation <strong>of</strong> the event (88% / 46%) compared to 3% and 0% within the<br />
two most positive clusters. <strong>The</strong> most negative clusters were also more<br />
likely (49% / 25%) than the positive clusters (8% / 1%) to have left town for<br />
the weekend because <strong>of</strong> the event. While the two most negative clusters<br />
(51% / 33%) avoid the event, the two most positive clusters (46% / 80%)<br />
embrace the event. <strong>The</strong> largest cluster (62%) - the Ambivalent - tolerate<br />
39
the event. <strong>The</strong>se results make it clear that major <strong>events</strong> need to reduce as<br />
much as possible the inconveniences <strong>of</strong> the event for the residents in the<br />
immediate vicinity <strong>of</strong> the event. Consideration should also be given <strong>of</strong> the<br />
event theme and the lifestyle preferences <strong>of</strong> the host community with a<br />
view <strong>of</strong> ensuring that the local residents have an interest in the event.<br />
Funk, D. C., & Bruun, T. J. (2007). <strong>The</strong> role <strong>of</strong> socio-psychological and cultureeducation<br />
motives in marketing international sport tourism: A cross-cultural<br />
perspective. Tourism Management, 28(3), 806-819.<br />
This study examines the motives <strong>of</strong> individuals who travelled internationally<br />
to participate in the 2005 Gold Coast Airport Marathon. Data was collected<br />
from 239 respondents who were selected from among 724 accessible<br />
international entrants <strong>of</strong> the GCAM, using online and paper based<br />
questionnaires. <strong>The</strong> authors used the Cultural Learning Inventory (CLI) to<br />
evaluate tourists’ interests in learning more about transportation, housing,<br />
arts, language, food, media, currency, leisure activities, and indigenous<br />
population in the foreign destination. <strong>The</strong> authors argue that international<br />
sport tourism relies upon a person’s prior attitude toward the host<br />
destination and culture. <strong>An</strong> interesting finding <strong>of</strong> this study is that those<br />
participants with cultural backgrounds dissimilar to Australia were more<br />
likely to agree that experiencing Australian culture and learning new<br />
information was appealing. <strong>An</strong>other interesting finding is that sport tourism<br />
provides opportunities for the tourist to learn about the host’s culture from<br />
the time the event begins right up until the event finishes. Thus a major<br />
implication <strong>of</strong> the findings in this study is that 'destination marketers must<br />
develop convergent marketing strategies to target specific segments in<br />
their sport communities, as well as divergent cultural marketing strategies<br />
to target potential participants with different cultural backgrounds'. <strong>The</strong>se<br />
divergent strategies should 'emphasise the opportunities for experiencing<br />
the destination’s culture and increasing knowledge <strong>of</strong> the destination'.<br />
Gursoy, D., & Kendall, K. W. (2006). Hosting mega <strong>events</strong>: modeling locals'<br />
support <strong>An</strong>nals <strong>of</strong> Tourism Research, 33, 603-623.<br />
This study examined residents’ perceptions <strong>of</strong> the impacts and how these<br />
affect their attitudes toward mega <strong>events</strong>. <strong>The</strong> authors assert that in order<br />
for a mega event to be successful, the understanding and 'participation <strong>of</strong><br />
all stakeholders in the process is crucial'. Data was collected from residents<br />
<strong>of</strong> Salt Lake City during the 2002 Winter Olympic Games via personal<br />
interviews, using the intercept approach. A total <strong>of</strong> 800 residents were<br />
intercepted and 420 agreed to participate. Community backing for mega<br />
<strong>events</strong> is affected directly and/or indirectly by five determinants <strong>of</strong><br />
support: the level <strong>of</strong> community concern, ecocentric values, community<br />
attachment, perceived <strong>benefits</strong>, and perceived costs. A key finding was<br />
that people who are highly concerned with community issues are likely to<br />
see mega <strong>events</strong> as generating long term pr<strong>of</strong>ound impacts on their<br />
communities, both positive and negative. <strong>The</strong> authors also argue that the<br />
collaborative approach, whereby support and involvement <strong>of</strong> the locals are<br />
sought, is a must in planning for mega <strong>events</strong>.<br />
40
Gursoy, D., Kim, K., & Uysal, M. (2004). Perceived impacts <strong>of</strong> festivals and special<br />
<strong>events</strong> by organisers: an extension and validation. Tourism Management,<br />
25, 171-181.<br />
Events are likely 'to generate economic <strong>benefits</strong> for the local community,<br />
serve to build community cohesiveness, and generate social incentives for<br />
residents and businesses'. This study aims to develop an instrument that<br />
can be used to measure special event organisers’ perceptions <strong>of</strong> the<br />
impacts that <strong>events</strong> may have on local communities. Results show that<br />
festival and event organisers perceive festivals and <strong>events</strong> to contribute to<br />
community cohesiveness and create social incentives for the local<br />
community. On the other hand, organisers did not perceive festivals and<br />
<strong>events</strong> to be great contributors <strong>of</strong> economic <strong>benefits</strong> to the local economy.<br />
Social costs are also not perceived as an outcome. <strong>The</strong>se results indicate<br />
that event organisers see more <strong>benefits</strong> than costs accruing from <strong>events</strong><br />
within a community. Event organisers rely on the support <strong>of</strong> the local<br />
communities, and may therefore place more importance on <strong>benefits</strong> to a<br />
community than the costs, however if they are not simultaneously<br />
concerned with the negative impacts (costs), more harm than benefit may<br />
be the end result. Communities transfer the institutional power to the<br />
event organiser, and need to ensure that the organiser is made aware <strong>of</strong><br />
both the positive and negative potential impacts <strong>of</strong> the event.<br />
Jones, C. (2001). Mega-<strong>events</strong> and host region impacts: Determining the true<br />
worth <strong>of</strong> the 1999 Rugby World Cup International Journal <strong>of</strong> Tourism<br />
Research, 3, 241-251.<br />
Mega sport <strong>events</strong> have recently created an increased interest on the most<br />
appropriate approaches to determine both beneficial and detrimental<br />
effects on host regions. This study defined the nature <strong>of</strong> the economic and<br />
social impact on Wales <strong>of</strong> the 1999 Rugby World Cup (RWC99), qualitatively<br />
assessed the extent and nature <strong>of</strong> the impact <strong>of</strong> RWC99 in a number <strong>of</strong><br />
areas. Findings suggested that RWC99 would gross $1.3 billion world-wide<br />
and attract 1.7 million visitors to Wales and 3 billion TV viewers.<br />
Overwhelming local support (90%) existed for the event. Estimates <strong>of</strong> the<br />
social and economic impacts were <strong>of</strong>ten unreliable and or unavailable given<br />
their unique nature. Direct visitor expenditure <strong>benefits</strong> produced an<br />
incomplete picture, even if switching and other negative effects were<br />
incorporated. Media exposure was a necessary driver <strong>of</strong> investment,<br />
visitation and growth. <strong>The</strong> hosting <strong>of</strong> the RWC99 in a strongly rugby<br />
oriented culture, produced significant <strong>benefits</strong> for the event itself (in terms<br />
<strong>of</strong> local participation and acceptance), for the host region which ‘punched<br />
above its weight’ in attracting a mega event and which gained an<br />
infrastructure legacy highly appropriate to its cultural dynamic. <strong>The</strong><br />
research concluded that RWC99 had considerable <strong>benefits</strong> for Wales,<br />
although many areas <strong>of</strong> potential benefit were not maximised. This was due<br />
to the structure <strong>of</strong> the bidding process and organisational inadequacies,<br />
which led to relatively low visitor expenditure and mixed media coverage.<br />
Research implies that 'the nature <strong>of</strong> the media coverage and the structure<br />
41
<strong>of</strong> the event and its perceived ‘success’ have important ramifications for<br />
long-term impacts on the host'. Although as a cultural and sporting event,<br />
the mega <strong>events</strong> may be highly valued by the host community because <strong>of</strong><br />
their cultural/sporting significance, 'their ability to contribute to long-term<br />
economic development remains uncertain'.<br />
Kim, H. J., Gursoy, D., & Lee, S.-B. (2006). <strong>The</strong> impact <strong>of</strong> the 2002 World Cup on<br />
South Korea: comparisons <strong>of</strong> pre- and post-games Tourism Management, 27,<br />
86-96.<br />
'<strong>The</strong> members <strong>of</strong> the community who are likely to receive the greatest<br />
<strong>benefits</strong> from hosting the event <strong>of</strong>ten favour and support hosting the event<br />
more than those who receive fewer or no <strong>benefits</strong>'. This study investigated<br />
South Korean’s perceptions <strong>of</strong> the impacts <strong>of</strong> hosting the 2002 World Cup<br />
before and after the event and compared any perceptual differences<br />
between the two time periods. Quantitative data was collected prior to and<br />
after the Games from 811 survey respondents. Overall, expected <strong>benefits</strong><br />
(cultural exchange, economic <strong>benefits</strong>, natural resource and cultural<br />
development) had higher mean values than perceived <strong>benefits</strong>, meaning<br />
that South Koreans high expectations about the <strong>benefits</strong> or gains that from<br />
the event were not met. <strong>The</strong> ‘economic <strong>benefits</strong>’ had the lowest mean<br />
value (2.91) <strong>of</strong> all perceived <strong>benefits</strong>, creating the largest gap score<br />
between the two time periods. With regard to ‘social problems’, ‘traffic<br />
congestion’, and ‘price increases’, the mean values <strong>of</strong> these categories<br />
prior to the World Cup were higher than after the games, suggesting that<br />
these problems did not occur as much as the residents expected. <strong>The</strong><br />
Games generated more societal and cultural <strong>benefits</strong> (i.e., cultural<br />
exchange between tourists and residents, finding the cultural identity <strong>of</strong><br />
local communities, understanding <strong>of</strong> other societies, preservation and<br />
development <strong>of</strong> the local culture and natural resources, and restoration <strong>of</strong><br />
historical buildings than what was anticipated by residents before the<br />
event. In conclusion, although the 2002 World Cup contributed positively to<br />
the image <strong>of</strong> South Korea as a host country, local communities were more<br />
concerned about their personal economic impacts, e.g. income and number<br />
<strong>of</strong> jobs created from the event. Research implies that expectations <strong>of</strong><br />
impact size need to be managed and that pre-event studies <strong>of</strong> resident<br />
perceptions can identify concerns and expectations prior to the Games so<br />
that problems can be promptly and properly addressed.<br />
Kim, N.-S., & Chalip, L. (2004). Why travel to the FIFA World Cup? Effects <strong>of</strong><br />
motives, background, interest, and constraints. Tourism Management,<br />
25(6), 695-707.<br />
This study explored the desires <strong>of</strong> 556 members <strong>of</strong> American soccer clubs to<br />
attend the World Cup. <strong>The</strong> study considered demographic measures, fan<br />
motivations, travel motives, event interest and constraints (financial). <strong>The</strong><br />
majority <strong>of</strong> the respondents were male (71%) and “Caucasian” (86%). This<br />
study has significant implications for theory, practice and, and future<br />
research. 'Hosting an event should be treated as an exercise in co-branding'.<br />
<strong>The</strong> practical implications <strong>of</strong> this research found that learning about Korean<br />
42
culture increased the level <strong>of</strong> interest in the event and desire to attend.<br />
<strong>The</strong> study also highlighted the importance <strong>of</strong> marketing attractions other<br />
than the event itself because the desire to learn about the host country was<br />
positively related to interest in the event and the desire to attend the<br />
event. Consequently, event marketers should develop marketing campaigns<br />
to both fan and travel motives. <strong>The</strong> findings here suggest that efforts to<br />
capitalise on flow-on tourism might benefit by emphasising the learning<br />
<strong>benefits</strong> to be obtained as a consequence <strong>of</strong> travelling beyond the event.<br />
Kim, S. S., & Petrick, J. F. (2005). Residents' perceptions on impacts <strong>of</strong> the FIFA<br />
2002 World Cup: <strong>The</strong> case <strong>of</strong> Seoul as a host city Tourism Management, 26,<br />
