AFN vol 44 No 4 Oct-Dec04 - Australian Fabian Society
AFN vol 44 No 4 Oct-Dec04 - Australian Fabian Society
AFN vol 44 No 4 Oct-Dec04 - Australian Fabian Society
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www.fabian.org<br />
.fabian.org.au<br />
.au Newsletter of the <strong>Australian</strong> <strong>Fabian</strong> <strong>Society</strong>. Vol <strong>44</strong> <strong>No</strong> 4, <strong>Oct</strong>ober–December 2004<br />
ISSN 1<strong>44</strong>8-210X<br />
INSIDE<br />
Annual Report<br />
Secretary’s report to the 57th<br />
Annual General Meeting of the<br />
<strong>Australian</strong> <strong>Fabian</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, 26<br />
August 2004.<br />
Page 2<br />
Free Thinkers<br />
The casual work debate: Richard<br />
Curtain proposes some policy<br />
alternatives.<br />
Page 5<br />
Political advertising just isn’t up<br />
to the job, argues Sally Young.<br />
Page 6<br />
Australia’s monolingualism<br />
threatens our future<br />
development, writes Greg Barns.<br />
Page 8<br />
a r e n a<br />
m a g a z i n e<br />
Australia’s leading<br />
left, critical<br />
magazine<br />
subscriptions/contributions<br />
Arena<br />
PO Box 18<br />
Carlton <strong>No</strong>rth 3054<br />
Tel: (03) 9416 5166<br />
Fax: (03) 9416 0684<br />
Email: magazine@arena.org.au<br />
Free Thinkers<br />
Labor’s new Triple J<br />
of television<br />
Labor’s proposals for<br />
digital TV will nurture<br />
new <strong>Australian</strong> talent,<br />
while keeping our finest<br />
traditions alive.<br />
by Tony Moore<br />
A Latham Labor Government would<br />
want the ABC to have two TV channels<br />
– one “a Triple J of Television” for<br />
children and youth, and one for adults.<br />
The ALP’s Communications spokesman<br />
Lindsay Tanner recently promised a<br />
funding boost for the ABC of more<br />
than $100 million in the three years<br />
from 2006 that “will enable the ABC<br />
to broadcast a dedicated quality<br />
children’s/youth TV multi-channel”. A<br />
properly funded second television<br />
channel is the most radical shake up of<br />
ABC-TV since 1956. It will significantly<br />
lift <strong>Australian</strong> content on the ABC and<br />
allow it to better service Australia’s<br />
diverse and ageing population, as is<br />
required by its charter.<br />
On the eve of the election campaign,<br />
ABC management announced that it<br />
was reversing its shortsighted decision<br />
to bow out of digital TV and kickstarting<br />
a new digital service offering a<br />
mix of children’s, documentary, arts,<br />
entertainment and news programming<br />
to commence in March 2005. The<br />
scuttling of the digital pioneer channels<br />
ABC Kids and the youth-orientated Fly<br />
ranked with the myopia of the hapless<br />
Decca Record executive who knocked<br />
back the Beatles because he reckoned<br />
guitar bands were on the way out. As<br />
Labor recognises, this is a tremendous<br />
opportunity for the ABC to remake itself<br />
for new generations by experimenting<br />
with the form and content of television.<br />
However, its cobbled-together budget of<br />
$2 million means we would see little<br />
more than repeats from the main<br />
analogue channel.<br />
Worse, the Howard Government has<br />
imposed fetters on digital TV, which<br />
limit content on the new channel.<br />
The division of education and entertainment<br />
is not only arbitrary, and<br />
deeply philistine, but a cynical ploy by<br />
John Howard to placate his dinosaur<br />
mates who control commercial free-toair<br />
and pay TV. The Coalition policy on<br />
digital TV is a cosy deal for existing<br />
oligopolies inimical to competition,<br />
consumer choice and new players.<br />
<strong>Australian</strong> audiences should not hold<br />
their collective breath waiting for<br />
media diversity from the Liberals. It was<br />
Gough Whitlam’s Labor Government<br />
that nurtured the new radio initiative<br />
Double J. Calling for “a Triple J of<br />
television” Lindsay Tanner has<br />
promised Labor will free up the<br />
Coalition’s content restrictions on<br />
multi-channelling for both the ABC<br />
and SBS “to unlock the full potential<br />
of their multi-channelling capacity”. A<br />
Latham Government would provide an<br />
untied funding boost of over $100<br />
million but advises that the ABC direct<br />
some of this to the new digital channel<br />
for innovative <strong>Australian</strong> content.<br />
Continued on page 4
PAGE 2<br />
NEWS<br />
<strong>Australian</strong> <strong>Fabian</strong> News<br />
<strong>Oct</strong>ober–December 2004<br />
SECRETARY’S<br />
COLUMNOLUMN<br />
by Race Mathews<br />
National Secretary<br />
Secretary’s report<br />
to the 57th Annual<br />
General Meeting of<br />
the <strong>Australian</strong> <strong>Fabian</strong><br />
