Master Drawings 2013 - Colnaghi
Master Drawings 2013 - Colnaghi
Master Drawings 2013 - Colnaghi
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KATRIN BELLINGER<br />
FLORIAN HÄRB<br />
MASTER DRAWINGS<br />
COLNAGHI
KATRIN BELLINGER<br />
FLORIAN HÄRB<br />
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS<br />
We would like to express our gratitude to the many<br />
friends and scholars whose generous help, admirable<br />
expertise, and thorough research, have unearthed a<br />
wealth of new information on many of the drawings<br />
presented here, some of which have not been seen<br />
in public for over half a century.<br />
MASTER DRAWINGS<br />
<strong>2013</strong><br />
Stijn Alsteens, Anna Maria Ambrosini Massari, Laura<br />
Bennett, David Bindman, Marco Simone Bolzoni, Mark<br />
Brady, Virginia Brix, Caroline Corrigan, Sue Cubitt, Gail<br />
Davidson, Ursula Verena Fischer Pace, Gino Franchi,<br />
Francesco Grisolia, Christina Grummt, Clémentine<br />
Gustin-Gomez, Niall Hobhouse, Peter Iaquinandi, Paul<br />
Joannides, Gerhard Kehlenbeck, David Lachenmann,<br />
Thomas Le Claire, Petra Lüer, Alexandra Murphy, Peter<br />
Prange, Simonetta Prosperi Valenti Rodinò, Jean-Claude<br />
Sicre, Chiara Travisonni, Rollo Whately, Richard Whatling,<br />
and Eunice Williams.<br />
Our particular thanks go to Livia Schaafsma, Gay<br />
Naughton, and Martin Grässle, for their tireless efforts<br />
in the preparation of the catalogue.<br />
KATRIN BELLINGER / FLORIAN HÄRB<br />
COLNAGHI
GIULIO PIPPI, CALLED GIULIO ROMANO<br />
Rome c. 1492/99–1546 Mantua<br />
1<br />
BACCHUS AS AUTUMN<br />
Pen and brown ink, brown wash<br />
238 × 98 mm, the upper corners chamfered<br />
PROVENANCE<br />
Unidentified collector, his inscription, lower right, Jul. Romano.<br />
Sir Thomas Lawrence (L. 2445)<br />
Samuel Woodburn, purchased in 1836 by<br />
Lord Francis Egerton, 1st Earl of Ellesmere (L. 2710b),<br />
by descent<br />
Sale: London, Sotheby’s, <strong>Drawings</strong> by Giulio Romano and other<br />
16th Century masters, 5 December 1972, lot 53, illustrated<br />
Private collection<br />
LITERATURE<br />
Catalogue of the Ellesmere Collection of <strong>Drawings</strong> at<br />
Bridgewater House, London, 1898, cat. no. 157<br />
F. Hartt, Giulio Romano, 2 vols., New Haven, 1958, I, pp. 186<br />
and 301, cat. no. 242<br />
S. Massari, Giulio Romano pinxit et delineavit. Opere grafiche<br />
autografe di collaborazione e bottega, exhibition catalogue,<br />
Rome, Istituto nazionale per la grafica, 1993, pp. 181–83, under<br />
no. 170<br />
Although this drawing of the god of wine was among the<br />
most elegant and charming of those by Giulio formerly<br />
in the Ellesmere collection, it has been little discussed.<br />
Fig. 1<br />
It shows Bacchus as Autumn and was one of a quartet<br />
of allegorical figures of the Seasons; the other three<br />
drawings (representing Flora, Pomona and, probably,<br />
Saturn) are lost but the four, maybe originally on the same<br />
sheet, were etched by Battista del Moro on a single plate<br />
(283 × 409 mm, Fig. 1), c. 1540. Bacchus in the drawing<br />
and the etching has the same dimensions, and this was<br />
probably true of the other figures too.<br />
Fredrick Hartt believed the four figures to have been<br />
planned for execution as garden statuary, an obviously<br />
appropriate role for the Seasons. He was surely correct<br />
about their general purpose and function, but it is far from<br />
certain that they were made for the walled garden of the<br />
Appartamento di Troia in the Palazzo Ducale as he pro -<br />
posed, and they have no apparent thematic or stylistic<br />
relation to the three sharply executed pen drawings – two<br />
of them depicting pendant narratives of Hercules and<br />
Apollo – also conjecturally linked by Hartt to this scheme<br />
and interpreted as designs for reliefs.<br />
As drawn here Bacchus is relatively flat in modelling and,<br />
although he glances over his shoulder, was clearly intended<br />
for an isolated figure. The technique and the sharp<br />
illumination from the left, casting a thin shadow on the<br />
vine that curls behind him, suggests that he was to be in<br />
shallow rather than high relief, a supposition reinforced by<br />
lack of any three-dimensional emphasis: it is notable that<br />