25-38.<br />
This research empirically analysed residents’ perceptions and opinions <strong>of</strong><br />
the positive and negative impacts <strong>of</strong> the 2002 World Cup held in Korea and<br />
Japan. <strong>The</strong> researchers sought to identify if 1) socio-demographic variables<br />
influenced event impact perceptions and 2) these attitudes were stable<br />
over time. <strong>The</strong> five positive impacts were ‘tourism resource development<br />
and urban revitalisation’, ‘image enhancement and consolidation’,<br />
‘economic <strong>benefits</strong>’, ‘interest in foreign countries or their cultures’ and<br />
‘‘tourism infrastructure development’. <strong>The</strong> three negative impacts were<br />
‘negative economic perspective’, ‘disorder and conflicts,’ and ‘traffic<br />
problem and congestion’. Younger respondents were more likely to indicate<br />
a higher level <strong>of</strong> perception on the negative impact factors. Female<br />
respondents indicated that they more highly perceived both positive and<br />
negative impacts <strong>of</strong> the World Cup than male respondents. Residents’<br />
perceptions <strong>of</strong> the impacts <strong>of</strong> mega-<strong>events</strong> vary over time. Residents’<br />
enthusiasm three months after the World Cup was less compared to when<br />
the event was occurring. <strong>The</strong>se results clearly indicate the ability for<br />
resident perceptions to continually renegotiate their relationship with the<br />
event by changing their perception <strong>of</strong> the <strong>events</strong> impacts.<br />
Lenskyj, H. J. (2002). <strong>The</strong> best Olympics ever? Social impacts <strong>of</strong> Sydney 2000.<br />
Albany, NY: State University <strong>of</strong> <strong>New</strong> York Press.<br />
Some groups, such as the underclass, the homeless and low cost rental<br />
groups, are worse <strong>of</strong>f as a result <strong>of</strong> an Olympic Games. Lenskyi contends<br />
that Olympic ‘legacy <strong>benefits</strong> accrue to the already privileged sectors <strong>of</strong><br />
the population’ while the disadvantaged bear a disproportionate share <strong>of</strong><br />
the burden.<br />
Mihalik, B. J., & Simonetta, L. (1999). A midterm assessment <strong>of</strong> host population's<br />
perceptions <strong>of</strong> the 1996 Summer Olympics: Support, attendance, <strong>benefits</strong>,<br />
and liabilities Journal <strong>of</strong> Travel Research, 37, 244-248.<br />
In this study, resident (i.e. state) perceptions <strong>of</strong> the 1996 Olympic Games<br />
were collected between 1992 and 1995. <strong>The</strong> research found that the level<br />
<strong>of</strong> resident support for the games decreased by approximately 8% over<br />
time. This is explained by future optimism theory which posits that that<br />
when outcomes occur in the future, optimism occurs because <strong>of</strong> the<br />
43
elatively greater valuation <strong>of</strong> gains. When outcomes are expected to occur<br />
in the present, losses loom greater than gains, leading to more pessimism.<br />
In terms <strong>of</strong> expected attendance, Georgia residents’ plans to attend the<br />
1996 Olympics steadily decreased in all five studies after the initial 1992<br />
study. <strong>The</strong> authors consider it noteworthy that the ticket prices were not<br />
yet announced at the time <strong>of</strong> the initial survey. In terms <strong>of</strong> perceived<br />
<strong>benefits</strong>, Georgia respondents ranked image issues (i.e. International<br />
recognition and enhanced Georgia’s image) higher than the economic or<br />
facility concerns in all three years <strong>of</strong> the survey. Georgia residents rated<br />
the traffic congestion, as the highest perceived liability; followed by price<br />
gouging, strain on law enforcement, and increased crime.<br />
Misener, L., & Mason, D. S. (2006). Creating community networks: Can sporting<br />
<strong>events</strong> <strong>of</strong>fer meaningful sources <strong>of</strong> social capital? Managing Leisure, 11, 39-<br />
56.<br />
Social capital refers to the relationships <strong>of</strong> mutual reciprocity embedded in<br />
social networks that enable action. Using the Manchester Commonwealth<br />
Games as a case study, the authors argue that social capital can encourage<br />
new investment as well as making existing investment go further, by<br />
bringing together the <strong>benefits</strong> <strong>of</strong> economic and physical capital into<br />
typically marginalised communities. <strong>Sport</strong>ing <strong>events</strong> are conceived,<br />
promoted, and championed by urban elites that stand to benefit the most<br />
from the successful hosting <strong>of</strong> sporting <strong>events</strong>. Reflecting this, the <strong>benefits</strong><br />
to be accrued by hosting <strong>events</strong> are usually presented in terms <strong>of</strong><br />
improving/expanding civic pr<strong>of</strong>ile, and economic and tourism development.<br />
In many cases the hosting <strong>of</strong> <strong>events</strong> moves forward with or without the tacit<br />
or overt endorsement <strong>of</strong> the local community within the host cities. In<br />
order to promote the development <strong>of</strong> social capital the authors argue that<br />
1) 'community values should be central to all decision-making processes'; 2)<br />
'various stakeholders, particularly community interest groups, should be<br />
involved in strategic activities related to <strong>events</strong> (i.e. bid process,<br />
management, legacy)'; 3) 'collaborative action should empower local<br />
communities to become agents <strong>of</strong> change'; and, 4) 'open communication<br />
and mutual learning throughout strategic activities related to <strong>events</strong> should<br />
be maintained to minimise power brokering'. In this way, cities can be<br />
empowered to realise <strong>benefits</strong> that go far beyond that <strong>of</strong> tourism and<br />
economic development.<br />
Ohmann, S., Jones, I., & Wilkes, K. (2006). <strong>The</strong> perceived social impacts <strong>of</strong> the<br />
2006 Football World Cup on Munich residents. Journal <strong>of</strong> <strong>Sport</strong> & Tourism,<br />
11, 129-152.<br />
This paper explores the perceived social impacts <strong>of</strong> the 2006 FIFA World<br />
Cup on local residents. A multi-stage sampling approach was applied, and<br />
130 interviews were completed shortly after the final World Cup match was<br />
played. Eighty-eight percent <strong>of</strong> respondents supported the statement that<br />
the hosting <strong>of</strong> the FIFA World Cup strengthened the sense <strong>of</strong> community;<br />
only 8% disagreed. Just over half (58%) <strong>of</strong> respondents agreed that the cohosting<br />
<strong>of</strong> the World Cup lead to improvement in local infrastructure. <strong>The</strong><br />
44
construction <strong>of</strong> a new sporting arena and its use for future <strong>events</strong> was<br />
viewed as a positive outcome by 74% <strong>of</strong> respondents. <strong>The</strong> majority <strong>of</strong><br />
respondents (88%) did not feel that the event had lead to increased crime.<br />
21% <strong>of</strong> respondents agreed that there had been an increase in prostitution;<br />
56% disagreed. Over 80% <strong>of</strong> survey respondents disagreed that bad<br />
behaviour <strong>of</strong> football fans during the World Cup in Munich had a negative<br />
impact <strong>of</strong> the event; only 11% agreed. No respondents felt that rent prices<br />
were affected by the event, and only 2% <strong>of</strong> respondents felt that house<br />
prices were affected. In summary, the impacts were largely perceived as<br />
positive by residents, especially in terms <strong>of</strong> urban regeneration, increased<br />
sense <strong>of</strong> security, positive fan behaviour and the general atmosphere<br />
surrounding the event. Negative impacts (e.g. increased crime,<br />
prostitution, and displacement <strong>of</strong> local residents) were perceived by fewer<br />
respondents. Socio-demographic factors such as age, gender or length <strong>of</strong><br />
residence in the city were not found to be influential.<br />
Owen, K. A. (2002). <strong>The</strong> Sydney 2000 Olympics and urban entrepreneurialism:<br />
Local variations in urban governance. Australian Geographical Studies,<br />
40(3), 323-336.<br />
This article examines the local impacts <strong>of</strong> the 2000 Sydney Olympics,<br />
especially in relation to urban governance. This is done through<br />
investigation <strong>of</strong> the planning processes and impacts <strong>of</strong> hosting Olympic<br />
<strong>events</strong> in three case study areas. Discourse analysis <strong>of</strong> semi-structured<br />
interviews and <strong>of</strong>ficial documents were used. A purposive sample <strong>of</strong> eleven<br />
informants from community groups, councils and Olympic organising<br />
authorities was utilised. <strong>The</strong> Ryde Council viewed the Ryde Aquatic Leisure<br />
Centre as an urban marketing and redevelopment tool, providing the<br />
community with an impressive positive economic and physical legacy.<br />
However, negative legacies also arose: 1) the community consultation in<br />
the planning process was superficial characterised by meetings to<br />
disseminate information rather than true community consultation; 2) the<br />
community suffered from reduced access to the facilities during the<br />
Olympic period; and 3) social capital networks were undermined by a lack<br />
<strong>of</strong> trust in public participation processes. <strong>The</strong> Bondi Beach Volleyball<br />
Stadium would take up approximately 34% <strong>of</strong> the Bondi Park and 20% <strong>of</strong> the<br />
beach area. Despite growing opposition, the local council successfully bid<br />
to host the volleyball venue, Subsequent community consultations lead to<br />
the council making some positive changes to the design <strong>of</strong> the stadium. <strong>The</strong><br />
end result was improved community facilities that secured an important<br />
legacy for the community. <strong>The</strong> Homebush area had previously been left as a<br />
contaminated wasteland, but the successful Olympic bid saw the area being<br />
redeveloped into the Sydney Olympic Park. A financial shortfall <strong>of</strong> the local<br />
council, due to land transfer rates for the Olympic Park, had a negative<br />
impact on the provision <strong>of</strong> services to community and youth, resulting in<br />
many programmes being postponed. <strong>The</strong> authors concluded that a lack <strong>of</strong><br />
openness, accountability and meaningful consultation existed between the<br />
Olympic organising authorities and the host communities. Preparations for<br />
the Sydney Olympics had both positive and negative impacts on local<br />
communities. <strong>The</strong> author concludes that 'the public should be afforded the<br />
45
transparency and accountability they require to be involved in charting<br />
future urban environment'.<br />
Regan, M. (1999). Commonwealth gains. Leisure Manager, 17(12), 20-24.<br />
This article, written well before the 2002 Commonwealth Games, outlines<br />
the role <strong>of</strong> the event in rejuvenating the eastern district <strong>of</strong> Manchester.<br />
<strong>The</strong> article argues the case for the event in terms <strong>of</strong> the legacy <strong>of</strong> sporting<br />
structures put in place for the event, generation <strong>of</strong> new employment,<br />
infrastructure improvement and hotel construction. <strong>The</strong> research also<br />
notes the likelihood <strong>of</strong> Manchester becoming more highly regarded as a<br />
place to do business that will result in new companies to relocate to east<br />
Manchester. In order to ensure that these impacts are sustainable, the<br />
author calls for investment not just in the ‘bricks and mortar’, but in the<br />
education and training <strong>of</strong> marginalised people. <strong>The</strong> author argues that post<br />
event evaluations 'should focus on changes to people's quality <strong>of</strong> life as a<br />
consequence <strong>of</strong> the event as opposed to using purely economic indicators as<br />
a method <strong>of</strong> evaluation'.<br />
Soutar, G. N., & McLeod, P. B. (1993). Residents' perceptions on impact <strong>of</strong> the<br />
America's Cup <strong>An</strong>nals <strong>of</strong> Tourism Research, 20, 571-582.<br />
This article presents the results <strong>of</strong> a longitudinal study <strong>of</strong> Fremantle<br />
resident perceptions <strong>of</strong> the 1986/87 America’s Cup and its impacts on the<br />
city. By surveying residents before and after the event it was possible to<br />
consider the expected and actual level <strong>of</strong> impact and changes in<br />
perceptions over time. Random samples <strong>of</strong> 740 Fremantle residents were<br />
selected to take part in the surveys at three separate points in time, two<br />
surveys prior to the Cup and one afterwards. Response rates were over 70%<br />
for each survey, but as the sampling frame was based upon dwellings, and<br />
people move, only half <strong>of</strong> respondents answered all three surveys. Resident<br />
perceptions were classified into two dimensions: physical congestion and<br />
