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MPMC Working Paper 3 - Unesco

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oader social world but is less dependent upon and less controlled by his political system. The<br />

association of which he is a member can represent his needs and demands before the government. It<br />

would make the government more chary of engaging in activities that would harm the individual.”<br />

(Almond and Verba, 1965: 245)<br />

There is clearly a paradox working in democratic governance. On the one hand, a democratic<br />

government is appointed by the people and should therefore act as its agent. However to make the<br />

government act as its agent the citizens apparently need more than just a vote. They need to have<br />

associations that provide governance independent of the democratically elected government. These<br />

associations make citizens more competent to handle their own affairs and to control the government.<br />

This was demonstrated by Almond and Verba at the macro-level as well as on the micro-level.<br />

Membership of voluntary associations was more frequent in the well-established democracies, like<br />

the US and the UK than in new democracies like Germany, Italy and Mexico. Members of such<br />

organizations considered themselves more competent citizens than non-members, while active<br />

members considered themselves more competent than passive members. There appeared to be a<br />

relation between subjective civic competence and actual political participation. The authors suggest<br />

that voluntary associations are a hotbed for civic competence. What they do not show as in how far<br />

civic engagement and political participation also leads to better government. We are indebted to<br />

Robert Putnam for his demonstration that good governance in Italian regions is related to the number<br />

of voluntary associations, to electoral and political participation and to political trust (Putnam, 1993).<br />

Putnam’s thesis looks like the last element in the corroboration of Tocqueville’s analysis of<br />

democratic governance. It relates the structure of civic community to political participation and<br />

political trust and sees good governance as the dependent variable. Civic engagement is crucial in the<br />

explanation of governmental performance. Governance prospers by the monitoring of its citizens.<br />

Is this also true for multi-ethnic polities, that is, for societies where ethnic minorities add to the<br />

heterogeneity of political culture and sometimes to deep cultural cleavages? Classical democratic<br />

theory assumes that religious or ethnic divisions were antagonistic to democratic governance. The<br />

Jacobin strand of democratic theory also denies the viability of multicultural democracy. The nation<br />

should be one and indivisible, cultural differences are considered irrelevant, they are denied or<br />

suppressed. There should be only one loyalty to the nation, a single and uniform patriotism. Jacobin<br />

versions of democracy assume shared values among the members of a democratic polity. It is a<br />

communitarian vision of democracy. Even today, the French government finds it very hard to<br />

recognize cultural differences in the public sphere, as the headscarf discussion has shown.<br />

4

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