hatching is applied only minimally. However, the denser<br />
and fuller shadows in the etching rather suggest high<br />
relief, or even free-standing forms, as both Hartt and<br />
Massari concluded, so the precise purpose of Bacchus<br />
and the other figures must be left open.<br />
As for location the Seasons seem more suitable for the<br />
predominantly convivial iconography of Palazzo Te than<br />
the Palazzo Ducale, but the Seasons can now be found in<br />
neither building. Bacchus, however, appears twice among<br />
the stucco panels in the Te, as an isolated figure in the<br />
Camera delle Aquile of 1527–28 1 and leading the vintage<br />
in the Camera degli Stucchi of c. 1530. 2 This Bacchus<br />
comes closer in design to the former and was no doubt<br />
con sciously developed from it; Giulio continually re-cycled<br />
and modified earlier ideas.<br />
3<br />
4
GIULIO PIPPI, CALLED GIULIO ROMANO<br />
3<br />
1<br />
The handling of the present drawing is very characteristic,<br />
with its long, thinly penned, slightly wavering contours,<br />
frequently broken to suggest mobility; the light wash<br />
thrown across the forms, more to establish atmosphere<br />
and light than for modelling, looks back to certain drawings<br />
by Raphael, such as the British Museum’s study for<br />
the Disputa, which shows Giulio’s master at his airiest; but<br />
the drawing finds a parallel too in the work of Giulio’s<br />
slightly younger contemporary, Parmigianino, whose artificiality<br />
of form, playful treatment of classical antiquity,<br />
and breezy employment of wash find echoes in Giulio.<br />
Giulio would, of course, have known prints after Parmigianino,<br />
including his mythologies and he would have responded<br />
to Parmigianino’s combination of angularity and<br />
softness. But if the drawing recalls Giulio’s predecessors<br />
and contemporaries, it also anticipates Tiepolo and his<br />
world. This proto-rococo light-heartedness co-exists in<br />
Giulio with the Sturm and Drang of the Sala dei Giganti<br />
and the Sala di Troia, and lightness and wit reach a peak<br />
in his work in the mid-1530s, a date stylistically appropriate<br />
for this Bacchus with his pronounced elongation and<br />
relaxed ease of demeanour.<br />
PAUL JOANNIDES<br />
6
GIORGIO VASARI<br />
Arezzo 1511–1574 Florence<br />
2<br />
SAINT EUSTACE<br />
Pen and brown ink, brown wash over black chalk<br />
258 × 99 mm<br />
PROVENANCE<br />
Probably Cardinal Leopoldo de’ Medici<br />
Probably Gualtiero van der Voort, by 1657<br />
J.P. Zoomer (Lugt 1511), his inscription Geo: Vasari<br />
Mely Ehrensberger, Bern, her sale: London, Christie’s,<br />
29 June 1971, lot 121, illustrated<br />
Charles E. Slatkin Galleries, New York<br />
Private collection<br />
EXHIBITIONS<br />
Ottawa, National Gallery of Canada, European <strong>Drawings</strong> from<br />
Canadian Collections, 1500–1900, ed. M. Cazort-Taylor, 1976,<br />
cat. no. 3, illustrated (catalogue entry by D. McTavish)<br />
Ottawa, National Gallery of Canada, Leonardo da Vinci,<br />
Michelangelo, and the Renaissance in Florence, ed. D. Franklin,<br />
2005, cat. no. 109, illustrated (catalogue entry by F. Härb)<br />
LITERATURE<br />
L. Corti, Vasari, catalogo completo dei dipinti, I gigli dell’arte,<br />
no. 3, Florence, 1989, p. 37<br />
F. Härb, Giorgio Vasari. Die Zeichnungen, Ph.D. thesis,<br />
University of Vienna, 1994, 3 vols. 1994, I, p.117, cat. no. 95,<br />
II, pl.95<br />
This carefully executed drawing relates to Vasari’s tripartite<br />
altarpiece of the Allegory of the Immaculate Conception,<br />
painted in 1542–43 for the family chapel of Biagio Mei in<br />
S. Pietro Cigoli, Lucca, and now in the Museo di Villa<br />
Guinigi of that town. It is a study, with several differences,<br />
for the figure of Saint Eustace in the right side panel<br />
(Fig. 1). The left panel is dedicated to San Biagio (St. Blaise),<br />
patron saint of the donor. According to the Ricordanze,<br />
the artist’s account book, Vasari received the commission<br />
on 20 July 1542 and completed the painting on 31 October<br />
1543. He further states that the patron wished his altarpiece<br />
to be similar to that of the same subject finished<br />
about a year earlier, in 1541, for the chapel of Vasari’s<br />
friend and patron, Bindo Altoviti, in the church of Santi<br />