economic activity. Prior to the event residents perceived the current level<br />
<strong>of</strong> both dimensions to be at a low level, but they anticipated that during<br />
the event economic activity and physical congestion levels would increase.<br />
<strong>The</strong> second survey showed that residents noted some increase in economic<br />
activity and physical congestion compared to the first survey. Respondents<br />
still had expectations for higher levels <strong>of</strong> both dimensions to occur after<br />
the event. <strong>The</strong> results <strong>of</strong> the third survey showed that resident perceptions<br />
<strong>of</strong> economic activity did increase, but not to the high levels expected.<br />
Similarly, physical congestion was not as severe as anticipated, suggesting<br />
that that the infrastructure upgrading was a success. Overall, residents’<br />
expectations <strong>of</strong> what Fremantle would be like during the America’s Cup<br />
were more extreme than their perceptions <strong>of</strong> what actually occurred during<br />
the Cup. Most respondents felt that the event had no major disruptive<br />
impact on lifestyles, and that during the Cup period, living in Fremantle<br />
was better than before. <strong>The</strong> majority <strong>of</strong> respondents welcomed having<br />
another America’s Cup or similar event staged in the city in the future. <strong>The</strong><br />
authors note that the results <strong>of</strong> this study must be seen in the light <strong>of</strong> the<br />
46
large extent <strong>of</strong> infrastructure spending surrounding this event that went<br />
into general community facilities.<br />
Twynam, G. D., & Johnston, M. (2004). Changes in host community reactions to a<br />
special sporting event. Current Issues in Tourism, 7(3), 242-261.<br />
'Community support is a key component in the success <strong>of</strong> special <strong>events</strong>'.<br />
Support for sport tourism <strong>events</strong> is sometimes controversial if a community<br />
is required to subsidise the event without a reasonable return to the<br />
community. This research examines residents’ perceptions <strong>of</strong> the 1995<br />
Nordic World Championships, held in Thunder Bay, Northern Ontario,<br />
Canada, and also examines changes in perception over time. Three surveys,<br />
three months prior to the event (T1), three days after the event (T2), and<br />
eight months after the event (T3) were distributed to a sample <strong>of</strong> Thunder<br />
Bay residents. In terms <strong>of</strong> positive impacts, ‘focus national and<br />
international attention on Thunder Bay’ and ‘boost Thunder Bay’s short<br />
term economy’ both ranked highly. <strong>The</strong> highest negative impact score was<br />
‘visitors will interfere with my enjoyment <strong>of</strong> Thunder Bay’. T1 (i.e. before<br />
the event) respondents were more concerned about negative impacts such<br />
as crowded parking, restaurants and shopping areas and expected a more<br />
positive impact on cleanliness than the post-event groups. T3 respondents<br />
were less positive compared to post-event groups in other longitudinal<br />
studies, suggesting that that residents’ views may be different several<br />
months after the event, compared to immediately after the event. <strong>An</strong>other<br />
finding was that concerns over the quality <strong>of</strong> preparation/organisation were<br />
found to be negatively associated with support for the event.<br />
Waitt, G. (2003). Social impacts <strong>of</strong> the Sydney Olympics. <strong>An</strong>nals <strong>of</strong> Tourism<br />
Research, 30, 194-215.<br />
This study addresses the temporal dynamics <strong>of</strong> the social impacts <strong>of</strong><br />
Sydney’s 2000 Olympics, and examines whether a wave <strong>of</strong> mass<br />
consciousness increasingly captures resident imagination. Primary data was<br />
collected through two telephone surveys; the first sample was collected in<br />
1998 from 658 Sydney residents. <strong>The</strong>y were asked to participate in a followup<br />
survey in 2000 during the Olympics which resulted in a second sample <strong>of</strong><br />
178 responses. Results show that enthusiasm levels from 1998 to 2000 <strong>of</strong><br />
residents towards the Olympics were not only sustained, but increased. <strong>The</strong><br />
highest increases were seen in the willingness to participate as a volunteer<br />
(up from 3% to 35%) and a sense <strong>of</strong> community inspired by the Olympic<br />
spirit (up from 43% to 68%). <strong>The</strong> level <strong>of</strong> experienced enthusiasm was also<br />
much higher in 2000 than anticipated in 1998. <strong>The</strong> enthusiasm for Sydney’s<br />
Olympics was seen most positively by respondents with young dependents<br />
and less enthusiastically by older respondents. Enthusiasm was also high for<br />
migrants from non-English speaking countries, due to a feeling <strong>of</strong> becoming<br />
part <strong>of</strong> their community. Positive themes highlighted as an outcome <strong>of</strong> the<br />
event was the argument for improved health and social networking, and<br />
how principles <strong>of</strong> global citizenship, social equity and respect for cultural<br />
differences may illustrate an example to follow. Those respondents who<br />
had negative anticipations <strong>of</strong> the Olympics were concerned about personal<br />
47
economic burdens such as increased taxation and living costs from the<br />
event; however this number <strong>of</strong> respondents decreased from 1998 to 2000.<br />
Respondents rating the Olympics positively generally saw wider economic<br />
<strong>benefits</strong> from the Games such as the creation <strong>of</strong> permanent jobs and<br />
positive spin-<strong>of</strong>fs. <strong>The</strong>mes related to public expenditure were expressed as<br />
‘social injustice’ and ‘no personal rewards’; the majority <strong>of</strong> respondents,<br />
however, perceived material and social rewards as outweighing the public<br />
costs. <strong>The</strong> most powerful psychological reward for many respondents was<br />
the altruistic theme <strong>of</strong> ‘community and national spirit’; another theme <strong>of</strong><br />
‘international promotion’ highlighted the end <strong>of</strong> Australia being seen as a<br />
marginalised destination. Findings confirm that 'global sporting <strong>events</strong> can<br />
be employed as a mechanism to generate patriotism and a sense <strong>of</strong><br />
community or belonging, particularly among the young and ethnic<br />
minorities'. However, the authors caution that these positive outcomes will<br />
diminish if the <strong>benefits</strong> from the event are not sustainable.<br />
Williams, P. W., Hainsworth, D., & Dossa, K. B. (1995). Community development<br />
and special event tourism: the Men's World Cup <strong>of</strong> Skiing at Whistler, British<br />
Columbia. Journal <strong>of</strong> Tourism Studies, 6(2), 11-20.<br />
Community development within a region is dependent on successful mega<br />
event promotions. Simultaneously, successful mega event promotions are<br />
reliant on the support <strong>of</strong> the community in delivering a high quality visitor<br />
experience. Qualitative and quantitative data were collected from a total<br />
<strong>of</strong> 438 respondents (key informants, local resident and non-resident<br />
spectators) in order to examine the degree to which the Men's World Cup <strong>of</strong><br />
Skiing hosted by the community <strong>of</strong> Whistler, British Columbia, and Canada<br />
contributed to its development objectives. Findings suggested that the<br />
value <strong>of</strong> the event to the community was positive and it was highly<br />
endorsed by the local and non-local people. Community identity, pride and<br />
cooperation were strengthened through the hosting <strong>of</strong> this event. Extensive<br />
opportunities for cross-cultural exchange and understanding were<br />
facilitated through local and non-local spectator participation in the<br />
event’s formal and informal activities. <strong>The</strong> event also generated significant<br />
commercial tourism <strong>benefits</strong> such as direct tourism revenues, diversified<br />
tourism product and favourable international exposure through proactive<br />
marketing approaches. Few issues <strong>of</strong> conflict between the event's hosts and<br />
guests were reported as specific groups expressed some concern about the<br />
traffic pressures placed on the community's infrastructure during the peak<br />
periods <strong>of</strong> the event. In conclusion, systematic monitoring <strong>of</strong> this mega<br />
event provided an example <strong>of</strong> the kind <strong>of</strong> socio-cultural impact mega<br />
<strong>events</strong> could have on local communities. Research implies that monitoring<br />
<strong>of</strong> mega <strong>events</strong> is important as it provides valuable information for guiding<br />
the future management <strong>of</strong> <strong>events</strong> towards community goals. <strong>The</strong>re is also a<br />
need for further monitoring as it may focus on issues that provide a deeper<br />
appreciation <strong>of</strong> the event’s socio-cultural and economic effects.<br />
48
Summary: Socio-cultural impacts<br />
<strong>The</strong> literature on the socio-cultural impacts and <strong>benefits</strong> <strong>of</strong> sporting <strong>events</strong><br />
contains a number <strong>of</strong> clear messages. <strong>The</strong>se are that:<br />
• While a number <strong>of</strong> studies assessing the social impacts <strong>of</strong> <strong>events</strong> have emerged<br />
in the literature over recent years, there are indeed still need for more<br />
research into the social value <strong>of</strong> <strong>events</strong> and how host communities can<br />
leverage these <strong>events</strong>.<br />
• Community support is essential for a successful large-scale event. Involvement<br />
<strong>of</strong> the community in the earliest stages <strong>of</strong> planning is encouraged.<br />
• <strong>The</strong> majority <strong>of</strong> residents in a host community are likely to support a megaevent.<br />
Residents will be supportive and responsive to the event if they<br />
perceive that they will receive some sort <strong>of</strong> social, economic, or other kind <strong>of</strong><br />
benefit the event. Host community residents value the tourism spending,<br />
media coverage, business development opportunities and employment<br />
opportunities made possible by <strong>events</strong>. Increased community pride, crosscultural<br />
exchanges, lifting the pr<strong>of</strong>ile <strong>of</strong> the city, making a place more<br />
interesting place to live, community self-esteem and a sense <strong>of</strong> community<br />
rank highly in terms <strong>of</strong> the positive social outcome <strong>of</strong> <strong>events</strong>.<br />
• Longitudinal studies show that residents tend to expect higher levels <strong>of</strong><br />
negative impacts from an event than what they actually experience. Residents<br />
tend to show increased levels <strong>of</strong> enthusiasm during the event, than they would<br />
have expected prior to the event.<br />
• Opposition will greatest from those who live in closest proximity to the<br />
event/facility and from those who have little or no interest in the event.<br />
Noise levels, traffic congestion, overcrowding, and disruption to lifestyle are<br />
among the most highly cited negative outcomes <strong>of</strong> <strong>events</strong> for local residents.<br />
• Communities are increasingly aware <strong>of</strong> ‘being used’ political and business<br />
elites who pr<strong>of</strong>it at the expense <strong>of</strong> local residents. Communities are seeking<br />
to ensure that individuals and groups receive a just share <strong>of</strong> the <strong>benefits</strong>.<br />
• <strong>The</strong>re is little evidence that crime increases during an event although it clearly<br />
places pressure on police to respond effectively given the extra demands <strong>of</strong><br />
the event.<br />
• <strong>The</strong>re is little likelihood that major event volunteers will increase their level<br />
<strong>of</strong> volunteerism in the wider community.<br />
49
Environmental Impacts<br />
Becken, S. (2001). Energy consumption patterns in the accommodation sector -<br />
<strong>The</strong> <strong>New</strong> Zealand case. Ecological Economics, 39(3), 371-386.<br />
A review <strong>of</strong> the literature revealed the lack <strong>of</strong> a systematic approach for<br />
investigating resource use and particularly energy use in the<br />
accommodation sector. Hotels are the largest energy users, both in terms<br />
<strong>of</strong> total annual usage and use per visitor night, making up 67% <strong>of</strong> the total<br />
energy use in <strong>New</strong> Zealand’s accommodation sector. Motels are the second<br />
largest energy consumers, which is a result <strong>of</strong> the large number <strong>of</strong> visitornights<br />
rather than the energy use per visitor-night. It appears that 'the<br />
accommodation sector does not contribute substantially to the total energy<br />
use in <strong>New</strong> Zealand' because the sector consumes only 4.4% <strong>of</strong> the<br />
commercial sector’s energy use and 0.4% <strong>of</strong> the total energy use in <strong>New</strong><br />
