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Leon Trotsky: 1905

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<strong>Leon</strong> <strong>Trotsky</strong>: <strong>1905</strong>: CHAPTER 4 -- The Driving Forces of the Russian Revolution<br />

all its voracious glory, today poisoning with opium the Chinese craftsman whom it has ruined, tomorrow<br />

enriching the Russian seas with new warships, the day after seizing diamond deposits in South Africa.<br />

But when English or French capital, the historical coagulate of many centuries, appears in the steppes of<br />

the Donets basin, it cannot release the same social forces, relations, and passions which once went into its<br />

own formation. It does not repeat on the new territory the development which it has already completed,<br />

but starts from the point at which it has arrived on its own ground. Around the machines which it has<br />

transported across the seas and the customs barriers, it immediately, without any intermediate stages<br />

whatever, concentrates the masses of a new proletariat, and into this class it instills the revolutionary<br />

energy of all the past generations of the bourgeoisie -- an energy which in Europe has by now become<br />

stagnant.<br />

During the heroic period of French history we see a bourgeoisie which has not yet realized the<br />

contradictions of its own position, a bourgeoisie upon which history has placed the leader ship of a<br />

struggle for a new order, not only against the outdated institutions of France, but also against reactionary<br />

forces in Europe as a whole. The bourgeoisie, personified by all its factions in turn, gradually becomes<br />

conscious of itself and becomes the leader of the nation; it draws the masses into the struggle, gives them<br />

slogans to fight for, and dictates the tactics of their fight.<br />

Democracy unifies the nation by giving it a political ideology. The people -- the petty bourgeoisie, the<br />

peasants and the workers -- appoint the bourgeoisie as their deputies, and the orders issued to these<br />

deputies by the communes are written in the language of a bourgeoisie becoming conscious of its<br />

Messianic role. During the revolution itself, although class antagonisms become apparent, the powerful<br />

momentum of revolutionary struggle nevertheless consistently removes the most static elements of the<br />

bourgeoisie from the political path. No layer is stripped off be fore it has handed its energy over to the<br />

succeeding layers. The nation as a whole continues during all this time to fight for its objectives, using<br />

increasingly more radical and decisive means. When the uppermost layers of the property-owning<br />

bourgeoisie cut themselves off from the national nucleus which had thus been set in motion, and when<br />

they entered into an alliance with Louis WI, the democratic demands of the nation, now directed against<br />

the bourgeoisie as well, led to universal franchise and to the Re public as being the logically inevitable<br />

form of democracy.<br />

The great French Revolution was truly a national revolution. But more than that: here, within a national<br />

framework, the world struggle of the bourgeois order for domination, for power, and for unimpaired<br />

triumph found its classic expression.<br />

By 1848 the bourgeoisie was already unable to play a similar role. It did not want to, and could not,<br />

assume responsibility for a revolutionary liquidation of the social order which barred the way to its own<br />

dominance. Its task -- and this it fully realized -- consisted in introducing into the old order certain<br />

essential guarantees, not of its own political dominance, but only of co dominance with the forces of the<br />

past. It not only failed to lead the masses in storming the old order; it used the old order as a defense<br />

against the masses who were trying to push it forward. Its consciousness rebelled against the objective<br />

conditions of its dominance. Democratic institutions were reflected in its mind, not as the aim and<br />

purpose of its struggle, but as a threat to its well-being. The revolution could not be made by the<br />

bourgeoisie, but only against the bourgeoisie. That is why a successful revolution in 1848 would have<br />

needed a class capable of marching at the head of events regardless of the bourgeoisie and despite it, a<br />

class prepared not only to push the bourgeoisie forward by the force of its pressure, but also, at the<br />

http://www.marxists.org/archive/trotsky/works/<strong>1905</strong>/ch04.htm (9 of 12) [06/06/2002 13:41:42]

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