Apostoli, Florence. 1 This was Vasari’s first major altarpiece<br />
for a Florentine Church and proved to be extremely popular.<br />
Several small-scale versions and large replicas by the<br />
artist and his workshop, as well as numerous variations by<br />
subsequent Florentine painters well into the seventeenth<br />
century testify to the great success of Vasari’s painting. 2<br />
While the Lucca altarpiece is largely based on Altoviti’s<br />
Vasari made numerous changes to the positions and<br />
gestures of the figures and rearranged their disposition.<br />
He also reduced their number by one and added two<br />
lateral panels with saints, thus repeating an altarpiece<br />
type that he had first employed in his Descent from the<br />
Cross at Camaldoli (1539–40), and then used throughout<br />
his career. 3<br />
A large drawing by Vasari in the Louvre shows the Lucca<br />
altarpiece set in its architecture, with the donor’s coat of<br />
arms and additional grotesque decoration.<br />
It is not known if it was ever executed<br />
as such, for its original setting<br />
is now lost (Fig. 2). 4 The Louvre drawing<br />
matches the Lucca paintings in<br />
most details, even the figures in the<br />
side panels correspond closely. This<br />
is remarkable as such finished drawings<br />
were usually made at an early<br />
stage in the design process and were<br />
almost always subject to subsequent<br />
modifications. Given that the Louvre<br />
drawing lacks virtually any pentimenti,<br />
it is quite conceivable that it was<br />
made as a ricordo of the altarpiece<br />
rather than as a preparatory design.<br />
The figure of Saint Eustace in the present<br />
drawing differs from that in the<br />
Louvre sheet and the painting, respectively.<br />
In the latter, Vasari gave<br />
the figure a stronger twist, bringing it<br />
Fig. 1<br />
in more line with the Mannerist ideal<br />
of the figura serpentinata. By simultaneously<br />
showing the figure’s front and back he achieved a<br />
highly artificial effect for which, on another occasion, he<br />
was specifically praised by his early mentor, Pietro Aretino,<br />
in a letter of 15 December 1541. 5 The Lucca painting was<br />
executed a few years after Vasari’s return from a prolonged<br />
stay in Bologna (1539–40), where Parmigianino’s Emilian<br />
works had a strong impact on his style. This is particularly<br />
3<br />
8
GIORGIO VASARI<br />
3<br />
2<br />
notable in the fine cross-hatching and curved parallel hatching<br />
of this drawing. Another source, as David McTavish has<br />
noted, was Dürer’s famous Saint Eustace engraving of 1501. 6<br />
The reclining dog and the deer’s head in the drawing<br />
derive directly from the print. While Vasari ultimately did<br />
not use the dog in the painting, the foreshortened head of<br />
another in the lower left is clearly borrowed from that in<br />
the centre right of Dürer’s print. Dürer’s engravings were<br />
greatly admired among Florentine artists – Pontormo<br />
quoted them in his Certosa di Galluzzo fresco cycle – and<br />
Vasari used them in his own compositions throughout his<br />
career.<br />
The fairly complex iconography of the Immaculate Conception<br />
is typical of the allegorical paintings Vasari made<br />
early in his career. Often these were devised with the help<br />
of humanists. According to his Descrizione, the autobiographical<br />
account of his own works at the end of the 1568<br />
edition of the Vite, Vasari devised the iconography with<br />
his patron Altoviti and with the help of molti comuni amici,<br />
uomini letterati, one of whom may have been Giovanni<br />
Pollastra, Vasari’s advisor and early mentor at Arezzo. 7 As<br />
David Franklin has pointed out, the iconography is essentially<br />
based on a conflation of two passages in the Old<br />
Testament, Genesis 3:15 (the Virgin as Second Eve to bring<br />
about the vanquishing of the serpent) and Revelation 12:1<br />
(the Woman of the Apocalypse). 8 It has also been prev -<br />
iously noted that Vasari took recourse to Rosso Fiorentino’s<br />
now-lost cartoon for one of the lunettes in the atrium<br />
of SS. Annunziata, Arezzo, depicting the Virgin as Second<br />
Eve, a concetto that was devised by Pollastra. Vasari was<br />
familiar with Rosso’s designs, which he described in the<br />