Zealand. <strong>The</strong> authors still argue that the accommodation sector has a role<br />
'as a potential target for energy saving increases'. For tourist destinations<br />
that seek to perform sustainable tourism, and, for example, apply for<br />
international awards, such as the Green Globe, the ‘greening’ <strong>of</strong><br />
accommodation businesses is an integral part in achieving this goal. <strong>The</strong><br />
lack <strong>of</strong> awareness and interest on environmental issues within the<br />
accommodation sector should be a major aspect <strong>of</strong> further environmental<br />
programs. A 'green' event should ideally be associated with a green<br />
accommodation sector.<br />
Becken, S. (2002). Understanding energy consumption patterns <strong>of</strong> tourist<br />
attractions and activities in <strong>New</strong> Zealand. Tourism Management, 23(4),<br />
343-354.<br />
<strong>The</strong>re is a lack <strong>of</strong> comprehensive studies on energy consumption and energy<br />
benchmarks for tourist attractions and activities as there is throughout the<br />
tourism sector. <strong>The</strong> diverse character <strong>of</strong> tourist attractions and activities is<br />
a main feature, which makes it difficult to examine them systematically.<br />
Generally, entertainment establishments attract 10 times the visitors <strong>of</strong><br />
attractions (66,000) and 20 times those <strong>of</strong> activities (5000). Tourist<br />
attractions in <strong>New</strong> Zealand are generally characterised by low visitation<br />
levels, compared with other countries. Entertainment attractions are<br />
major consumers in terms <strong>of</strong> total energy use; they consume much less<br />
energy per tourist than activities. Tourist attractions consume a similar<br />
amount <strong>of</strong> per capita energy as entertainment establishments. This results<br />
from the allocation <strong>of</strong> energy to large visitor volumes. Activities generally<br />
require more energy per tourist. This is partly due to the individual style<br />
and service orientation <strong>of</strong> activity packages, compared with (mass-tourism)<br />
attractions. Often, the product is complex and composite and requires<br />
energy at different stages. Above-average energy consumption for the sake<br />
<strong>of</strong> only a few tourists (e.g. heliskiing) is undesirable from the energy point<br />
<strong>of</strong> view. Attractions with a generally low energy use and above-average<br />
visitation levels, could be promoted. Tourist activities are generally more<br />
50
energy intensive than attractions. This is <strong>of</strong> particular interest in the <strong>New</strong><br />
Zealand context, as the marketing focuses increasingly on the activity part<br />
<strong>of</strong> the tourist experience. Energy use is only one among other parameters<br />
to assess the environmental impact and there are many more effects that<br />
need to be considered. However, energy use is a valid parameter and has<br />
an advantage in that it is possible to assess it in a quantitative and<br />
objective way. A green event would encourage visitors and attendees to<br />
participate in green non-event-related activities.<br />
Becken, S. (2005). Towards sustainable tourism transport: <strong>An</strong> analysis <strong>of</strong> coach<br />
tourism in <strong>New</strong> Zealand. Tourism Geographies, 7(1), 23-42.<br />
Coach tourism, by nature, focuses on visiting a large range <strong>of</strong> tourist icons<br />
at a destination, while at the same time staying at places that <strong>of</strong>fer<br />
sufficient infrastructure for a service-conscious clientele. Coach tourism is<br />
comparatively energy-intensive because <strong>of</strong> typically large travel distances<br />
per day (between 187 and 285 km per day) and the common use <strong>of</strong><br />
domestic air transportation in addition to land-based travel. <strong>The</strong> average<br />
travel distance <strong>of</strong> all touring tourists in <strong>New</strong> Zealand is about 1,500 km<br />
(Becken and Cavanagh 2003), but coach tourists in this study were found to<br />
travel between 1,776 km (Asia) and 2,274 km (Europe). Australian coach<br />
tours are characterised by relatively short travel distance, low usage <strong>of</strong><br />
domestic air and the integration <strong>of</strong> a range <strong>of</strong> land/transport modes (e.g.<br />
train) and, for these reasons, transport energy use is lower compared with<br />
other coach tours. North American coach tours commonly include air<br />
travel, which is necessary to link the major hubs within their short stay <strong>of</strong><br />
nine days. In terms <strong>of</strong> the energy-efficiency <strong>of</strong> transport modes used by<br />
coach tourists, there are counteracting trends. A relative increase in air<br />
travel as opposed to land transportation results in larger energy use and<br />
potentially fortifies the concentration <strong>of</strong> tourists in main hubs in which<br />
airports are located. A concentration in hubs potentially restrains more<br />
remote regions from economic development. From the perspective <strong>of</strong><br />
energy use and greenhouse gas emissions, as well as regional development,<br />
the sustainability <strong>of</strong> these coach tourists has to be questioned.<br />
Becken, S., & Patterson, M. (2006). Measuring national carbon dioxide emissions<br />
from tourism as a key step towards achieving sustainable tourism. Journal<br />
<strong>of</strong> Sustainable Tourism, 14(4), 323-338.<br />
<strong>The</strong>re are two methodologies used to look at the carbon footprints <strong>of</strong><br />
tourism: top-down and bottom-up. <strong>The</strong> bottom-up approach requires<br />
potentially extensive collection <strong>of</strong> primary data. <strong>The</strong> analysis <strong>of</strong> tourist<br />
behaviour as part <strong>of</strong> the bottom-up approach is critical for understanding<br />
the main drivers <strong>of</strong> energy use both across and within sub sectors. This<br />
helps formulating energy efficiency and greenhouse gas policies that target<br />
human behaviour. <strong>The</strong> top-down analysis provides an abstract overview <strong>of</strong><br />
tourism as a sector in the national economy. This analysis is extremely<br />
useful to strategically assess tourism’s position as part <strong>of</strong> the economy, and<br />
can be used for policy analysis, allowing assessment <strong>of</strong> macroeconomic<br />
instruments such as a carbon charge. For the reference year <strong>of</strong> 2000, the<br />
51
ottom-up analysis estimated a total energy use <strong>of</strong> 25.35 PJ for the tourism<br />
sector within <strong>New</strong> Zealand, and 1549 kilotonnes <strong>of</strong> carbon dioxide emitted.<br />
Domestic tourists make up 70% <strong>of</strong> energy use, although they contribute 91%<br />
to the total number <strong>of</strong> trips. Results from the top-down analysis showed<br />
direct energy consumption in 1997/98 by the tourism sector was 27.53 PJ,3<br />
and this energy use resulted in 1438 kilotonnes <strong>of</strong> CO2 emissions. Domestic<br />
tourism was responsible for 74% <strong>of</strong> tourism’s direct energy use and<br />
associated CO2 emissions. Moreover, the top-down analysis calculated<br />
indirect effects to be 19.83 PJ and 1251 kilotonnes <strong>of</strong> CO2, and it also<br />
determined that tourism ranked 19th (worst) out <strong>of</strong> 26 sectors (including<br />
households) in terms <strong>of</strong> energy use and carbon dioxide emissions.<br />
International air travel was not factored into either methodology. It is<br />
acknowledged that the inclusion <strong>of</strong> international air travel would increase<br />
the energy use and emissions from tourism at a particular destination<br />
substantially and could also change the relative importance <strong>of</strong> domestic<br />
compared with international tourism.<br />
Beder, S. (1993). Sydneys Toxic Green Olympics. Current Affairs Bulletin, 70(6),<br />
12-18.<br />
To win the Olympic Games for Sydney, the Sydney Olympics 2000 Bid<br />
Limited (SOBL) had to overcome a public relations hurdle. <strong>The</strong> International<br />
Olympic Committee (IOC) was keen to have a green Olympics. <strong>The</strong> solution<br />
was to concentrate on and market other "green" aspects <strong>of</strong> Sydney's bid and<br />
ensure that discussion <strong>of</strong> the contamination was kept out <strong>of</strong> the public<br />
arena. Sydney's problem was that the city's proposed site was to be amidst<br />
one <strong>of</strong> Australia's worst toxic waste dumps. Inspectors found that the most<br />
contaminated parts <strong>of</strong> the site posed potential health and safety problems<br />
to workers and site visitors during redevelopment, particularly from near<br />
surface asbestos contamination near the main brick pit and chemical<br />
contamination and ongoing generation and seepage to the surface <strong>of</strong><br />
landfill gas. <strong>The</strong>y also stated that there could be public health risks to users<br />
<strong>of</strong> these areas arising from possible seepage <strong>of</strong> contaminants and gases to<br />
the surface after redevelopment was complete. Despite misgivings by some<br />
environmentalists about the environmental credentials <strong>of</strong> the Games, the<br />
issue <strong>of</strong> toxic contamination <strong>of</strong> the site was not openly discussed prior to<br />
the Olympic decision because <strong>of</strong> the inaccessibility <strong>of</strong> relevant information.<br />
<strong>The</strong> claim that the 2000 Olympics would be green, 'should be seen in the<br />
same light as other green marketing claims, as a superficial attempt to sell<br />
a product rather than a genuine attempt at change'.<br />
Beyer, S. (2006). <strong>The</strong> Green Olympic Movement: Beijing 2008. Chinese Journal <strong>of</strong><br />
International Law, 5(2), 423–440.<br />
To secure an impact <strong>of</strong> Beijing’s green Olympics that lasts beyond the three<br />
weeks <strong>of</strong> the mega event, incentive-based measures ought to be specified<br />
to address overexploitation <strong>of</strong> resources and excessive consumption.<br />
<strong>The</strong>refore, regulations generally should be complemented by market-based<br />
measures which provide incentives for environmentally friendly behaviour.<br />
This involves reforms in the pricing system for natural resources and raw<br />
52
materials. Especially, the increase in prices both for industries and<br />
consumers would encourage more sustainable resource management and<br />
enable Beijing to break the cycle <strong>of</strong> resource shortage and pollution. Beyer<br />
writes that '<strong>The</strong> Olympics, although intended as a showcase for athletic<br />
achievements, generally give a strong impetus to reforms and therefore<br />
have the potential to function as a catalyst for environmental, social and<br />
political change'. She also argues that 'Since the Olympics represent an<br />
opportunity to encourage physical exercise, short distance travelling by<br />
means <strong>of</strong> muscular strength and awareness <strong>of</strong> its ecological impact should<br />
be promoted'. For Beijing, where pedestrians, bicycles and rickshaws have<br />
coined the city’s historical image for decades, 'these forms <strong>of</strong> locomotion<br />
should enjoy priority for short-distance travelling'. It is also decisive to<br />
ensure that service providers and sponsors endorse the sustainable<br />
development and support this policy from the early stages <strong>of</strong> planning.<br />
Close communication between the organising committee and the sponsors<br />
ought to be sought, ensuring the development <strong>of</strong> sustainable products and<br />
services associated with the Olympics, with the end-goal <strong>of</strong> 'facilitating<br />
long-term growth <strong>of</strong> an economy specialising in environmental business'.<br />
Brajer, V., & Mead, R. W. (2003). Blue Skies in Beijing? Looking at the Olympic<br />
Effect. <strong>The</strong> Journal <strong>of</strong> Environment & Development, 12(2), 239-263.<br />
In this research, the positive health outcomes associated with improved air<br />
quality created by the environmental cleanup activities for the Beijing<br />
Olympics are reported. Using China-based health-effects studies, the<br />
authors project averted deaths will increase and that hospital outpatient<br />
visits, and emergency room visits will decrease. <strong>The</strong> results indicate that<br />
the ‘Olympic effect’ is substantial, with a midrange value <strong>of</strong> health<br />
improvements likely to approximate US$29 billion over the period 1999-<br />
2008.<br />
Cantelon, H., & Letters, M. (2000). <strong>The</strong> making <strong>of</strong> the IOC environmental policy as<br />
the third dimension <strong>of</strong> the Olympic movement. International review for the<br />
sociology <strong>of</strong> sport, 35(3), 294-308.<br />
<strong>The</strong> 1994 Winter Olympics were the first to be organised under a clearly<br />
articulated environmental protection policy. <strong>The</strong>y note that wording <strong>of</strong> the<br />
IOC declaration suggest that the IOC led this process but clearly did not.<br />
This article argues that it was the was the widespread environmental<br />