<strong>Society</strong>, 26 August 2004<br />
The AFS can look back on its 57th year<br />
of support for social democratic public<br />
policy research and discussion with<br />
qualified satisfaction. Membership has<br />
continued to increase, new activities<br />
have been introduced, networking<br />
with other organisations has expanded<br />
and become more effective and<br />
strategic planning has been placed on a<br />
firmer footing.<br />
The society is soundly positioned to<br />
consolidate past gains and break new<br />
ground, subject only to a willingness on<br />
the part of more members to in<strong>vol</strong>ve<br />
themselves more actively and thereby<br />
ensure a fairer and more effective<br />
sharing of its work. In particular, more<br />
member support is needed for those of<br />
the society’s branch committees in<br />
states and territories other than<br />
Victoria, New South Wales, Queensland<br />
and Tasmania, where the more<br />
acceptable levels of branch activity are<br />
currently being achieved or are in<br />
prospect. Members in states where<br />
branches have yet to achieve a firm<br />
footing and schedule regular events<br />
might be mindful of a lame paraphrase<br />
of John F. Kennedy – ‘Ask not what your<br />
branch can do for you but what you can<br />
do for your branch’.<br />
Highlights of the Year<br />
Highlights from 2003 – 2004 have<br />
included:<br />
• Further high profile national events,<br />
including a highly successful<br />
December 2003 conversazione on<br />
‘Catching the Wave: The Why and<br />
How of Social Democratic Renewal’<br />
addressed by Michael Pusey, Lindsay<br />
Tanner, Michael Jacobs, Marian Sawer<br />
and Fred Argy; Shadow Minister<br />
Kevin Rudd’s Guest of Honour<br />
At the NSW Branch AFS AGM on 16 June were (front row): Shann Turnbull, Danny Faddoul,<br />
Anna York, Richard Fidler and Rodney Cavalier. (Rear row): David McKnight, Mal Bozic,<br />
Mark McGrath,Tony Moore, Bob Johnston, David Lewis, Michael Chen and Race Mathews.<br />
Speech at the society’s 20th Annual<br />
Remembrance Day Dinner and the<br />
2004 Autumn Lectures program on<br />
‘And the Truth Shall Set You Free:<br />
Public and Community Television<br />
and Radio and the Public Interest’<br />
featuring Donald McDonald, Ken<br />
Inglis, Catharine Lumby, Malcolm<br />
Long, Jock Given, Kath Letch,<br />
Lindsay Tanner, Tony Moore and<br />
Guy Rundle.<br />
• Successful programs of branch events,<br />
including most notably Victoria’s<br />
weekly ‘Wednesday Night at the<br />
New International Bookshop’ (now<br />
approaching the end of its fourth<br />
year) and monthly ‘Mietta’s<br />
Mondays’ programs and<br />
Queensland’s ‘This Month at the<br />
Paddington Workers’ Club’ program.<br />
The Tasmanian, New South Wales,<br />
West <strong>Australian</strong>, South <strong>Australian</strong> and<br />
<strong>Australian</strong> Capital Territory branches<br />
also held events, but have yet to place<br />
them on regular schedules.<br />
• Extension of the society’s networking<br />
to a range of public policy interest<br />
groups, with a view to securing their<br />
in<strong>vol</strong>vement in projects such as the<br />
Victorian Branch’s ‘Wednesday Night<br />
at the New International Bookshop’<br />
program, and to embassies with a<br />
view to obtaining early notification<br />
of overseas visitors of possible interest<br />
for society events.<br />
www.fabian.org.au<br />
• Establishment of closer links with<br />
social democratic student bodies with<br />
student body representatives filling<br />
positions on the National Executive<br />
for the first time in more than a<br />
decade. As well, representatives of the<br />
Melbourne, Monash and La Trobe<br />
University ALP Clubs formed the<br />
Victorian Branch’s AFS Campus<br />
Liaison Group. We ran two very<br />
successful on-campus programs:<br />
‘Carmen on Campus’ and ‘Burnside<br />
on Campus’ where over a 24-hour<br />
period a high-profile speaker<br />
addresses lunchtime meetings at two<br />
of the participating universities and<br />
delivers a formal lecture – to date<br />
Carmen Lawrence’s Chifley Memorial<br />
Lecture and Julian Burnside’s Jim<br />
Cairns Memorial Lecture.<br />
• Appointment of a new National<br />
Research Committee with Evan<br />
Thornley as director and Jane Mathews<br />
as secretary, and the establishment of<br />
an Economic Policy Research Group<br />
as a pilot project for the future conduct<br />
of society research.<br />
• Social Change Online’s radical<br />
upgrading of the society’s website at<br />
www.fabian.org.au, the appointment<br />
of Donna Benjamin as national<br />
webmaster, and the availability<br />
through the website of an extensive<br />
body of publications including<br />
presentations at society events.