artist’s Vita, and he also owned Rosso’s small-scale model<br />
(probably wooden with drawings) of the entire decoration.<br />
9 The figures of Adam and Eve, bound to the Tree of<br />
Knowledge, and the serpent with a human upper body,<br />
depend on Rosso’s designs, known by several copies of<br />
now-lost drawings by Rosso. 10<br />
Isaac, Jacob, Moses, Aaron, Joshua, David, and the other<br />
Kings in succession, according to the order of time; all I<br />
say, bound by both arms, excepting Samuel and John the<br />
Baptist, who are bound by one arm only, because they<br />
were blessed in the womb.” The idea to arrange the<br />
figures ‘according to the order of time’ almost certainly<br />
comes from Sogliani’s Dispute over the Immaculate Conception<br />
of 1531– 36, now in the Galleria dell’Accademia,<br />
Florence, where such order is kept.<br />
A drawing by Vasari of Saint Eustace is mentioned in a<br />
letter of 19 November 1657, written by Paolo Del Sera to<br />
the great collector Cardinal Leopoldo de’ Medici regarding<br />
an exchange of drawings between the latter and the<br />
Dutch collector Gualtiero van der Voort. According to this<br />
letter, Leopoldo received seventeen drawings from Van<br />
der Voort, who in turn chose only seven, among them<br />
quel Sant’Eustachio del Vasari. Apparently van der Voort<br />
did not aim at the sheets of the highest quality, for, at<br />
least in Del Sera’s view, he selected “not even the most<br />
exquisite drawings” (neanco de più esquisiti). It is not inconceivable,<br />
even likely, that the present drawing, which<br />
bears the stamp of the Dutch art dealer Jan P. Zoomer<br />
(1641–1724), is to be identified with that formerly in the<br />
collection of Cardinal Leopoldo de’ Medici. 11<br />
Vasari’s extensive description of the Altoviti painting applies<br />
largely also to the Lucca altarpiece. The upper register<br />
shows the Virgin, “clothed by the sun and crowned<br />
with twelve stars” and supported by angels. With her right<br />
foot she steps on the horns of the serpent, whose hands<br />
are bound behind his back and whose tail is wound<br />
around the trunk of the tree. Bound to the roots of the<br />
Tree of Knowledge in the center are Adam and Eve (“the<br />
first transgressors of the commandment of God”). Then,<br />
Vasari writes, “bound to the other branches [are] Abraham,<br />
Fig. 2<br />
10
GIORGIO VASARI<br />
Arezzo 1511–1574 Florence<br />
3<br />
COSIMO REVIVING THE TOWN<br />
OF VOLTERRA<br />
Pen and brown ink, brown wash, heightened with white<br />
over black chalk on blue paper, squared in black chalk<br />
152 x 186 mm<br />
PROVENANCE<br />
Sale: London, Christie’s, 23 June 1970, lot 54, illustrated<br />
Ralph Holland, Newcastle-upon-Tyne, by descent<br />
EXHIBITIONS<br />
Newcastle-upon-Tyne, Hatton Gallery, Italian and other<br />
<strong>Drawings</strong>, 1500–1800, 1974, cat no. 10, pl. VI (cat. by<br />
K. Rowntree and R. Holland)<br />
Newcastle-upon-Tyne, Hatton Gallery, Italian <strong>Drawings</strong><br />
(1525–1570) from the Collection of Ralph Holland, 1982,<br />
cat. no. 8, pl. IIa<br />
LITERATURE<br />
Antichità Viva, IX, 1970, 3, p. 71, illustrated<br />
C. Monbeig-Goguel, Vasari et son Temps, Inventaire Générale<br />
des Dessins Italiens, I, Paris, 1972, under cat. no. 210<br />
E. Allegri and A. Cecchi, Palazzo Vecchio e i Medici, guida<br />
storica, Florence, 1980, p. 152, cat. no. 7, illustrated<br />
F. Härb, Giorgio Vasari. Die Zeichnungen, Ph.D. thesis,<br />
University of Vienna, 3 vols., 1994, I, p. 197, cat. no. 238, II,<br />
pl. 238<br />
R.A. Scorza, “Vasari and Gender: A New Drawing for the Sala<br />
di Cosimo I,” in Yale University Art Gallery Bulletin, 1995– 96,<br />
pp. 65–74, illustrated<br />
F. Härb in D. Franklin (et al.), Leonardo da Vinci, Michelangelo<br />
and the Renaissance in Florence, exhibition catalogue, Ottawa,<br />
National Gallery of Canada, 2005, p. 300, under cat. no. 110,<br />
and p. 355<br />
towns. In a letter to Cosimo of 12 May 1558 Vasari refers<br />
to the Sala, except for the floor, as finished. 1<br />
Devised by the humanist Cosimo Bartoli the iconographic<br />
programme for the ceiling paintings survives in a letter to<br />
Vasari written in 1556, which contains also the invenzioni<br />
for the Sala di Cosimo il Vecchio and that of Cosimo’s<br />