damage at the 1992 Albertville and the Savoie Region Games, and the<br />
subsequent environmentally sensitive Green Games <strong>of</strong> Lillehammer in 1994<br />
that were the key antecedents for the development <strong>of</strong> this policy. <strong>The</strong><br />
authors argue that the IOC was pressured into developing an environmental<br />
policy but had little understanding <strong>of</strong> how to address this global issue. <strong>The</strong><br />
Norwegian people, with their long-standing and well-developed respect for<br />
nature, provided an example that the IOC embraced. <strong>The</strong> local initiative <strong>of</strong><br />
Lillehammer has now become the global policy that all future Olympic<br />
Games organising committees must follow if they are to win the bid to<br />
organise an Olympiad. This has encouraged other major <strong>events</strong> to adopt<br />
environmentally sensitive and sustainable practices.<br />
53
Gossling, S., Peeters, P., Ceron, J.-P., Dubois, G., Patterson, T., & Richardson, R.<br />
B. (2005). <strong>The</strong> eco-efficiency <strong>of</strong> tourism. Ecological Economics, 54(4), 417-<br />
434.<br />
<strong>The</strong> use <strong>of</strong> fossil fuels and related emissions <strong>of</strong> greenhouse gases is the most<br />
pressing environmental problem related to tourist. Transport contributes<br />
‘over proportionally’ to the overall environmental impact <strong>of</strong> leisuretourism.<br />
In this article, the relationship between environmental damage<br />
and economic gains is explored within the context <strong>of</strong> tourism. Ecoefficiency<br />
is a term coined by the World Business Council for Sustainable<br />
Development in 1995, and based on a lifecycle analysis approach to reduce<br />
the use <strong>of</strong> resources and environmental impacts. <strong>The</strong> 'damage per unit <strong>of</strong><br />
value generation' is the unit <strong>of</strong> analysis. <strong>The</strong> eco-efficiency <strong>of</strong> tourism is a<br />
function <strong>of</strong> carbon dioxide-equivalent emissions and revenues generated.<br />
All case studies highlighted travel distance and air transportation as the<br />
most relevant factor contributing to an unfavourable eco-efficiency rating.<br />
Factors influencing eco-efficiency in a favourable way were longer average<br />
lengths <strong>of</strong> stay and higher expenditures per day. Overall, and in order <strong>of</strong><br />
importance, travel distance, means <strong>of</strong> transport, average length <strong>of</strong> stay,<br />
and expenditures per day are the factors influencing eco-efficiency. <strong>The</strong><br />
authors also refute the claims from the tourism industry that tourism is<br />
more environmentally friendly than other industries.<br />
Kaspar, R. (1998). <strong>Sport</strong>, environment and culture. Olympic Review, 26(20), 67-<br />
70.<br />
Every human activity has an impact on the natural environment, as does<br />
sport. <strong>The</strong> IOC and other sports organisations have realised that sport is a<br />
key factor in the development <strong>of</strong> our global society. <strong>The</strong> complex concept<br />
<strong>of</strong> “sustainability” can be described as any form <strong>of</strong> economic development<br />
that serves current needs without having a negative impact on future<br />
generations. Even the “greenest” construction in the most natural setting<br />
still has an impact if its post-use is not guaranteed and can develop into a<br />
social burden for the community. Three areas <strong>of</strong> concern must be analysed<br />
when considering the environment and mega-<strong>events</strong>: impact on nature (<strong>of</strong><br />
sport venues, infrastructure); problems occurring during the event; and<br />
post use <strong>of</strong> sports facilities and infrastructure. Kaspar argues that 'Only a<br />
cooperative approach between the organisers, politics, sponsors and the<br />
media can guarantee a smooth implementation <strong>of</strong> environmental<br />
initiatives'. He concludes that 'environmental aspects should become<br />
central concerns in the charters <strong>of</strong> sports organisations as well as within the<br />
decision-making processes <strong>of</strong> <strong>events</strong> organisers'.<br />
54
Kearins, K., & Pavlovich, K. (2002). <strong>The</strong> role <strong>of</strong> stakeholders in Sydney's green<br />
games. Corporate Social Responsibility and Environmental Management,<br />
9(3), 157-169.<br />
This paper focuses on the various roles played by stakeholders in the<br />
development <strong>of</strong> Sydney Olympics and its efforts to become recognised as<br />
the Green Games. Environmental groups both assisted in defining the green<br />
agenda and, in retaining their independence, reserved the right to evaluate<br />
and publicly critique performance. <strong>The</strong> involvement <strong>of</strong> green lobby groups<br />
'<strong>of</strong>fered legitimacy to Games organisers’ environmental efforts'. <strong>The</strong>re was<br />
<strong>of</strong>ten tension between these green groups and the organisers. <strong>The</strong> authors<br />
write that 'While enhanced green credentials for every facet <strong>of</strong> the event<br />
might be an ideal, at a practical level it can impose additional cost burdens<br />
and demands under a regime <strong>of</strong> tight deadlines and potentially high<br />
visibility'. Resolving these inherent tensions necessarily requires<br />
considerable negotiation between stakeholders in the light <strong>of</strong> particular<br />
local conditions and the absence <strong>of</strong> much proven expertise in green event<br />
management'.<br />
Laginestra, E., & Hughes, K. (2000). <strong>The</strong> Olympics in Australia: Managing and<br />
monitoring remediated land. Paper presented at the <strong>The</strong> Brownfields 2000<br />
- Research and Regionalism: Revitalizing the American Community, <strong>New</strong><br />
Jersey, USA<br />
Remediation at Homebush was based on the need to improve surface water<br />
quality by removing the exposure pathways that existed from waste dumps<br />
to the wetlands and waterways. After discussion with stakeholders, the<br />
Olympic Coordination Authority (OCA) decided waste management on-site<br />
was preferable to exporting the waste and contaminated soil elsewhere.<br />
Waste was consolidated into discrete areas and a wet landfill approach was<br />
adopted to ensure that leachate was captured prior to migration to the<br />
environment. Surface stormwater paths were redirected around<br />
contaminated land and cut-<strong>of</strong>f walls were inserted to protect the<br />
waterways where necessary. By June 2000 most remediation work had been<br />
completed at the site and a visual inspection and chemical monitoring<br />
program <strong>of</strong> the leachate system was implemented. <strong>The</strong> entire Homebush<br />
Bay site consists <strong>of</strong> 760 hectares, <strong>of</strong> which 140 ha is remediated land. <strong>The</strong><br />
site is broadly divided into the “built” areas (Sydney Olympic Park and the<br />
Athletes Village) located on non-contaminated land, and open space, which<br />
contains the remediated mounds, remnant habitat and the undeveloped<br />
former naval site. A constraints map was developed to consider future land<br />
management requirements or issues. <strong>The</strong>se constraints are divided broadly<br />
into 4 categories – Contaminated Substrate, Habitat Protection, Public<br />
Health and Safety and Other Values. <strong>The</strong> site is used for both active and<br />
passive recreation. It will also provide habitat for terrestrial, avian and<br />
aquatic species. Areas <strong>of</strong> the site also provide cultural heritage (both preand<br />
post European).<br />
55
Lenskyj, H. (1998). <strong>Sport</strong> and Corporate Environmentalism: <strong>The</strong> Case <strong>of</strong> the<br />
Sydney 2000 Olympics. International review for the sociology <strong>of</strong> sport,<br />
33(4), 341-354.<br />
Mega <strong>events</strong> pose many environmental problems including waste<br />
management, energy consumption, transportation, materials recycling and<br />
negative impact on natural environment. <strong>The</strong> Sydney Olympics gave a<br />
commitment to energy conservation and use if renewable sources, water<br />
conservation, waste avoidance and minimisation, protecting human health<br />
with appropriate standards <strong>of</strong> air, water and soil quality and protecting<br />
significant cultural and natural environments. <strong>The</strong> author argued that 'the<br />
Sydney Olympics were prepared to embrace the green concept for public<br />
relations purposes but less willing to embrace it as commitment to<br />
environmental best practice' and were particularly sensitive to criticisms <strong>of</strong><br />
the environmental practices. 'Manipulation and dishonesty are poor<br />
strategies' for dealing with public interest in public <strong>events</strong>. Organisers<br />
'capitalised upon Australia's uncritical view <strong>of</strong> sport and the excitement <strong>of</strong><br />
the Olympics' to avoid their environmental responsibilities.<br />
May, V. (1995). Environmental implications <strong>of</strong> the 1992 Winter Olympic Games.<br />
Tourism Management, 16, 269-275.<br />
This research evaluates the environmental impacts <strong>of</strong> the 1992 Winter<br />
Olympics in Lillehammer. <strong>The</strong> positive effects were the selection <strong>of</strong> sites<br />
that would rehabilitate already damaged industrial sites; the design <strong>of</strong><br />
these sites to minimise harmful impacts; improvement <strong>of</strong> water quality in<br />
both treatment and in supply; road improvement (reducing air pollution and<br />
accidents); regional image enhanced for agriculture; reduced downstream<br />
eutrophication that safeguarded lake ecosystems; and extensive tree<br />
planting. <strong>The</strong> most significant negative effects have been post-Olympic<br />
damage to Les Saisies (venue from cross country skiing that once possessed<br />
rich wetland and moorland fauna and flora); increased snow-making<br />
impacts; scarred landscape with removal <strong>of</strong> forest and increased numbers<br />
and areas <strong>of</strong> pistes; disruption <strong>of</strong> animal migration routes; increased<br />
summer visitor numbers as a result <strong>of</strong> improved access and additional bed<br />
spaces, but without an extension <strong>of</strong> the season and at the cost <strong>of</strong><br />
overloading <strong>of</strong> other facilities; and a reduction in river biological diversity<br />
and productivity. <strong>The</strong> author conclude trade-<strong>of</strong>fs occur at the site, local<br />
and regional level and it is at the regional level <strong>of</strong> analysis where the<br />
positive impacts are likely to outweigh the negative impacts.<br />
Milton-Smith, J. (2002). Ethics, the Olympics and the search for global values.<br />
Journal <strong>of</strong> Business Ethics, 35(3), 1-22.<br />
'Although the cost <strong>of</strong> staging these <strong>events</strong> is massive, the unique<br />
opportunities for media exposure and promotion make them extremely<br />
attractive, both to host cities and sponsors'. This is also despite the<br />
separation <strong>of</strong> the event from its ideals - 'Olympic mythology also rests<br />
uncomfortably with the contemporary reality <strong>of</strong> an event which has been<br />
56
transformed by television and commercial sponsorship into global mass<br />
entertainment'.<br />
'Disillusionment with the Olympics mirrors the mounting disenchantment<br />
with the values <strong>of</strong> globalisation'. Global institutions 'have been particularly<br />
dismal in addressing issues involving poverty, terrorism, environmental<br />
protection, natural disasters and humanitarian crises involving the weak<br />
and defenceless. Apart from fundamental challenges to national<br />
sovereignty, cultural tradition and human rights, globalisation has<br />
unleashed a huge range <strong>of</strong> complex and unprecedented ethical challenges<br />
in areas as diverse as foreign investment, education, medicine, poverty,<br />
environmental sustainability, immigration, marketing, intellectual<br />
property, the Internet and sport. Sustained attacks on the UN, WTO, IMF<br />
and World Bank, as tools <strong>of</strong> global capitalism, have urged the need for 'a<br />
more ethical, compassionate and equitable distribution <strong>of</strong> wealth and for a<br />
more responsible balance between economic growth, on the one hand, and<br />
human rights and environmental protection on the other'. He argues that<br />
there should be 'a broadening <strong>of</strong> the Games’ agenda to include not only a<br />
larger program <strong>of</strong> cultural <strong>events</strong>, but also community forums to debate<br />
issues <strong>of</strong> global concern, including human rights and environmental<br />
protection'. In this way, mega <strong>events</strong> can provide a 'a platform for<br />
promoting positive global values'.<br />
Roper, T. (2006). Producing environmentally sustainable Olympic Games and<br />
‘greening’ major public <strong>events</strong>. Global Urban Development Magazine, 2(1).<br />
<strong>Sport</strong> is a vehicle for capturing the public’s attention, and therefore can be<br />