<strong>Australian</strong> <strong>Fabian</strong> News<br />
<strong>Oct</strong>ober–December 2004<br />
•Glenn Patmore’s production of The<br />
Vocal Citizen as his fifth – and final<br />
– contribution to the society’s longrunning<br />
Labor Essays series has<br />
negotiated with Pluto Press for future<br />
editions of the series to be produced<br />
in a new format and more frequently.<br />
Negotiations are also underway with<br />
Pluto to hand over stocks of past<br />
editions of Labor Essays to the<br />
society, and with RMIT Publishing<br />
to have past editions made available<br />
electronically, on an on-line basis.<br />
As a consequence of these changes,<br />
Labor Essays 2005 is likely to be<br />
delayed until well into the new year,<br />
and members will be asked to bear<br />
with the society until their<br />
entitlements to free copies can be<br />
honoured. It is envisaged that<br />
distribution of future editions of<br />
Labor Essays will be on the basis of a<br />
voucher system, which will enable<br />
members to claim their entitlements<br />
and thereby avoid having unwanted<br />
copies distributed by default.<br />
• Publication of the society’s quarterly<br />
<strong>Australian</strong> <strong>Fabian</strong> News – edited by<br />
Fiona Perry – together with weekly<br />
Victorian Branch and monthly<br />
national editions of the email, AFS<br />
Update.<br />
• The addition of three new titles to the<br />
society’s long-running pamphlet<br />
series in association with the<br />
AFS/Arena Publications ‘Blue Books’<br />
Project – <strong>No</strong>. 61 Responding to the<br />
Challenge of Globalisation: The<br />
Democratic Imperative (Joe Camilleri);<br />
<strong>No</strong>. 62 Thinking About Privatisation:<br />
Evaluating the Privatised State to<br />
Inform Our Future (Graeme Hodge)<br />
and What’s Wrong with Social Capital<br />
(Chris Scanlon).<br />
•New fundraising initiatives, including<br />
bedding down the society’s new<br />
‘Patron Supporter’ and ‘Supporting<br />
Body’ membership categories, with<br />
minimum subscriptions respectively<br />
of $500 and $250 for an aggregate<br />
revenue gain to date approaching<br />
$10,000. We also encourage members<br />
to remember the society in their wills.<br />
• Faith Fitzgerald’s finalisation of the<br />
society’s business plan, on the basis of<br />
the process originally facilitated by<br />
Ryk Blisczcyk and Michael Henry,<br />
and with input from Max Dumais’<br />
survey of member opinion and<br />
subsequent report.<br />
NEWS<br />
• Caroline Heath’s completion of her<br />
redesign of the society’s membership<br />
database, with Les Sherwin taking<br />
over its management. Proposed<br />
expansion of the database will include<br />
data for promotion of society events.<br />
Membership<br />
As usual, membership numbers are a<br />
cause for celebration but also for<br />
concern. The upside is that<br />
membership as of 30 June was 670,<br />
which was a clear 100 more than at the<br />
same time last year, and membership<br />
now stands at more than 700. The<br />
downside is that roughly 100 members<br />
who were financial last year and a<br />
further 50 who were financial in 2002<br />
are currently in arrears. As usual, the<br />
society will be grateful if these<br />
outstanding payments can be<br />
forwarded at the earliest possible<br />
opportunity. Given a reasonable rate of<br />
return of the remaining renewals in<br />
conjunction with some vigorous<br />
campaigning to attract new members,<br />
the strategic plan target of a<br />
membership of 1000 by the end of the<br />
year should be readily achievable, and<br />
provide a solid foundation for a further<br />
increase to the target of 2000 members<br />
in 2005.<br />
www.fabian.org.au<br />
PAGE 3<br />
Prominent refugee, asylum<br />
seeker and human rights<br />
advocate Julian Burnside QC<br />
delivered the inaugural Jim<br />
Cairns Memorial Lecture at<br />
RMIT University in Melbourne<br />
on 17 August.<br />
Acknowledgements<br />
The society is again deeply indebted to<br />
all those whose efforts contribute so<br />
very greatly to its work – to our<br />
administrative officer Edna Bartlett and<br />
her husband Gordon, to Brian Smiddy<br />
and Kevin Davis of the Victorian<br />
Branch Committee, who unfailingly<br />
collect the door charges and provide<br />
the front of house presence at society<br />
events, to branch convenors and<br />
contacts Alistair Harkness (Victoria),<br />
Terry Hampson (Queensland), Paul<br />
Smith (NSW), Eloise Haddad<br />
(Tasmania), Linda Kirk (SA), John Carey<br />
(WA) and Alexa McLaughlin (ACT), and<br />
to my fellow National Executive<br />
members Max Dumais (Chairman),<br />
Alistair Harkness (Assistant Secretary),<br />
Jill Anwyl (Minutes Secretary), Bob<br />
Smith (Treasurer), Ben Barnett, John<br />
Button, John Cain, Faith Fitzgerald,<br />
Bruce Hartnett, Brian Howe, Barry<br />
