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WHICH PATH TO PERSIA?

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Chapter 3<br />

GOING ALL THE WAY<br />

Invasion<br />

There is little appetite in the United States for<br />

mounting an invasion of Iran. After the frustrations<br />

and costs of the wars in Afghanistan and<br />

Iraq, few Americans are looking for another fight<br />

in the Middle East. American ground forces are<br />

badly overstretched as it is. Under these circumstances,<br />

an invasion of Iran would require calling<br />

up huge numbers of National Guard and military<br />

reserve personnel and keeping them in service for<br />

several years. After the strains of frequent deployments<br />

to Iraq and Afghanistan over the past eight<br />

years, this might undermine the foundations of<br />

the all-volunteer force.<br />

Nor is it clear that a full-scale invasion is necessary.<br />

The most compelling rationale for this<br />

course of action is the fear that Iran’s leadership<br />

would prove difficult or impossible to deter once<br />

it had acquired a nuclear weapons capability.<br />

Doubts remain, but American, European, and<br />

even Israeli experts have all argued that while Iran<br />

may not be easy to deter, the available evidence<br />

indicates that it probably could be deterred from<br />

the most extreme behavior. This in turn calls into<br />

question whether the costs of an invasion could<br />

be justified. 30<br />

Despite this, only an invasion offers the United<br />

States finality when it comes to its 30-year conflict<br />

with the Islamic Republic. If the goal is to eliminate<br />

all the problems the United States has with<br />

the current Iranian regime, from its pursuit of<br />

nuclear weapons to its efforts to overturn the status<br />

quo in the Middle East by stirring instability<br />

across the region, there is no other strategy that<br />

can assure this objective. Of course, as U.S. experience<br />

in Iraq and Afghanistan has demonstrated,<br />

that certainty comes with the distinct possibility<br />

of creating new risks, threats, and costs that may<br />

be as troublesome or more so than the current<br />

range of problems.<br />

In particular, as American failures in Iraq and Afghanistan<br />

have underscored, the critical question<br />

that the United States would need to address in<br />

the event of an invasion of Iran is how to build<br />

a stable, secure, and at least relatively pro-American<br />

state after toppling the government. While<br />

American missteps in Mesopotamia and Central<br />

Asia have certainly furnished Washington with a<br />

wealth of lessons about how to do better the next<br />

time around, the idea of applying these lessons to<br />

Iran—a country with three times the population<br />

30<br />

For experts making this argument, see, for instance, Yair Ettinger, “Former Mossad Chief Downplays Iranian Threat,” Haaretz, October 18,<br />

2007, available at ; Tim McGirk and Aaron Klein, “Israel’s Debate Over an Iran Strike,”<br />

Time, July 24, 2008; Kenneth M. Pollack, The Persian Puzzle: The Conflict between Iran and America (New York: Random House, 2004),<br />

pp. 382-386; Barry R. Posen, “We Can Live with a Nuclear Iran,” New York Times, February 27, 2006.<br />

T h e S a b a n C e n t e r a t T h e B r o o k i n g s I n s t i t u t i o n 6 3

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