important for helping to change public attitudes. '<strong>The</strong>re is no reason why<br />
any major public event, from its planning to execution, should not be<br />
sustainably 'green'. All five <strong>of</strong> the final bidders for the 2012 Olympics<br />
committed their cities to fulfilling exemplary environmental standards.<br />
Major <strong>events</strong> and the design and construction <strong>of</strong> their facilities provide a<br />
key opportunity to advance awareness and technology for sustainable<br />
development. Urban hosts <strong>of</strong> major <strong>events</strong> increasingly seek to minimise<br />
the negative environmental effects and maximise the positive impacts. <strong>The</strong><br />
growing number <strong>of</strong> successful experiences has resulted in lowering the costs<br />
<strong>of</strong> best practices and enhancing long-term gains. Major <strong>events</strong> can harm the<br />
environment in the following ways: changes in land-use and the destruction<br />
<strong>of</strong> natural environments through building construction, transportation, and<br />
other forms <strong>of</strong> physical development; consumption <strong>of</strong> non-renewable<br />
resources; emissions to soil, air, and water, and the generation <strong>of</strong> large<br />
amounts <strong>of</strong> waste; contributing to ozone depletion, global warming, and air<br />
pollution; and diminishing biodiversity. Major <strong>events</strong> can help address the<br />
greenhouse problem in many different ways including improved planning<br />
and building <strong>of</strong> facilities, the promotion <strong>of</strong> non-polluting public transit<br />
vehicles, reducing waste, and encouraging participants and visitors to <strong>of</strong>fset<br />
their travel and accommodation emissions. <strong>The</strong> basic emissions <strong>of</strong>fsets,<br />
relevant to major <strong>events</strong>, are planting trees to reabsorb carbon dioxide<br />
and/or investing in energy conservation and renewable energy production<br />
projects which either reduce emissions or replace polluting fossil fuel<br />
57
power generation. 'Ecological footprinting' is put forward as a useful<br />
measure <strong>of</strong> an event’s demand for natural resources. <strong>The</strong> energy footprint,<br />
measured in 'global hectares per person' represents the area <strong>of</strong> forest that<br />
would be required to absorb the carbon dioxide emissions from the event’s<br />
direct and indirect energy consumption.<br />
Willis, A. M. (2000). <strong>The</strong> limits <strong>of</strong> sustainable architecture. Paper presented at<br />
the Shaping the Sustainable Millennium, Queensland University <strong>of</strong><br />
Technology.<br />
<strong>The</strong> author explores the role <strong>of</strong> architecture towards environmentally<br />
sustainable development (ESD). Despite the achievements in some <strong>of</strong> the<br />
venues in regard to water and energy conservation, the opportunity was not<br />
grasped at the Sydney Olympics to make ESD the driver <strong>of</strong> the design<br />
process - ESD battled unsuccessfully with cost and aesthetics for that role.<br />
ESD was positioned within the procurement process in a way that rendered<br />
it marginal. <strong>The</strong> genuine efforts <strong>of</strong> some <strong>of</strong> the architects and engineers to<br />
build more in a more sustainable way was not matched by the <strong>of</strong>ficial<br />
bodies that had, quite ironically, put the ESD on the Olympic agenda.<br />
Sustainable architecture is under-developed because <strong>of</strong> a failure to take<br />
issues <strong>of</strong> sustainability seriously enough, incoherent ESD policy, the<br />
predominantly aesthetic agenda <strong>of</strong> architecture and the assumption that<br />
certain technologies in themselves will deliver sustainability. Efforts to<br />
design environmentally sustainable facilities for the Sydney Olympics were<br />
limited by these same problems. Willis argues for a 'radical<br />
reconceptualisation <strong>of</strong> architecture from being an activity <strong>of</strong> designing<br />
structures to one <strong>of</strong> designing ‘sustainments’ or environments with the<br />
ability to sustain that which needs to be sustained'.<br />
58
Summary: Environmental impacts<br />
<strong>The</strong> literature on the environmental impacts and <strong>benefits</strong> <strong>of</strong> sporting <strong>events</strong><br />
contains a number <strong>of</strong> clear messages. <strong>The</strong>se are that:<br />
• More research needs to be conducted on environmental impacts <strong>of</strong> <strong>events</strong>.<br />
<strong>The</strong> event impact literature is dominated largely by economic studies and, to a<br />
lesser extent, social impact studies.<br />
• Waste management, energy consumption, transportation, materials recycling<br />
and negative impact on natural environment are amongst the most likely<br />
environmental issues associated with large-scale <strong>events</strong>.<br />
• <strong>The</strong>re is no literature that directly links large-scale <strong>events</strong> to climate change.<br />
However, there is increasing recognition <strong>of</strong> the contribution <strong>of</strong> motorised<br />
transportation, air transport in particular, to carbon emissions, climate change<br />
and global warming.<br />
• <strong>The</strong> recreational activities that visitors undertake beyond the event may well<br />
result in the more environmental damage than their participation in the event<br />
itself<br />
• Ecological foot printing, energy consumption and eco-efficiency are all useful<br />
ways <strong>of</strong> measuring an <strong>events</strong> environmental impact.<br />
• Not withstanding the lack <strong>of</strong> connection between <strong>events</strong> and large-scale<br />
environmental damage, the adoption <strong>of</strong> ‘green’ policies appears to be<br />
institutionalised within large scale <strong>events</strong>. Major <strong>events</strong> and the design and<br />
construction <strong>of</strong> their facilities provide a key opportunity to advance awareness<br />
and technology for sustainable development. Mega <strong>events</strong> need to be seen as<br />
environmentally friendly to avoid lobby group and community disapproval.<br />
• A cooperative approach between organisers, politicians, sponsors and the<br />
media can guarantee a smooth implementation <strong>of</strong> environmental initiatives.<br />
<strong>The</strong> involvement <strong>of</strong> green organisations in the planning process can ameliorate<br />
concerns regarding environmental damage. <strong>The</strong>re is growing scepticism to the<br />
commitment <strong>of</strong> <strong>events</strong> to their much-publicised green objectives.<br />
59
Health Impacts<br />
<strong>Sport</strong> England (2004). Athens success inspires one in four to take up sport. (2004).<br />
Available at:<br />
http://www.sportengland.org/news/press_releases/athens_success_inspire<br />
s.htm<br />
<strong>Sport</strong> England claims that due to success at Athens, more people indicated<br />
they will be more involved sport. More than a quarter <strong>of</strong> the population in<br />
England (26%) have been inspired by British medal-winning performances at<br />
the Olympic Games in Athens to play more sport or become more involved<br />
in sport in the near future. Roger Draper, Chief Executive <strong>of</strong> <strong>Sport</strong> England,<br />
said; “This research confirms what we already believed, that major<br />
international sporting <strong>events</strong> have a significant impact on boosting the<br />
public’s positive perceptions about sport. From the success achieved by our<br />
athletes at both the 2002 Commonwealth Games and again in Athens, we<br />
can clearly see the positive impact through people now taking up sport and<br />
others planning to do so in the near future. <strong>Sport</strong> England claims “the<br />
impact on levels <strong>of</strong> participation in sport would be even greater were<br />
London to win the bid to host the 2012 Games. This is according to the<br />
feedback received by <strong>Sport</strong> England from 11 <strong>of</strong> the governing bodies that<br />
represent leading Olympic sports. Most <strong>of</strong> the sports that shone brightest<br />
for Britain at this year’s Olympics believe that a successful London bid for<br />
the 2012 Games would have a major impact on the levels <strong>of</strong> future<br />
participation in their sport.” This survey-based research shows the<br />
perceived intent to participate rather than the actual participation rate.<br />
Curling success and its impact on participation. (2004). Research Report No. 92.<br />
Edinburgh, Scottland: <strong>Sport</strong> Scottland.<br />
Media coverage during and following the British women’s team’s<br />
involvement in the Olympics and World Championships and the success<br />
gained at these <strong>events</strong> contributed somewhat to public interest in the<br />
sport, and that these factors contributed to increasing participation. Thirtyeight<br />
per cent <strong>of</strong> people new to curling indicated that television coverage<br />
<strong>of</strong> curling was an important factor in their decision to take up curling, while<br />
36% <strong>of</strong> new curlers were influenced by the success the British team.<br />
However, the results indicated that the most important factor for<br />
participation was the influence <strong>of</strong> friends. Nearly 50% <strong>of</strong> new participants<br />
indicated that friends were the most important factor in their decision to<br />
take part in curling. It is not known what impact the success <strong>of</strong> the British<br />
team had on the friends that encouraged the new curlers to take part and<br />
new curlers. Also, the success may have made the new curlers more likely<br />
to respond to the influence <strong>of</strong> their friends. <strong>The</strong>refore, it is difficult to<br />
quantify the full impact on this increase in participation.<br />
60
Bauman, A., Ford, I., & Armstrong, T. (2001). Trends in population levels <strong>of</strong><br />
reported physical activity in Australia, 1997, 1999 and 2000. Canberra,<br />
Australia: Australian <strong>Sport</strong>s Commission.<br />
This report indicates that there were declines in physical activity between<br />
1997 and 1999 for adult Australians and no change in physical activity<br />
participation between 1999 and November 2000. Four percent adults<br />
reported that they had done some physical activity which they attributed to<br />
the Olympics. <strong>The</strong> authors conclude that 'the Olympics had little impact<br />
upon physical activity participation overall across the adult population and<br />
that 'the Olympics was not likely to have specifically resulted in increases in<br />
physical activity participation in the whole community'. One apparent<br />
impact <strong>of</strong> the Olympics, was the intention to be more active. Across<br />
gender and a variety <strong>of</strong> groups, short-term intention to be active increased.<br />
This could be attributed to the Olympics, as the Olympics 'might have been<br />
an encouraging event that got people to think about being physically<br />
active'. Of the adults surveyed in 2000, almost 50% are doing no more, or<br />
no less physical activity than one year previously. Although 28% <strong>of</strong> adults<br />
indicated they were more active than one year previously, this is countered<br />
by the 23% <strong>of</strong> adults who indicated they were less active than a year<br />
before. In summary, there is no demonstrated cause and effect<br />
relationship between the Olympics and physical activity participation.<br />
Brown, A., & Massey, J. (2001). <strong>The</strong> sports development Impact <strong>of</strong> the Manchester<br />
2002 Commonwealth Games: Initial baseline research. Manchester,<br />
England: Manchester Institute for Popular Culture, Manchester Metropolitan<br />
University.<br />
This report was a literature review <strong>of</strong> studies <strong>of</strong> previous major sporting<br />
<strong>events</strong>. It was a guide for UK <strong>Sport</strong> in preparation for Manchester 2002. <strong>The</strong><br />
authors suggested that interest in sport during and immediately following<br />
the Commonwealth Games be measured. This could be done monitoring<br />
national and regional governing body enquiries, and even selected case<br />
study sports clubs. However, the full co-operation <strong>of</strong> these organisations<br />
would be needed for this to be a success and it would need to be followed<br />
by an assessment <strong>of</strong> whether these enquiries translated into actual postevent<br />
participation. Coalter (1999) suggests that policies aimed at sports<br />
development need to take account <strong>of</strong> wider social, economic and cultural<br />
influences. He asserts that policy makers might be better to follow patterns<br />
<strong>of</strong> sports participation, meaning that provision should respond to the needs<br />
<strong>of</strong> consumers, rather than try to encourage participation in sports which are<br />
currently less popular. This has implications for the ongoing impact study,<br />
given that some <strong>of</strong> the sports in the Commonwealth Games are less popular<br />
sports. Materials from the Leisure Industry Research Centre at Sheffield<br />