Jones, Pamela McLure, Glenn Patmore,<br />
Fiona Perry, Justin Randle, Evan<br />
Thornley and Sally Young.<br />
Race Mathews National Secretary
PAGE 4<br />
Continued from page 1<br />
Tanner rightly believes communications<br />
ministers should not<br />
direct an independent ABC in its<br />
programming, but the policy strongly<br />
suggests the properly funded digital<br />
channel be “dedicated to children and<br />
youth programming and suggests preschool<br />
programming in the morning,<br />
educational programming during the<br />
day, tweenies programming in the<br />
afternoon and youth programming<br />
at night”. Labor wants the ABC to use<br />
the additional funding to produce more<br />
<strong>Australian</strong> content in preference to the<br />
over-reliance on British imports. After<br />
the main ABC-TV network goes digital,<br />
Labor envisages it specialising in adult<br />
programming alongside the youth/<br />
children channel. Having a youth<br />
network enables the ABC to appeal to<br />
this demographic without necessarily<br />
alienating older viewers who have<br />
different tastes. Many <strong>Australian</strong>s –<br />
especially those with kids or the young<br />
at heart – will enjoy having the choice of<br />
flicking between the two ABC channels.<br />
Should Labor be elected, the funding<br />
boost might also be used to explore new<br />
ways of in<strong>vol</strong>ving audiences in<br />
programming attuned to the interactive<br />
qualities of digital technology. ALP Arts<br />
spokeswoman Kate Lundy has<br />
announced a $10 million grant to the<br />
<strong>Australian</strong> Film Commission for an<br />
“interactive digital content strategy”.<br />
Surely ABC New Media would be well<br />
placed to participate in this strategy<br />
with its new channel? Rather than the<br />
old ‘industrial silo’ mentality of<br />
<strong>Australian</strong> TV, the new digital channel<br />
FREE THINKERS<br />
could be the medium by which the<br />
diverse creative energy in the<br />
community, from suburban garages to<br />
inner city garrets, can be siphoned into<br />
the mainstream public conversation. I<br />
don’t mean a Wayne’s World of<br />
amateurism, but genuine democratic<br />
talent-scouting, a 21st century version<br />
of the approach of F.J. Archibald’s<br />
Bulletin of the 1890s, that scoured the<br />
bush and the back lanes looking for<br />
poets and artists and discovered the<br />
likes of Henry Lawson, Banjo Patterson<br />
and <strong>No</strong>rman Lindsay. The best<br />
<strong>Australian</strong> culture erupts when media<br />
enfranchise a passionate community<br />
and become clearing houses for new<br />
ideas and styles, as happened with the<br />
early Bulletin, ’70s new wave theatre<br />
and cinema, Nation Review, Double J<br />
and even Countdown.<br />
The signs for audience participation in<br />
the new digital channel are hopeful given<br />
that it will be run by New Media & Digital<br />
Services, the experimental mob who<br />
pioneered ABC Online, one of the nation’s<br />
best web sites in the second half of the<br />
‘90s. Exploiting interactivity may liberate<br />
the new channel from the tyranny of<br />
commercial ratings, providing a new way<br />
of measuring audience appreciation<br />
sensitive to deep niches rather than lowest<br />
common denominator massed ‘bums on<br />
seats’ of 20th century broadcasting. On<br />
this type of scale, a cult show like Double<br />
the Fist, that scores a huge number of site<br />
hits from fans offering program ideas, is<br />
a winner. The new channel could start<br />
its audience participation project with<br />
a serious drive in schools, to consult<br />
children about what they would like to<br />
see, and invite classes to use the new<br />
Humanist <strong>Society</strong><br />
The Humanist <strong>Society</strong> of Victoria is actively concerned with contemporary<br />
questions of ethics and values of modern society. We organise public<br />
lectures and social activities, prepare submissions, and offer counselling<br />
and support to our members. We publish a monthly newsletter<br />
and a quarterly national magazine.<br />
Enquiries welcome.<br />
Tel 03 9857 9717<br />
<br />
HSV GPO Box 1555, Melbourne VIC 3001<br />
<strong>Australian</strong> <strong>Fabian</strong> News<br />
<strong>Oct</strong>ober–December 2004<br />
channel as a teaching aid – just as they<br />
did with Behind the News and the old<br />
school radio beloved by older<br />
generations. The Argonaughts could sail<br />
again, only this time by fibre optics and<br />
a set-top box.<br />
The ABC’s failed budget bid to the<br />
Howard Government estimated it<br />
would take $35 million to run two<br />
quality digital channels. A Latham<br />
Government funding boost will enable<br />
robust production of <strong>Australian</strong> content<br />
for the new channel. Let’s hope the<br />
online team break rules and take<br />