father, Giovanni dalle Bande Nere. 2 The initial programme<br />
for the Sala di Cosimo I, however, included only<br />
one allegory of a Tuscan town, Pisa, while the other compartments<br />
were to show various virtues associated with<br />
the Duke. These virtues were later abandoned in favour of<br />
a programme emphasising Cosimo’s role as a reviver of,<br />
and builder of fortifications in, the towns of his dominion.<br />
Here, as Rick Scorza has pointed out, Vasari and Bartoli<br />
drew on the classical motif of Roma resurgens, the reviving<br />
of towns by Roman Emperors frequently represented<br />
on Roman coins. The Tuscan towns are either shown as<br />
men or women, depending on their names’ gender. 3 This<br />
programme is also fully developed in a large and finished<br />
design for the entire ceiling decoration in the Louvre (Fig.<br />
2). 4 Subsequently, however, the individual scenes as<br />
shown in the Louvre drawing were partially rearranged. 5<br />
Our drawing shows Cosimo reviving the old Etruscan<br />
Town of Volterra and is a study for the compartment to<br />
the right of the tondo with Cosimo among his Architects,<br />
Sculptors and Engineers, a damaged drawing for which is<br />
preserved in the Castello Sforzesco, Milan. 6 It was almost<br />
certainly part of a large and highly finished design for the<br />
entire ceiling that was presented to Duke Cosimo for approval.<br />
Two other such drawings, executed in the same<br />
technique on blue paper with their shape corresponding<br />
to that of the ceiling painting, have come down to us. To<br />
3<br />
In 1556, shortly after work began in the Quartiere degli<br />
Elementi at the Palazzo Vecchio, Florence, Vasari and his<br />
team embarked on the decoration of the Quartiere di<br />
Leone X. Named after the first Medici pope, Leo X<br />
(1475–1521), these quarters consisted of six rooms and a<br />
small chapel that formed Duke Cosimo I’s private chambers.<br />
This drawing relates to the ceiling decoration in one<br />
of these rooms, known as the Sala di Cosimo I (Fig. 1).<br />
More specifically, it is a study for one of eight spandrel<br />
paintings flanking the four tondi in the vault, depicting<br />
significant events in the life of the Duke. Each spandrel<br />
shows Cosimo together with various allegories of Tuscan<br />
Fig. 1<br />
12
GIORGIO VASARI<br />
3<br />
3<br />
the left of the tondo Vasari depicted Cosimo reviving the<br />
Town of Fivizzano, for which a study, in the same technique<br />
and spandrel shape as ours, is at the Yale University<br />
Art Gallery, New Haven. 7 Initially, however, as can be seen<br />
in the Louvre drawing, the Fivizzano scene was projected<br />
to the left of Cosimo visiting the Fortifications of Elba, while<br />
the town of Pistoia would have formed the pendant to our<br />
scene to the left of Cosimo among his Architects, Sculptors<br />
and Engineers. Eventually the Pistoia scene was transferred<br />
to the opposite wall. A third study for one of the eight spandrels,<br />
showing Cosimo reviving the Town of San Sepolcro, is<br />
at the National Gallery of Canada, Ottawa (Fig. 3). 8<br />
The present drawing follows, with some differences, the little<br />
sketch in the large ceiling design at the Louvre. As Scorza<br />
has shown, in the latter drawing the female figure presents<br />
a large crystal of rock salt to Cosimo, alluding to the ancient<br />
city’s salt-works, which Vasari omitted from our design and<br />
the final painting. Instead he showed the Duke awarding a<br />
mural crown to the female figure, who is now simply pointing<br />
with her left arm to a saltpan in the lower right corner. In<br />
the Ragionamenti, Vasari’s hypothetical dialogue in which<br />
he guides Cosimo’s son, Principe Francesco, through the<br />
Palazzo Vecchio, he describes the allegory of Volterra as an<br />
“old woman drawing the Duke’s attention to the salt pans<br />
with boiling saline, and His Excellency places the mural<br />
crown on her head.” 9 The drawing matches the painting<br />
in most details, only the distant view of Volterra is not<br />
included, as was often the case with drawings of this type.<br />
We know from Vasari’s letters that he used to dispatch his<br />
assistants to make topographical sketches of the required<br />
sites, which were then incorporated into the paintings.<br />
