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A comparison of morphosyntactic features between Marquesan ...

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. ‘ua pau ‘e-kolu pō<br />

PERF complete NUM-three night<br />

“three days passed”<br />

HAW<br />

Because HAW uses monolexical numbers for the decades below one hundred<br />

(e.g. kanalima “fiy”), and because these forms do not take the numeral classifier<br />

‘e-, the following <strong>comparison</strong> uses ‘elima haneli “five hundred” in the HAW sentence<br />

instead.<br />

(3) a. ‘e ‘ima onohu‘u ‘enana i he‘e<br />

NUM five ten person PAST go<br />

“fiy men went” (Mutu & Teìkitutoua 2002:77)<br />

b. ‘e-lima haneli kanaka i hele<br />

NUM-five hundred person PAST go<br />

“five hundred men went”<br />

MQA<br />

HAW<br />

Lazard & Peltzer (2000:162) do not list any indefinites in their description <strong>of</strong><br />

TAH articles. However, e is given as a cognate <strong>of</strong> HAW he (p. 36ff). eir examples<br />

only give it in initial position, and not in as an article.<br />

(4) a. e manu terā<br />

IND bird MDIST<br />

“that is a bird” (Lazard & Peltzer 2000:36)<br />

b. e fa‘ehau terā ta‘ata<br />

IND soldier MDIST person<br />

“that man is a soldier” (id.)<br />

TAH<br />

TAH<br />

Tryon (1970:10) describes TAH ‘e as an article which has the same “demonstrative<br />

force” as ‘o, which in turn is “a kind <strong>of</strong> demonstrative article, meaning ‘it is’ ”.<br />

His glosses seem to indicate that it functions as an indefinite because he contrasts it<br />

with definite forms glossed for ‘o. As with Lazard & Peltzer (2000), it only appears<br />

in initial position in a manner similar to ‘o.<br />

(5) a. ‘e ta‘ata<br />

IND person<br />

“it is a person” (Tryon 1970:10)<br />

b. ‘o te ta‘ata<br />

EQN DEF person<br />

“it is the man” (id.)<br />

TAH<br />

TAH<br />

4

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