Hallam University suggest that international <strong>events</strong> may have a particularly<br />
strong effect on the participation <strong>of</strong> people from ethnic minority<br />
backgrounds. Due to historical factors, the Commonwealth Games <strong>of</strong>fers a<br />
unique testing ground for this assertion because the countries competing<br />
are <strong>of</strong>ten the same as those from which ethnic minority populations are<br />
derived. This means that the international nature <strong>of</strong> the event is<br />
61
particularly linked to the ethnic minority populations UK <strong>Sport</strong> are<br />
concerned with and one might expect a higher response in terms <strong>of</strong><br />
participation than for some other major <strong>events</strong>.<br />
Coalter, F. (2004). London 2012: a sustainable sporting legacy? In A. Vigor & M.<br />
Mean (Eds.), After the goldrush: A sustainable Olympics for London.<br />
London, England: Ippr and Demos.<br />
<strong>The</strong> report highlights misperceptions associated with the Olympic Games<br />
and increased participation in sport as a result <strong>of</strong> hosting the Games. <strong>The</strong><br />
London 2012 bid included comments about increased participation and the<br />
nation becoming healthier as a result <strong>of</strong> London hosting the Summer<br />
Olympics. Coalter acknowledges the dearth <strong>of</strong> research specifically focused<br />
on participation, health and the Olympics as they pertain to the host city<br />
and country. He suggests that “if large-scale changes in sports<br />
participation are to occur, this will be the result <strong>of</strong> complex (and not well<br />
understood) interactions between such factors as changing public attitudes<br />
and values, changing distributions <strong>of</strong> work time, sustained government<br />
investment in schools and improved infrastructure <strong>of</strong> local, quality,<br />
facilities” (p. 12). <strong>The</strong>re is little research on the impact <strong>of</strong> major <strong>events</strong> on<br />
sports development (Hindson et al., 1994). <strong>The</strong>re are tremendous<br />
difficulties in isolating an “Olympic effect.” It would seem inappropriate<br />
to establish strategic sports participation targets related directly to a<br />
successful Olympics. Unless the Games are embedded in a longer-term<br />
developmental strategy they are likely to have only limited sports-specific<br />
impacts. Finally, there is a lack <strong>of</strong> leveraging by NSOs as they fail to take<br />
advantage <strong>of</strong> the publicity surrounding the Games.<br />
Dickson, G., & Sch<strong>of</strong>ield, G. (2005). Globalisation and globesity: the impact <strong>of</strong> the<br />
2008 Beijing Olympics on China. International Journal <strong>of</strong> <strong>Sport</strong> Management<br />
and Marketing, 1(1/2), 169-179.<br />
It is not the Olympic Games itself that is directly responsible for the<br />
negative related health outcomes, but rather it is the market opportunities<br />
and the sorts <strong>of</strong> foreign direct investment that the Olympic sponsorship<br />
programme attracts to the Chinese marketplace. As sponsors, Coca-Cola,<br />
McDonalds, Volkswagen, Panasonic, Samsung, Lenova and General Electric<br />
are partially responsible for this massive change. Although these<br />
multinationals will undoubtedly benefit from their investment in China and<br />
their association with the 2008 Olympics, there are likely to be substantial<br />
long-term economic and health costs for China. <strong>The</strong> argument put forward<br />
here is that the 2008 Olympics will assist a number <strong>of</strong> companies to market<br />
to the Chinese population calorie-dense food and beverages as well as<br />
devices associated with reduced energy expenditure. <strong>The</strong> authors suggest<br />
that the 2008 Olympics will not create China’s obesity problem but rather<br />
that it will exacerbate it. In so doing, the International Olympic Committee<br />
(IOC) and its sponsors are contributing to globesity – the worldwide<br />
epidemic that is obesity. In the absence <strong>of</strong> any literature suggesting<br />
otherwise, the authors contend that it is 'unlikely that the negative impact<br />
<strong>of</strong> increased caloric consumption and motor vehicle use associated with the<br />
62
2008 Olympics will be <strong>of</strong>fset by physical activity increases associated with<br />
the same event'. <strong>The</strong> authors conclude with the statement '<strong>The</strong> irony <strong>of</strong> the<br />
2008 Olympics is that being the pinnacle <strong>of</strong> health and physical prowess,<br />
the event will serve to accelerate the opportunities for massive<br />
multinational globalisation and ultimately, globesity'. Note, that these<br />
impacts are likely to be most prevalent in developing economies.<br />
Game Plan: A strategy for delivering Government's sport and physical activity<br />
objectives. (2002). London, England.<br />
This is a large report covering social, economic, cultural and other views<br />
regarding health and fitness in the UK. <strong>The</strong>re is section on hosting mega<strong>events</strong><br />
and participation. Education plays a key role in affecting levels <strong>of</strong><br />
participation. <strong>The</strong> <strong>benefits</strong> <strong>of</strong> hosting mega sporting <strong>events</strong>, whether<br />
economic, social or cultural are difficult to measure and the available<br />
evidence is limited. <strong>The</strong> report argues for cost benefit anlayses rather than<br />
simple economic impact studies - 'As impact studies treat investment costs<br />
as a stimulus for further <strong>benefits</strong>, the calculation <strong>of</strong> opportunity costs<br />
should include the potential <strong>benefits</strong> that could be derived from alternative<br />
investments'. After describing the empirical support for the <strong>benefits</strong> <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>events</strong> as week, the report comments '<strong>The</strong> message is not: ‘don’t invest in<br />
mega <strong>events</strong>’; it is rather: ‘be clear that they appear to be more about<br />
celebration than economic returns’. On the contribution <strong>of</strong> <strong>events</strong> to urban<br />
regeneration, the report comments that 'there is little statistical or<br />
economic evidence to suggest that such regeneration impacts are<br />
significant in practice'. <strong>The</strong> report also states that 'the economic<br />
justifications for any future bids for mega <strong>events</strong> must be rigorously<br />
assessed'. On the matter <strong>of</strong> destination branding, 'the effect is greatest for<br />
less well known, in global terms, host cities'. <strong>The</strong> interactions between<br />
participation, international competition and hosting <strong>events</strong> are unclear.<br />
<strong>The</strong> report notes that despite 'hosting <strong>events</strong> does not appear to lead to<br />
increased long-term success'; and 'hosting <strong>events</strong> does not necessarily lead<br />
to increases in mass participation' and that there is 'little evidence that<br />
hosting <strong>events</strong> has a significant influence on participation'. If increased<br />
participation is generated, it may be as much a consequence <strong>of</strong> the public<br />
pr<strong>of</strong>ile <strong>of</strong> the sport via news and advertising. If major new facilities are<br />
needed, the economic and regeneration <strong>benefits</strong> <strong>of</strong> hosting mega <strong>events</strong><br />
must be carefully weighed against all costs, including opportunity costs.<br />
<strong>The</strong> interactions between participation, international competition and<br />
hosting <strong>events</strong> are unclear. For example, international success does not<br />
appear to stimulate sustained increases in participation; and hosting <strong>events</strong><br />
does not appear to lead to increased long-term success. Major <strong>events</strong> 'are<br />
an integral part <strong>of</strong> the business <strong>of</strong> sport'. Governments should be involved<br />
in more than just the funding <strong>of</strong> the mega-event - 'From a government<br />
perspective, arguably many <strong>of</strong> the problems experienced with mega <strong>events</strong><br />
projects are due to its lack <strong>of</strong> active involvement from the earliest stages'.<br />
63
Hadjichristodoulou, C., Mouchtouri, V., Vaitsi, V., Kapoula, C., Vousoureli, A.,<br />
Kalivitis, I., et al. (2006). Management <strong>of</strong> environmental health issues for<br />
the 2004 Athens Olympic Games: is enhanced integrated environmental<br />
health surveillance needed in every day routine operation? BMC Public<br />
Health, 6(306).<br />
A public health sector, enforcing and ensuring prevention, control, and<br />
management <strong>of</strong> environmental health issues, is essential during a mass<br />
gathering event such as the Olympic and Paralympic Games. Management <strong>of</strong><br />
environmental health issues is an integral part <strong>of</strong> public health systems. <strong>An</strong><br />
active integrated environmental health surveillance and response system<br />
was developed for the Athens Olympics to monitor and prevent exposure to<br />
environmental hazards. <strong>The</strong> potential for permanent implementation <strong>of</strong> the<br />
program was examined. <strong>The</strong> Olympic Planning Unit integrated and<br />
centrally managed data from 13 public health agencies, recommended,<br />
supervised and coordinated prompt corrective actions. Methods used to test<br />
the effectiveness <strong>of</strong> the program were the assessment <strong>of</strong> water quality test<br />
and inspection results trends over time using linear regression and<br />
epidemiological surveillance findings. Between January 2003 and<br />
September the 30th, 2004, 196 inspectors conducted 8562 inspections,<br />
collected 5024 water samples and recommended 17 027 corrective actions.<br />
Unsatisfactory inspection results and positive water quality tests were less<br />
frequent over time. <strong>The</strong> authors attribute this to timely implementation<br />
and installation <strong>of</strong> communication processes, and rapid and coordinated<br />
response to unsatisfactory inspection results.<br />
Hamlyn, P., & Hudson, Z. (2005). 2012 Olympics: Who will survive? . British<br />
Journal <strong>of</strong> <strong>Sport</strong>s Medicine, 39, 882-883.<br />
<strong>The</strong> authors lament the lack <strong>of</strong> research associated with mega-<strong>events</strong> such<br />
as the Olympics and any increase in health and participation as a result <strong>of</strong><br />
hosting the Games. <strong>The</strong> article discusses the problems related to poor<br />
health but also touches on the need for more sport medicine doctors should<br />
the general public increase its participation. Hamlyn writes that 'the ability<br />
to generate a legacy <strong>of</strong> health 'is not as straight forward as it might at first<br />
appear' and that '<strong>The</strong> health equation <strong>of</strong> an Olympic games is by no means<br />
simple'. <strong>The</strong> research published 'on the health legacy <strong>of</strong> major sporting<br />
<strong>events</strong> is scant. Referencing tends to be circular, and the markers <strong>of</strong><br />
improved health are almost invariably indirect'. It has been acknowledged<br />
that, although hard data to support the economic <strong>benefits</strong> and urban<br />
renewal are quite commonly generated, research into the health related<br />
impact is lacking.<br />
Jorm, L. R., Thackway, S. V., Churches, T. R., & Hills, M. W. (2003). Watching the<br />
Games: public health surveillance for the Sydney 2000 Olympic Games. .<br />
Journal <strong>of</strong> Epidemiology and Community Health, 57, 102-108.<br />
During the Sydney 2000 Olympic Games, there were around 5% more<br />
presentations to emergency departments than in comparable periods in<br />
other years. Several incidents detected through surveillance, including<br />
64
injuries caused by broken glass, and a cluster <strong>of</strong> presentations related to<br />
the use <strong>of</strong> the drug ecstasy prompted further action. Key elements in the<br />
success <strong>of</strong> public health surveillance for Games included careful planning,<br />
comprehensive coverage, and timely reporting. <strong>The</strong> findings <strong>of</strong> public<br />
health surveillance indicate that the Sydney 2000 Games had only a small<br />
impact on health. <strong>The</strong>re were slightly more presentations to emergency<br />
departments than in the corresponding periods in the preceding and<br />
following years—an increase that was not observed in Atlanta. However,<br />
only a few <strong>of</strong> the extra presentations were by overseas visitors. <strong>The</strong><br />
increased activity may have reflected reduced availability <strong>of</strong> general<br />
practitioner services, as a result <strong>of</strong> doctors taking holidays. No<br />
communicable disease outbreaks that had a direct bearing on Sydney during<br />
the Games were reported. Regarding food safety at Olympic venues, 22% <strong>of</strong><br />
compliance audits and 6.4% <strong>of</strong> hygiene checks were unsatisfactory.<br />
Although several public health incidents were managed during the<br />