Originally, this drawing almost certainly belonged to the<br />
same large and highly finished sheet as those at Ottawa<br />
and New Haven. Their spandrel-like shape is also most<br />
certainly down to Vasari himself, reflecting his working<br />
practice particularly in his later, often time-constrained,<br />
years. It was Vasari (and never an assistant), who prepared<br />
the large ceiling designs, which were then often reviewed<br />
first by his iconographic advisor, Vincenzo Borghini, and<br />
ultimately by Cosimo I. Those reviews occasionally required<br />
changes to either iconographic details or, quite frequently,<br />
the positioning of individual scenes within a greater scheme.<br />
As a result, such large and finished drawings (based on<br />
the size of our drawing, the overall design would have<br />
been about 76 cm in length) were frequently cut in order<br />
to rearrange individual scenes (or replacing them with<br />
new ones) while at the same time avoiding the time-consuming<br />
process of making a new finished drawing from<br />
scratch. The most prominent, though by no means the only,<br />
such drawing, parts of which survive in various collections,<br />
was the so-called cartone grande, a large though in this<br />
case rather sketchy drawing originally also about 76 cm in<br />
length that shows Vasari’s and Borghini’s initial scheme for<br />
the ceiling paintings of the Sala Grande in the Palazzo<br />
Vecchio (1563).<br />
Fig. 2 Fig. 3<br />
14
GIROLAMO MACCHIETTI<br />
Florence 1535–1592 Florence<br />
4<br />
5<br />
HEAD OF A YOUNG MAN<br />
IN PROFILE TO THE LEFT<br />
Red and white chalk, over traces of black chalk,<br />
on red prepared paper<br />
203 × 162 mm<br />
and<br />
HEAD OF A YOUNG MAN<br />
LOOKING DOWN<br />
Red and white chalk, over traces of black chalk,<br />
on red prepared paper<br />
203 × 165 mm<br />
PROVENANCE<br />
Sale: London, Sotheby’s, 9 June 1955, lot 52, illustrated<br />
Private collection<br />
LITERATURE<br />
P. Pouncey, “Contributo a Girolamo Macchietti,” in Bollettino<br />
d’arte, 47, 1962, pp. 238–39, figs. 4, 6 [republished in M.Di<br />
Giampaolo, Philip Pouncey, raccolta di scritti (1937–1985),<br />
Rimini, 1994, pp. 86–87, figs. 4, 6]<br />
V. Pace, “Maso da San Friano,” in Bolletino d’Arte, 61, 1976,<br />
p. 81, note 52<br />
M. Privitera, “Girolamo Macchietti a Napoli,” in Arte-Documento.<br />
Rivista di storia e tutela dei Beni Culturali, 4, 1990, p. 118,<br />
note 121<br />
M. Privitera, “Nuovi disegni di Girolamo Macchietti”, in<br />
Paragone, 529–33, 1994, pp. 109–10, 112, note 14, fig. 58b<br />
M. Privitera, Girolamo Macchietti, un pittore dello Studiolo<br />
di Francesco I (Firenze 1535–1592), Milan, 1996, p. 162,<br />
cat. nos. 66–67, illustrated<br />
According to Raffaele Borghini, 1 Macchietti first trained<br />
under Michele Tosini, whose style at the time had become<br />
somewhat dated, but he was soon drawn into the orbit of<br />
Giorgio Vasari who, in 1555, had just been put in charge of<br />
the entire decoration and transformation of the Palazzo<br />
Vecchio, the old seat of the Florentine Republic, into a<br />
modern ducal residence for Cosimo I de Medici. For<br />
about three years, until 1558, Macchietti worked under<br />
Vasari in the Palazzo, together with Cristofano Gherardi<br />
(who died in 1556) and Giovanni Stradanus. Macchietti’s<br />
part in the decoration is difficult to establish with precision<br />
but in 1557 he is documented to have designed the<br />
tapestries for the Sala di Giove and Sala di Ercole. Only<br />
one of these hangings (but no preparatory drawing) survives,<br />
and this suggests that even in these early works<br />
Macchietti had stylistically little to do with his master. One<br />
of the frescoes in the Sala di Cosimo I has recently been<br />
attributed to him, but there the artist worked to Vasari’s<br />
designs. Around 1560 Macchietti left for Rome to broaden<br />
his artistic horizon before returning to Florence in 1563,<br />
the year Vasari began the decoration of the Sala Grande<br />
in the Palazzo Vecchio. Though Macchietti did not enter<br />
the inner circle of Vasari’s Sala Grande workshop<br />
(Stradanus, Battista Naldini, and Jacopo Zucchi, were the<br />
leading figures) he contributed to the vast ephemeral<br />
