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1.2 The Political and Structural Dimensions of Lead Poisoning
At the time of the lead discoveries, the Uruguayan state and society were in a process of
disarray following decades of economic decline, the progressive dismantling of a once-strong
welfare state, and the socio-spatial fracturing of a country once lauded by insiders and
observers alike as the integrated “country of social proximities” and the democratic and
prosperous “Switzerland of South America.” 4
President Jorge Batlle (1999-2004) was in his
second year of office and presiding over a deepening economic recession. The popular
legitimacy of his Colorado Party was quickly eroding. This was the self-proclaimed “party of
the government” that ruled for most of Uruguay’s modern history and first implemented the
advanced reforms distinguishing Uruguay in the region.
The economic recession that began in 1999 led to a 108% increase in poverty and
reached its peak in 2002, fueling the Colorado Party’s fall from grace (Renfrew 2004). Its
legitimacy was further eroded by its association with a deeply unpopular neoliberalism,
rejected repeatedly through a series of popular referendums and plebiscites during the 1990s
and 2000s. 5
The discovery of lead poisoning was soon followed by a hoof-and-mouth
epidemic that would devastate the cattle industry, and which further strained Colorado Party
governance. Various instances of mismanagement, corruption, and widely publicized
4 The “Switzerland of South America” label became popular around the time of the progressive reforms of
President José Batlle y Ordóñez in the early twentieth century, while the “country of social proximities” is a
concept first elaborated by Uruguayan historian Carlos Real de Azúa.
5 These include a 1992 referendum that by a 72% vote overturned the Lacalle administration’s (Blanco Party,
1989-1994) privatizing “law of state enterprises,” a successful 2003 referendum to oppose the partial
privatization of the ANCAP state petroleum refinery, and the 2004 plebiscite to oppose water service
privatization and declare water resources of “vital national interest,” which won a 65% majority. Santos et al
(2006) characterize the 13 referendums and plebiscites promoted through popular campaigns in the 1990s and
2000s as a mostly successful example of direct democracy against the privatizing initiatives that took hold in the
region but were only partially implemented in Uruguay, which retained at least the major public utilities under
state control and ownership.
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