creative risks, as happened with The<br />
Jays in radio back in the ‘70s. But<br />
iconoclasm should be tempered by<br />
genuine consultation and cooperation<br />
with TV program makers both within<br />
and outside the ABC (including the Fly<br />
pioneers), and with storytellers from<br />
beyond the industry working in<br />
cinema, theatre, fine art, literature,<br />
music and even computer games. In<br />
time, I see the ABC’s new digital<br />
stations as hubs through which a<br />
diversity of creative communities<br />
impact on Australia’s mainstream<br />
culture.<br />
The digital station also enables the<br />
ABC to reinvigorate valuable traditions<br />
beloved by older <strong>Australian</strong>s that<br />
deserve new audiences. Rather than just<br />
repeating recent popular shows from<br />
free-to-air, the ABC should think of the<br />
opportunities for encore screenings of<br />
its <strong>Australian</strong> classics like vintage<br />
programs that young people would<br />
enjoy, for example, comedies such as<br />
The D Generation, <strong>No</strong>rman Gunston and<br />
Das Kapital and classic but rarely seen<br />
<strong>Australian</strong> films from the ‘70s, ‘80s and<br />
‘90s like The Man from Hong Kong, The<br />
Last Wave, Summer City or Goin’ Down.<br />
Packaged and presented with the<br />
panache of ABC Kids and Fly, the new<br />
channel could give the tired American<br />
repeats of Foxtel real competition from<br />
some <strong>Australian</strong> retro.<br />
That’s the way for ABC management<br />
to move forward into the digital<br />
possibilities being offered by Labor – as<br />
a hothouse and clearinghouse for new<br />
<strong>Australian</strong> talent, while keeping alive<br />
our finest traditions.<br />
Tony Moore is commissioning editor of<br />
Pluto Press. He was a program maker at<br />
ABC-TV from 1988 to 1997 and a<br />
member of the ABC National Advisory<br />
Council in the mid 1980s.<br />
www.fabian.org.au
<strong>Australian</strong> <strong>Fabian</strong> News<br />
<strong>Oct</strong>ober–December 2004<br />
What to do about casual work<br />
– an alternative approach<br />
by Richard Curtain<br />
FREE THINKERS PAGE 5<br />
The casual work debate has heated up.<br />
Do the claims made for the precarious<br />
position of casual employees stand up?<br />
Are there alternatives to the awardbased<br />
changes proposed by the<br />
<strong>Australian</strong> Labor Party?<br />
The debate about casual work has<br />
witnessed some grand overstatements<br />
about the nature and extent of<br />
temporary work. The trouble is that the<br />
industrial relations definition of ‘casual<br />
work’ includes a wide spectrum of<br />
different types of work arrangements.<br />
These vary from the short term and<br />
precarious working arrangements for<br />
some to long term, ongoing work for<br />
others. Little or no information is<br />
provided by the critics of casualisation<br />
about the extent of the numbers in<br />
precarious work.<br />
One measure of perceived job<br />
insecurity suggests that it is much lower<br />
than widely claimed. The <strong>Australian</strong><br />
Bureau of Statistics asks people what<br />
they expect in 12 months’ time in<br />
relation to their job or business. Only<br />
10 per cent of all employed people in<br />
<strong>No</strong>vember 2003 did not expect to be<br />
with the same employer or in the same<br />
business in 12 months. However, when<br />
asked the reason, only less than 2 per<br />
cent of all employed people said this<br />
was likely to be due to factors beyond<br />
their control.<br />
Barbara Pocock, in a recent piece for<br />
On Line Opinion, ‘Only a casual? But<br />
isn’t casual work highly desirable?’<br />
exemplifies this misuse of statistics.<br />
Barbara reports on her qualitative study<br />
of 55 people. These people are said to<br />
be employed as casuals but there is no<br />
indication of how this employment<br />
status was defined other than<br />
subjectively. The sample was not a<br />
representative one, indeed most in the<br />
sample self-selected to participate in the<br />
study. Nevertheless, generalisations are<br />
made from the study about the extent<br />
of negativity that casual workers have<br />
towards their work. A qualitative study<br />
may be valuable for exploratory<br />
purposes but it cannot be used to<br />
generalise to the population as a whole.<br />
An alternative approach<br />
What are the alternatives to the ALP’s<br />
policy to permit those employed as<br />
casuals to ask their employer to move to<br />
‘permanent’ status? The starting point<br />
for good policy is first to identify the<br />
principles to underpin a proposed<br />
policy option.<br />
Underlying principles<br />
to consider<br />
In seeking to re-regulate casual work,<br />
three sets of stakeholders’ needs<br />
require consideration. The intervention<br />
proposed needs to encompass as much<br />