surveillance period, there was no evidence that these were directly related<br />
to the Games.<br />
Veal, A. J., & Toohey, K. (July 2005). <strong>Sport</strong> for All & the Legacy <strong>of</strong> the Sydney<br />
2000 Olympic Games. Paper presented at the International Event<br />
Management Research Conference, Sydney, Australia.<br />
Increased mass sport participation is a 'major justification for public<br />
funding' <strong>of</strong> sport and <strong>events</strong>. Survey results appear to show a small<br />
increase in participation post-Sydney Olympics but there are<br />
methodological questions to consider as the survey type and style changed.<br />
Veal and Toohey suggest that policy makers are 'not serious about the<br />
effects <strong>of</strong> the Olympics on mass sport participation. In the top 10 Olympic<br />
sports, participation levels were varied as some sports showed increases,<br />
some remained static, and some showed decreases in participation. Veal<br />
concludes that changes could be the result <strong>of</strong> the Olympic effect, changes<br />
in the survey, both, or other factors. <strong>The</strong> top 10 non-Olympic sports had<br />
the greatest participation increases. Given the difficulty in measuring these<br />
outputs, there is no reliable evidence that the Sydney Olympics positively<br />
impacted upon mass sport participation.<br />
65
Summary: Health impacts<br />
<strong>The</strong> literature on the health impacts and <strong>benefits</strong> <strong>of</strong> sporting <strong>events</strong> contains a<br />
number <strong>of</strong> clear messages. <strong>The</strong>se are that:<br />
• <strong>The</strong>re is evidence that public health monitoring systems can be developed<br />
to ensure food and water quality standards are maintained during a megaevent.<br />
This is not to say that public health issues are not created by<br />
<strong>events</strong>, merely that they can be managed.<br />
• Despite the intuitive link, there is no compelling evidence that <strong>events</strong> lead<br />
to increased physical activity or sport participation within a host<br />
community. Increased awareness levels and intentions can result but these<br />
may not lead to actual changes in behaviour.<br />
• <strong>The</strong>re is difficulty in measuring the link between mega-<strong>events</strong> and mass<br />
sport participation. <strong>The</strong>re is need for more research in this area.<br />
• Physical activity and sports participation is likely to remain unaffected<br />
unless the event is embedded in a longer-term developmental strategy.<br />
<strong>Sport</strong> organisations are <strong>of</strong>ten unprepared to capitalise on the opportunities<br />
provided by <strong>events</strong>.<br />
66
Appendix 1: Method<br />
A comprehensive literature search was conducted. A number <strong>of</strong> set phrases and<br />
keywords were used to search for relevant journal articles. <strong>The</strong>se included but<br />
were not limited to: economic impact, social impact, environmental impact,<br />
economic development, business leveraging, destination branding, mega event,<br />
hall mark event, major event, Olympic Games, Commonwealth Games, climate<br />
change, global warming, sport tourism, event tourism, sport <strong>events</strong>, legacies,<br />
urban redevelopment/ regeneration, and resident attitudes. To be included in the<br />
<strong>annotated</strong> <strong>bibliography</strong>, articles had to:<br />
• Be peer reviewed<br />
• Be based on an acceptable and sound research methodology (broadly defined)<br />
• Make a contribution to understanding the impact <strong>of</strong> <strong>events</strong><br />
• Be published in the last ten years<br />
Online databases provided a systematic way <strong>of</strong> identifying articles that might<br />
reasonably be expected to have published event impact type studies. <strong>The</strong><br />
following list is indicative <strong>of</strong> the journals searched:<br />
• Journal <strong>of</strong> <strong>Sport</strong> Management<br />
• <strong>Sport</strong> Management Review<br />
• Journal <strong>of</strong> <strong>Sport</strong>s Economics<br />
• Journal <strong>of</strong> <strong>Sport</strong> and Social Issues<br />
• European <strong>Sport</strong> Management<br />
Quarterly<br />
• International Journal <strong>of</strong> <strong>Sport</strong>s<br />
Marketing and Sponsorship<br />
• International Journal <strong>of</strong> <strong>Sport</strong><br />
Management & Marketing<br />
• Journal <strong>of</strong> <strong>Sport</strong> Tourism<br />
• <strong>An</strong>nals <strong>of</strong> Tourism Research<br />
• Current Issues in Tourism<br />
• International Journal <strong>of</strong> Event<br />
Management Research<br />
• International Journal <strong>of</strong><br />
Hospitality Management<br />
• International Journal <strong>of</strong> Tourism<br />
Research<br />
• Journal <strong>of</strong> Leisure Research<br />
• Journal <strong>of</strong> Sustainable Tourism<br />
• Journal <strong>of</strong> Travel & Tourism<br />
Marketing<br />
• Journal <strong>of</strong> Travel and Tourism<br />
Research<br />
• Journal <strong>of</strong> Vacation Marketing<br />
• Tourism <strong>An</strong>alysis<br />
• Tourism Economics: <strong>The</strong> Business<br />
and Finance <strong>of</strong> Tourism and<br />
Recreation<br />
• Tourism Management<br />
• Tourism Recreation Research<br />
• Tourism Review International<br />
Other information sources<br />
A search <strong>of</strong> relevant internet sources was also undertaken.<br />
67
Appendix 2: Databases searched<br />
Database Fulltext Platform Description<br />
Blackwell-Synergy Y Blackwell<br />
Synergy<br />
Over 620 journals within physical sciences,<br />
life sciences, medicine, social sciences and<br />
humanities.<br />
EBSCO<br />
Premier<br />
MegaFile<br />
Y EBSCOHost Suite <strong>of</strong> 24 databases covering a wide<br />
variety <strong>of</strong> subjects. More than 7,000 <strong>of</strong> the<br />
11,000 titles are available in full text<br />
including 3200 peer-reviewed journals.<br />
Also includes 900 Country Economic reports<br />
and 10,000 company pr<strong>of</strong>iles from<br />
Datamonitor.<br />
Expanded Academic<br />
ASAP<br />
Index <strong>New</strong> Zealand<br />
(INNZ)<br />
Leisure, Recreation<br />
and Tourism<br />
Abstracts<br />
ProQuest 5000<br />
International<br />
Y Info Trac Web Premier database for research in all the<br />
academic disciplines. Balanced coverage <strong>of</strong><br />
every academic concentration — from<br />
advertising and microbiology to history and<br />
women’s studies.<br />
N Voyager Index with abstracts from selected NZ<br />
serial publications journals, including<br />
newspapers and nearly 300 journals about<br />
NZ and the South Pacific. Approximately<br />
2,000 documents added monthly. Subjects<br />
covered include general interest material,<br />
social research, current affairs, the arts<br />
and humanities. Many <strong>New</strong> Zealand titles<br />
have also been retrospectively indexed.<br />
N CABI Brings together information for those<br />
interested in research and strategic<br />
development <strong>of</strong> leisure, recreation, sport,<br />
tourism and hospitality activities,<br />
facilities, products, and services.<br />
Y ProQuest Over 5,500 journals across several<br />
disciplines and with full text for over<br />
3,000.<br />
Science Direct Y ScienceDirect Over 1,700 journals from Elsevier Science,<br />
Academic Press and Harcourt Health<br />
Sciences covering a wide range <strong>of</strong><br />
disciplines.<br />
SPORT Discus N OVID Contains international information on:<br />
sports medicine, exercise physiology,<br />
biomechanics, psychology, training<br />
techniques, coaching, physical education,<br />
physical fitness, active living, recreation,<br />
history, facilities, and equipment.<br />
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Appendix 3: Definitions<br />
Economic impact: This is defined as ‘the net economic change in the incomes <strong>of</strong><br />
host residents that results from spending attributed to tourists.<br />
Crompton, J. L. (2006). Economic impact studies: Instruments for political<br />
shenanigans? Journal <strong>of</strong> Travel Research, 45(1), 67-82.<br />
It is important to note that there is widespread variation in the meaning <strong>of</strong> this<br />
term in the literature. Many economic impact assessments confuse the turnover<br />
<strong>of</strong> the event, the indirect spending associated with the event (especially<br />
infrastructure development), the ‘new money’ that flows into a region and the<br />
net benefit to residents as measured by increased wages/income.<br />
Social/Cultural impact: Studies that examine the social impacts <strong>of</strong> tourism usually<br />
consider interpersonal relations, moral conduct, religion, language and health,<br />
whereas the cultural studies consider both material and non-material forms <strong>of</strong><br />
culture and processes <strong>of</strong> cultural change. It is commonly accepted that there is no<br />
clear distinction between social and cultural phenomena. <strong>The</strong>se authors define<br />
the social impacts <strong>of</strong> tourism as the changes in the quality <strong>of</strong> life <strong>of</strong> residents <strong>of</strong><br />
tourist destinations.<br />
Mathieson, A., & Wall, G. (1982). Tourism: economic, physical and social impacts.<br />
Harlow Essex, UK: Longman Scientific & Technical.<br />
“<strong>The</strong> social impacts involve the more immediate changes in quality <strong>of</strong> life and<br />
adjustment to the industry in destination communities. <strong>The</strong> cultural impacts focus<br />
on the longer-term changes in a society's norms and standards, which will<br />
gradually emerge in a community's social relationships and artifacts.”<br />
Murphy, P. E. (1985). Tourism: a community approach. <strong>New</strong> York: Routledge.<br />
Environmental impact: <strong>The</strong>re are generally three areas <strong>of</strong> concern that must be<br />
analysed considering the environment and mega-<strong>events</strong>: impacts on the natural<br />
environment are the most visible (for building sport venues, infrastructure such as<br />
construction <strong>of</strong> roads, railways and parking areas); problems that may occur<br />
during the event; and post use <strong>of</strong> sports facilities and infrastructure.<br />
Kaspar, R. (1998). <strong>Sport</strong>, environment and culture. Olympic Review, 26(20), 67-<br />
70.<br />
Environmental impact is <strong>of</strong>ten associated with the concept <strong>of</strong><br />
Sustainable development. Sustainable development is defined by the World<br />
Commission on Environment and Development (WCED) as "development that meets<br />
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the needs <strong>of</strong> the present generation without compromising the ability <strong>of</strong> future<br />
generations to meet their own needs"<br />
Health impact: This is defined in terms <strong>of</strong> an <strong>events</strong> ability to positively and<br />
negatively impact upon a person’s physical wellbeing.<br />
Major event: Major <strong>events</strong> are categorised as either hallmark or mega-<strong>events</strong>.<br />
Characteristics <strong>of</strong> major <strong>events</strong> are: they attract media attention, large crowds,<br />
and funds to the region; they involve prestige and status, tradition or symbolism,<br />
and large costs; they leave behind legacies or urban renewal, are <strong>of</strong> national or<br />
international scale, and incorporate festivals and other <strong>events</strong>.<br />
Mega-event: Mega-<strong>events</strong> such as the World Soccer Cup Final or the Olympic<br />
Games are specifically targeted towards the international tourism market, and are<br />
characterised by their size in terms <strong>of</strong> attendance, target market, level <strong>of</strong> public<br />
financial involvement, political effects, extent <strong>of</strong> television coverage,<br />
construction <strong>of</strong> facilities, as well as social and economic impacts on the host<br />
community.<br />
Hall, C. M. (1992). Hallmark tourist <strong>events</strong>: impacts, management and planning.<br />
London: Belhaven Press.<br />
Hallmark event: “Major one-time or recurring <strong>events</strong> <strong>of</strong> limited duration,<br />
primarily to enhance the awareness, appeal and pr<strong>of</strong>itability <strong>of</strong> a tourism<br />
destination in the short and/or long term. Such <strong>events</strong> rely for their success on<br />
uniqueness, status, or timely significance to create interest and attract<br />
attention.”<br />
Ritchie, J. R. B. (1984). Assessing the impact <strong>of</strong> hallmark <strong>events</strong>: conceptual and<br />
research issues, Journal <strong>of</strong> Travel Research, 23(1), 2-11.<br />
<strong>The</strong> term ‘hallmark event’, does not only include large scale <strong>events</strong> generally<br />
occurring within major cities and towns, but also include community festivals,<br />
local celebrations and other special <strong>events</strong> as they should be seen in relation to<br />
their individual regional, local and cultural significance.<br />
Hall, C. M. (1992). Hallmark tourist <strong>events</strong>: impacts, management and planning.<br />
London: Belhaven Press.<br />
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