decorations put up in 1565 on the occasion of the wedding<br />
of Giovanna of Austria and Cosimo’s son, Principe<br />
Francesco I. de’ Medici. From the subsequent decade and<br />
3<br />
Philip Pouncey was the first to recognise the characteristic<br />
hand of Girolamo Macchietti in these two drawings,<br />
which had previously been considered to be by the late<br />
fifteenth and early sixteenth century Florentine painter<br />
Raffaellino del Garbo (1466–1524). And while Pouncey<br />
could see the drawings when they were sold at Sotheby’s<br />
in 1955, all subsequent commentators have known them<br />
but from photographs. The reappearance of these outstanding<br />
drawings today, with their correct attribution<br />
and nearly sixty years after their sale at auction, is thus of<br />
great interest to connoisseurs of Florentine Renaissance<br />
drawings.<br />
Fig. 1<br />
16
GIROLAMO MACCHIETTI<br />
3<br />
4 | 5<br />
a half, with Macchietti’s style now fully developed, date his<br />
most successful paintings, among which are the Adoration<br />
of the Magi in San Lorenzo (1567– 68) and the Martyrdom<br />
of Saint Lawrence in S. Maria Novella (1573), to name but<br />
two of his altarpieces. In circa 1571– 72 he contributed, under<br />
Vasari’s supervision and alongside the élite of the<br />
young Florentine painters, his most famous works, the<br />
panels of the Baths of Pozzuoli and Medea rejuvenating<br />
Jason (Fig. 1), for the Studiolo of Francesco I. de Medici<br />
located adjacent to the Sala Grande in the Palazzo Vecchio.<br />
As has been noted before, our drawings of a Head of a<br />
young Man in Profile to the left and a Head of a young<br />
Man looking down show the same model from a different<br />
angle. Pouncey considered the former a study for the head<br />
of Medea in the Studiolo painting. The similarities between<br />
these two heads are indeed striking. That Macchietti<br />
would have used a drawing of a male model for a female<br />
figure in one of his paintings would not have been<br />
unusual. Indeed, he used a life study of a seated male<br />
nude now at Edinburgh, 2 executed in the same technique<br />
as ours, for the figure of the Virgin in his San Lorenzo<br />
Adoration. 3 More recently, however, Marta Privitera,<br />
suggested that our drawing was made slightly later, as the<br />
same model (though not exactly the same head) appears<br />
in Macchietti’s Glory of Saint Lawrence (Florence, Uffizi) of<br />
1577. 4<br />
Privitera further considered our Head of young Man<br />
looking down to be a study for Macchietti’s tondo of Saint<br />
Lawrence (Florence, collection of Gianfranco Luzzetti),<br />
which she dates to the middle of the 1570s (Fig. 2). 5 And<br />
Fig. 2<br />
while her dating of our drawings to that period has much<br />
to commend it, the drawings may well have been made a<br />
few years earlier, for the head of our Young Man looking<br />
down, with his slighly pointy chin, is extremely close in<br />
type, and likely showing the same model as, Macchietti’s<br />
Louvre study of a seated youth, which is preparatory for a<br />
figure in his Baths of Pozzuoli. 6 The head is also extremely<br />
close to, and may have actually been used for, that of the<br />
Virgin in Macchietti’s altarpiece of the Madonna della<br />
Cintola (Florence, Soprintendenza), which also dates from<br />
circa 1572. It is quite possible, therefore, that the two<br />
drawings were made at the time of, and in the case of the<br />
Head of a Young Man in Profile possibly for one of,<br />
Macchietti’s Studiolo paintings and that he subsequently<br />
reused them in other works.<br />
Macchietti’s drawings oeuvre is relatively small, yet the<br />
surviving sheets reveal him as a highly gifted and meticulous<br />
draughtsman, who took great care in the preparation<br />
for the individual figures in his paintings. His style is highly<br />
independent of Vasari’s or Salviati’s. Like several of his<br />
fellow Studiolo friends, such as Naldini, Maso da San Friano,<br />
or Mirabello Cavalori, he, too, looked instead to the<br />
works and techniques of the artists from the beginning of<br />
the century (that is, Vasari’s and Salviati’s teachers), such<br />
as Andrea del Sarto and his pupils Rosso and, especially,<br />
Pontormo. Like them, but unlike his master Vasari, Macchietti<br />
