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Teaching Gender in Social Work - MailChimp

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As an example of what it meant for men to have the power to decide<br />

which tasks were performed by whom, it should be mentioned that <strong>in</strong> positions<br />

of non-<strong>in</strong>stitutional care the formal education of men was lower than that of<br />

women <strong>in</strong> spite of men’s relatively higher status. The boom of therapeutic social<br />

work among families from the 1940s onwards sealed the gender divisions.<br />

In addition, it resulted <strong>in</strong> a new type of male dom<strong>in</strong>ance, as professionals,<br />

<strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g medical doctors, acquired <strong>in</strong>fluence over social work.<br />

Conclud<strong>in</strong>g Remarks<br />

The formation of gender division <strong>in</strong> F<strong>in</strong>nish social work was connected with<br />

many ongo<strong>in</strong>g social processes, not least with the policies of the state towards<br />

the nuclear family of wage labour. In the <strong>in</strong>itial stages, dur<strong>in</strong>g the period of<br />

poor house policies when there was no positive support for the family, women<br />

were quite free to govern their activities by themselves, if they agreed with the<br />

official policy. When the state began to undertake supportive and educative<br />

<strong>in</strong>tervention <strong>in</strong> the everyday lives of families, for which it required female<br />

skills and labour, it was necessary to br<strong>in</strong>g the reproductive work of women of<br />

various classes under control. This control was exercised at two levels, plac<strong>in</strong>g<br />

lower-class family life under the control of upper- and middle-class women<br />

and ensur<strong>in</strong>g that the women’s work was done <strong>in</strong> a controlled way that fulfilled<br />

the hidden purposes of the policy.<br />

The control of women’s work proceeded <strong>in</strong> three stages: at first it<br />

concerned only the criteria of almsgiv<strong>in</strong>g. The second step was the Elberfeldian<br />

visit<strong>in</strong>g, which <strong>in</strong>cluded a visitor’s duty to report the conditions of the poor –<br />

partly <strong>in</strong> writ<strong>in</strong>g − to the Poor Law committee of men responsible for decision<br />

mak<strong>in</strong>g. The third step was the social welfare bureaucracy, where the top level<br />

belonged to men but the grass-roots work required good hearted females. This<br />

illustrates how social policy tended, from the outset, to favour women’s work<br />

and to ma<strong>in</strong>ta<strong>in</strong> the exist<strong>in</strong>g gender order.<br />

As soon as the “paradigm” of social work arose <strong>in</strong> the societal context of<br />

early capitalism, a press<strong>in</strong>g issue was the ability of the actors to harmonise the<br />

pr<strong>in</strong>ciples of economy and emotion. This found expression, for example, <strong>in</strong><br />

the management of the poor house and <strong>in</strong> decisions <strong>in</strong> Poor Law Committees<br />

concern<strong>in</strong>g the f<strong>in</strong>ancial support offered to homes. The issue was particularly<br />

acute <strong>in</strong> grass-roots work, and so the impact on women was different. At the<br />

47

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