as possible the needs of these three<br />
main groups of stakeholders.<br />
The first refers to the needs of<br />
individuals in terms of access to work,<br />
their choice about whether to accept a<br />
particular job or not and working<br />
conditions they are prepared to accept.<br />
The second set of needs refer to the<br />
employers offering the jobs. These refer<br />
to their requirements for flexible<br />
deployment to enable the business to<br />
remain competitive.<br />
The third set of needs refer to those of<br />
particular groups such as young people<br />
and married women who have suffered<br />
past discrimination in the labour market.<br />
A more nuanced policy approach<br />
offers forms of social protection to<br />
individuals that do not rely on<br />
particular employers. This approach<br />
in<strong>vol</strong>ves first identifying those who are<br />
the most vulnerable in the labour<br />
market. It then in<strong>vol</strong>ves working out<br />
different ways that government can<br />
assist individuals to manage risk based<br />
on a good understanding of their<br />
vulnerabilities.<br />
Regulation may be part of this policy<br />
solution but it needs to be highly<br />
specific to the situation it is addressing.<br />
Broad-brush award changes are not<br />
likely to do this.<br />
Social protection for individuals<br />
in the labour market<br />
The Netherlands offers one approach to<br />
labour market regulation based on the<br />
twin principles of flexibility and<br />
security. The policy has been dubbed<br />
www.fabian.org.au<br />
‘flexicurity’ and is suggested as a new<br />
approach to labour market reform.<br />
The ‘flexicurity’ policy is a product of<br />
strong state intervention to promote<br />
job growth, undertake welfare reform,<br />
while retaining industry and company<br />
level collective bargaining.<br />
The Dutch model of ‘flexicurity’<br />
regulation<br />
The Netherlands has the largest<br />
percentage of agency workers in the<br />
labour force in the European Union.<br />
Temporary work agency collective<br />
agreements have been widespread<br />
since 1999. The so called ‘flexicurity’<br />
legislation, through collectively<br />
bargained agreements, guarantees<br />
temporary agency workers more secure<br />
employment, better pay and social<br />
security entitlements as their duration<br />
of employment in this type of work<br />
increases.<br />
Continued overleaf
PAGE 6<br />
Continued from page 5<br />
The new legislation balances the<br />
flexibility needs of enterprises with the<br />
security needs of employees. It does this<br />
through defining four distinct phases of<br />
employment defined by time periods<br />
working in temporary agency work.<br />
After 18 months with a single<br />
enterprise or 36 months with various<br />
enterprises, employees of temporary<br />
hire agencies are entitled to an openended<br />
contract with the agency.<br />
A need to offer<br />
tailored solutions<br />
Many enterprises now operate with a<br />
small core workforce. The capacity to<br />
expand and contract according to the<br />
FREE THINKERS<br />
demands of the business cycle is a key<br />
feature of a competitive strategy in<br />
world markets.<br />
This means that enterprises require a<br />
buffer workforce that sits between its<br />
core workforce and short-term<br />
temporary staff for meeting ad hoc or<br />
seasonal demands. This buffer<br />
workforce needs to be highly skilled so<br />
it can work productively with the core<br />
workforce. It also needs access to the<br />
same working conditions in terms of<br />
OH&S training and support. However,<br />
this buffer workforce in most instances<br />
cannot be engaged in the same way as<br />
an enterprise’s core workforce due to<br />
unpredictable business cycles.<br />
The Dutch legislation balances the<br />
principles of employment flexibility for<br />
<strong>Australian</strong> <strong>Fabian</strong> News<br />
<strong>Oct</strong>ober–December 2004<br />
the enterprise, employment security for<br />
the individual and the needs of<br />
excluded groups. As such, it offers a<br />
valuable guide to a collectively<br />
bargained outcome for managing<br />
temporary work. It shows how<br />
appropriate regulatory arrangements<br />
can be put in place to cater specifically<br />
for the needs of the major stakeholder<br />
groups in<strong>vol</strong>ved.<br />
(A more detailed and footnoted review<br />
of the Chifley Research Centre Report is<br />
available from the author’s website at<br />
www.curtain-consulting.net.au).<br />
Dr Richard Curtain is a convenor of<br />
the <strong>Australian</strong> Public Policy Research<br />
Network and principal consultant<br />
of Curtain Consulting. This article was<br />
first published on Online Option on<br />
31 August: www.on;ineopinion.com.au<br />
Madison Avenue leads to the Lodge<br />
Political advertising doesn’t do<br />
