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HAITI. Despite the hopes generated by the recent electoral outcome, no one questions the need for
a considerable measure of outside intervention in Haiti. On its own, Haiti cannot sustain a credible or
minimally effective government. Public institutions are embryonic at best. It is the country where it has
been easiest to justify a major continuing role for the international community, but it is probably the most
difficult setting in which to find a lasting solution. The OAS is only one of the many international agencies
involved.
In the past two years, the OAS has had principal responsibility for preparing for elections, while crucial
security assistance and economic aid are managed by others. Overall coordinating responsibility rests
with the UN, along with the supervision of a Haiti peacekeeping mission. It is ironic that the mission is led
by Brazil and mostly composed of Latin American troops—while Latin American nations are unwilling to
consider involving the OAS in peacekeeping operations. The lack of a security or peacekeeping capacity
may relegate the OAS to a secondary role in Haiti. But there is no question that the organization has a
vital part to play in building and sustaining a democratic government in the country. The recent elections
are only the first step toward that objective. Given the nation’s conflictive politics and the distrust among
various political forces, the secretary general should be well prepared to take on a mediating role or
engage in constructive problem solving when needed—as he did in resolving the electoral dispute over
whether a second round of voting was required. Task force members agree that Haiti must be a first order
priority for the OAS, and that an intense involvement there will need to persist for many years.
NICARAGUA. OAS intervention in Nicaragua last year helped prevent the country’s legislature and
judiciary, dominated by two corrupted parties, from ousting the president or making it virtually impossible
for him to govern. The challenge for the OAS and others now is to do what is possible to ensure a free
and fair presidential election next November, which is critical for Nicaragua to regain any real measure
of democratic stability. This will require a sustained OAS engagement, given the almost certain efforts of
the two major parties to rig the electoral rules and procedures using their control over key institutions in
the country.
BOLIVIA AND ECUADOR. Weak political institutions combined with deep ethnic and social divisions
have made it extremely hard to govern either Bolivia or Ecuador. In both countries, elected presidents have
been forced out of office by popular demonstrations and street protests—and the politics of both have
become disorderly and confrontational. Hostility and distrust between different regions and ethnic groups
threaten the unity of the two countries.
No one disputed the fairness of Bolivia’s December 2005 presidential election (monitored by the OAS),
which led to an overwhelming victory by indigenous leader Evo Morales, who now has unquestioned
legitimacy to govern, more so than any Bolivian president in the past half century. Although Bolivia’s
basic social and political tensions remain to be resolved, there is now some opportunity to repair the
nation’s political divisions and establish the basis for democratic progress. The OAS and others should be
encouraging the new president to reach out to his political opponents and find ways to work constructively
with them. Neighboring countries, particularly Brazil and Argentina, which have major financial interests
in Bolivia, can play an important role. It is also important for OAS officials—both directly and through
Latin American and European governments—to do what is necessary to avoid any early clashes between
Washington and the new government of Bolivia over anti-drug programs. A constructive relationship
between Bolivia and the United States, which provides significant aid to the country, would contribute to
the success of the Morales presidency.