Peacebuilding: Lessons for Afghanistan? - CMI

security force. The alternative of deploying international forces to protect the main
highways in an interim period appears even more complicated. 19
Demobilisation
Any demobilisation scheme must recognise the particularities of the Afghan situation.
Useful estimates of the number of fighters are not available, but much of the Afghan
male population clearly has some sort of fighting experience. The war in the 1990s
was not fought by large standing armies with professional soldiers. The fighting had a
seasonal aspect, and the soldiers were mostly men who maintained close ties with
their families and home communities, and who had an established social role as well
as potential income-generating activities to return to. The rapid decline of the Taliban
illustrates this point as well. Once the movement seemed unlikely to survive, its
fighters and field commanders disengaged militarily to take up social roles in their
communities.
Conventional concepts of demobilisation and reintegration consequently have little
relevance in the Afghan context. To a large extent, demobilisation can be expected to
be spontaneous, and the most effective means of preventing further violence (fighting
or armed crime) is to promote general economic recovery. As to the relatively small
contingent of more professional soldiers, many of them would probably be absorbed
in a future national security force.
Constitutional framework
Drawing up a new constitution is an essential part of the transition. Establishing
principles of political representation and laying the foundation for a functioning
judiciary is essential. Constitutional developments in Afghanistan date back to the
early 1920s. New constitutions have often sparked political unrest, and significantly
different principles have been promoted and codified. 20 The tension between
minimalist and modernist positions in the international aid community, and their
Afghan counterparts, is especially likely to manifest itself in the constitutional
process.
The Bonn agreement has established the 1964 Constitution as the legal framework
during the transition. It is widely seen as a liberal document, particularly compared
with the 1977 Constitution promulgated under President Daud. 21 While the socialist
principles espoused by Daud have since been discredited - both in Afghanistan and
the world at large - the process of drawing up a new constitution will still be a delicate
19 Foreign deployment would deny local warlords economic and political power without offering
incentives to participate in a national structure, and additionally introduce the sensitive foreign
dimension.
20
When Daud Khan was overthrown by the communists in April 1978, and when king Amanullah in
1929 lost power to Habibullah Kalakani ("Bacha-e Saqqao"), the shifts in power were triggered by the
implementation of new constitutional provisions.
21 The 1964 Constitution was a liberal breakthrough. It limited the power of the King's family,
including their participation in the administration, strengthened the role of the parliament, and affirmed
individual rights, including private property rights. A significant element in the new constitution was
the right to form political parties. By contrast, the 1977 Constitution established during the rule of
President Daud Khan gave significant power to the President, including the right to dismiss the national
assembly and veto any legislation. It opened the way for the collectivisation of agriculture and land
reform, threatening private property rights. Ludwig Adamec (1992), Historical Dictionary of
Afghanistan, Metuchen, NJ: Scarecrow Press, pp. 57-60.
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