the <strong>Australian</strong> public justice,<br />
argues Sally Young.<br />
A few days ago, an ad agent who was<br />
talking on radio about the election<br />
campaign described the ALP as a<br />
‘challenger brand’. This infuriates me.<br />
Political parties are not ‘brands’!<br />
They are so much more than that<br />
caricature implies.<br />
Political parties are supposed to<br />
educate and inform us about politics,<br />
formulate policies, create coalitions of<br />
like-minded people, mobilise voters, act<br />
as an avenue for political participation,<br />
communicate with citizens, nurture<br />
political activism, select candidates<br />
for office and keep a check on each<br />
other in opposition.<br />
Once elected, they hold massive<br />
power over our way of life by<br />
implementing policies, creating laws<br />
and (hopefully) governing in our best<br />
interests.<br />
Political parties are the organs that try<br />
to fulfil that noble aim of government<br />
‘of the people, by the people, for the<br />
people’. They are among the most<br />
important organisations in this country.<br />
But, sadly, ad agents are not the only<br />
ones to use such trite language.<br />
The Labor and Liberal parties see<br />
themselves in much the same way.<br />
They are focused on advertising,<br />
marketing and money-raising. They<br />
are run like corporations (with lots of<br />
employees but not many members).<br />
They use the same Madison Avenue<br />
sales jargon. They talk less about<br />
policies and participation and more<br />
about brands, markets, value segments,<br />
targets, polls, demographics,<br />
advertisements and slogans. I’ve even<br />
heard political leaders describe their<br />
own party as a ‘brand’.<br />
So now, when the parties try to fulfil<br />
their age-old responsibility of<br />
communicating with voters, they use<br />
advertising. And advertising is really<br />
not up to the task – it’s a very<br />
expensive, low information, and only<br />
one-way communication form.<br />
But ads are certainly where the parties<br />
will be focusing their attention this<br />
campaign, and they’ll probably spend<br />
more than $20 million on them over<br />
the course of the election. If this is how<br />
they are going to communicate with us<br />
– by advertising to us – then we need to<br />
think about what they’re really saying.<br />
This includes looking carefully at<br />
each individual ad but also thinking<br />
more broadly about the whole concept<br />
of political advertising.<br />
When a political party uses ads to<br />
communicate with us, what they’re<br />
really saying is:<br />
1. We don’t want to talk to you. TV ads<br />
don’t give voters the opportunity to<br />
talk back, to ask questions or to<br />
disagree. By hitting voters with a<br />
barrage of them in the last few weeks<br />
of the campaign, the parties are<br />
really saying “here’s what we want to<br />
say to you but we don’t care what<br />
you have to say back.”<br />
2. We think you’re stupid. Their internal<br />
research reveals that the parties<br />
think voters – especially swinging<br />
voters – are ‘ignorant and<br />
indifferent’ (their words, not mine).<br />
So they rely on 15-30 second TV ads<br />
www.fabian.org.au<br />
to put across ‘impressions’ rather<br />
than policies. Their ads use vague<br />
language and emotive images. They<br />
don’t give detail or specifics.<br />
3. We think you’re greedy and vulnerable<br />
to scare campaigns. I’ve examined<br />
over 1500 political ads from 1949 to<br />
2004 and the common theme is fear.<br />
In their ads, the parties threaten<br />
you with all sorts of disastrous<br />
consequences if you vote for their<br />
opponent, but the most common<br />
threats (either explicit or implicit)<br />
are about money: you’ll lose your<br />
job, you’ll lose your house, your<br />
interest rates will go up or you’ll<br />
have to pay more taxes. This is<br />
because they think voters are, in<br />
Neville Wran’s famous words,<br />
‘greedy bastards’.<br />
4. We’re ripping you off. What the ads<br />
don’t say, but we all need to keep in<br />
mind, is that <strong>Australian</strong> taxpayers<br />
provide public funding for the<br />
parties to campaign and this is how<br />
they spend that money. Last election<br />
we gave the two major parties over<br />
$32 million, and up to 70 per cent of<br />
their campaign budgets go on TV<br />
ads, even though many voters say<br />
they don’t like political ads.<br />
Sally Young lectures in media and<br />
communications at the University<br />
of Melbourne and is an Executive<br />
Committee member of the <strong>Australian</strong><br />
<strong>Fabian</strong> <strong>Society</strong>. She is the author<br />
of The Persuaders: The Hidden<br />
Machine of Political Advertising<br />
(Pluto Press) due out this month.<br />
This article was originally published on<br />
NewMatilda.com on 23 September 2004.
<strong>Australian</strong> <strong>Fabian</strong> News<br />
<strong>Oct</strong>ober–December 2004<br />
PAGE 7<br />
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<strong>Australian</strong> <strong>Fabian</strong> <strong>Society</strong> 2003<br />
President: Gough Whitlam<br />
Chairman: Faith Fitzgerald<br />
Secretary: Race Mathews<br />
Treasurer: Bob Smith<br />
Assistant secretary: Justin Randle<br />
Minutes secretary: Jill Anwyl<br />
Executive Committee Members<br />
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Tony Moore<br />
Barbara <strong>No</strong>rman<br />
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PAGE 8<br />
Opportunities lost<br />
FREE THINKERS<br />
Australia is still hopelessly monolinguistic, and it’s holding<br />
our development back, argues Greg Barns.<br />
<strong>Australian</strong> <strong>Fabian</strong> News<br />
<strong>Oct</strong>ober–December 2004<br />
Talented <strong>Australian</strong>s expand their<br />
horizons by studying in the US and<br />
the UK. They adore working in cities<br />
like New York and London, and<br />
upgrade their skills in public and<br />
private sector organisations across the<br />
Anglophone world.<br />
But what if it were unexceptional for<br />
<strong>Australian</strong>s to study in Hanover or<br />
Helsinki, routinely fast-track their<br />
careers in Budapest and Buenos Aires,<br />
and participate in peer-to-peer<br />
exchanges with institutions in Seoul<br />
and Stockholm? This cannot happen<br />
unless <strong>Australian</strong>s start looking and<br />
learning beyond the English language.<br />
There is only so far you can go in terms<br />
of understanding potential friends, and<br />
enemies, without mastering their native<br />
language and its nuances.<br />
Most of us agree that all <strong>Australian</strong>s<br />
should speak fluent English, and that<br />
this aim is a core component of working<br />
multiculturalism. Yet we almost<br />
completely ignore another more than<br />
200 languages spoken in this country,<br />
and <strong>Australian</strong>s come from more than<br />
200 birthplaces. Despite the unusual<br />
depth and breadth of these linguistic<br />
resources at our disposal, Australia’s<br />
cultural, educational, political and<br />
business experiences are primarily<br />
conducted through the medium of the<br />
English language. According to the<br />
<strong>Australian</strong> Bureau of Statistics, only<br />
around 15 per cent of the <strong>Australian</strong><br />
population speaks a language other<br />
than English at home. Worse, there are<br />
no signs of up and coming generational<br />
change. In Victoria, for example, only<br />
8 percent of Year 12 students study a<br />
language other than English.<br />
Other Western nations don’t share<br />
our blind, dumb spot. Half the<br />
population of Europe is bilingual. In the<br />
US, 11 per cent of the population speaks<br />
Spanish – including George W. Bush, a<br />
man who proudly boasted he had never<br />
been to Europe until he became<br />
President in 2000. British Prime<br />
Minister Tony Blair famously and<br />
fluently addresses French President<br />
Jacques Chirac and the French<br />
Parliament in their own language.<br />
The opportunities offered by our<br />
e<strong>vol</strong>ving racial demographics were<br />
something that Gough Whitlam and<br />
Malcolm Fraser recognised in their<br />
pursuit of multicultural policies that<br />
were more than skin deep. Their open,<br />
pluralistic approach to these matters<br />
culminated in the introduction of Paul<br />
Keating’s Asian Languages program for<br />
schools in 1995. Keating recognised that<br />
speaking the languages – and thereby<br />
accessing the culture – of Asia was vital<br />
to Australia becoming a genuinely long<br />
term member of the region in which we<br />
live.<br />
John Howard cancelled that program<br />
in 1999. Was this part of Howard’s<br />
strategic backlash against ‘political<br />
correctness’ and Keating’s ‘vision<br />
thing’? Or was it because multilingualism<br />
threatens the vision of ‘one<br />
nation’, where language is used to<br />
enforce ‘belonging’ in its narrowest<br />
sense? Current Howard Government<br />
spending on teaching young<br />
<strong>Australian</strong>s languages other than<br />
English is woefully inadequate. It<br />
announced in the 2003 Federal Budget<br />
a minute total of $104 million for<br />
languages education, out of a total<br />
education budget worth $16 billion.<br />
It’s not just our politicians who seem<br />
to care little about the opportunities lost<br />
to <strong>Australian</strong>s through incompetence in<br />
other languages. The Business Council<br />
of Australia, an influential group<br />
representing the ‘big end of town’ and<br />
spending millions of dollars on research<br />
and advocacy each year, failed to<br />
include language issues in its otherwise<br />
admirable 2002 ‘Future Directions’<br />
project. Yet as Tony Liddicoat, president<br />
of the <strong>Australian</strong> Federation of Modern<br />
Language Teachers Associations told<br />
The Age on <strong>Oct</strong>ober 20 last year: “You<br />
do need English plus another language<br />
to be really competitive in a whole lot<br />
of jobs’.”<br />
www.fabian.org.au<br />
Let’s stop denying the reality and the<br />
possibility of what Australia could and<br />
should be in the 21st century. Let’s do it<br />
not just to make more money,<br />
understand art films or enhance the<br />
intelligence of our spying and<br />
surveillance. Let’s do it to combat the<br />
innate conservatism that’s allowed fear<br />
politics to get such a tight grip on us in<br />
recent years, and which prevents our<br />
democracy maturing to embrace<br />
overdue constitutional reforms such as a<br />
republic. For the capacity to understand<br />
other cultures, values and perspectives<br />
will bring a greater preparedness to<br />
reform our own society – imaginatively,<br />
and in ways that will really work for<br />
Australia.<br />
Greg Barns is a Hobart based writer<br />
and lawyer. This is an edited version<br />
of an article that first appeared on<br />
25 August 2004 in the new weekly<br />
online magazine, NewMatilda.com,<br />
which promotes independent political<br />
analysis and public policy development.<br />
<strong>Fabian</strong> members can subscribe online<br />
at a 20 per cent discount by quoting<br />
the promotional code ‘<strong>Fabian</strong>’ at<br />
http://www.newmatilda.com