put the life study at the core of his artistic endeavor.<br />
This is beautifully attested to by several extant figure studies<br />
for his Baths of Pozzuoli and a study of a seated nude for<br />
the Martyrdom of San Lawrence in the Metropolitan<br />
Museum of Art, 7 which are all executed in the same technique<br />
as our drawings, in red (with some white) chalk on<br />
red prepared paper. 8 Paper prepared with colour is a<br />
technique that can frequently be found in artists of the<br />
late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries (thus making<br />
the old attribution to del Garbo somewhat understandable),<br />
as well as in Pontormo’s sketchbooks, but that was<br />
mostly (though not entirely) abandoned by the generation<br />
of Vasari and Salviati. And while emulating the spirit, and<br />
indeed the technique and media of Andrea’s or Pontormo’s<br />
life studies, our two drawings display a degree of finish<br />
and refinement that the old generation had hardly been<br />
concerned with. Yet it is this particular combination of observation<br />
of nature with the refinement of execution that<br />
distinguishes Macchietti and other Studiolo artists from<br />
their great High Renaissance models and fully validates<br />
their much-admired place in the history of Florentine<br />
draughtsmanship.<br />
18
PAOLO FARINATI<br />
Verona 1524–1606 Verona<br />
6<br />
ALLEGORY OF TEMPERANCE<br />
Inscribed by the artist, upper left margin, …sta ma<br />
a questo / stava melio, and numbered in white chalk,<br />
lower right, 16<br />
Pen and brown ink, brown wash, over black chalk,<br />
heightened with white<br />
260 × 184 mm<br />
PROVENANCE<br />
Private collection<br />
Executed in Farinati’s favorite technique on Venetian carta<br />
azzurra (blue paper), this is a characteristic working drawing,<br />
which explores two different poses of a figure of Temperance,<br />
one of the four cardinal virtues. More specifically,<br />
the drawing shows two solutions to the figure’s right arm<br />
and hand, which holds one of this allegory’s best known<br />
attributes, the pitcher of water, with which she extinguishes<br />
a fire (signifying sexual moderation – water putting out the<br />
fires of lust). She is also holding a torch, again symbolizing<br />
the fire defeated by water, and a palm branch. As codified<br />
in Cesare Ripa’s Iconologia (1593) sometime after our<br />
drawing was probably made, Temperance is often depicted<br />
with a bridle (which restrains a horse), an hourglass, a<br />
clock, or an elephant. 1<br />
The precise purpose of this drawing is not known though<br />
it was likely made for one of the houses and villas in and<br />
around Verona that Farinati decorated from the 1550s.<br />
While the figure of Temperance could have been part of a<br />
façade decoration, more likely it would have been destined<br />
for a painted niche or a wall between two windows as part<br />
of a set of painted virtues. Several comparable drawings<br />
of single figures, often allegorical or military in character,<br />
survive. Close in type and style are an Allegory of Arithmetic<br />
in the British Museum, 2 a Venus and Cupid in the<br />
Louvre, 3 and a study of an Allegorical Figure in the Metro -<br />
politan Museum of Art, New York, 4 which also shows an inscription<br />
in Farinati’s characteristic handwriting. The fragmented<br />
handwriting in our drawing, in which the artist<br />
seems to express a preference for one solution over another<br />
may well refer to one, almost certainly the upper one, of<br />
his two alternative designs for the figure’s right arm.<br />
decades. But whereas Farinati’s later years are well documented,<br />
thanks in particular to the survival of his Giornale<br />
(account book, 1573–1606), his early career is obscure. His<br />
first documented work is the altarpiece of Saint Martin,<br />
painted in 1552 for Mantua Cathedral, which recently had<br />
been renovated from Giulio Romano’s plans.<br />
Before that, Farinati is likely to have been most active in<br />
painting façade frescoes, often of antique subjects. By<br />
mid-century, classical Roman history had gained wide -<br />
spread appeal as a subject for fresco decorations throughout<br />
much of Italy. But in Verona, which boasted the most<br />
extensive antique architectural remains in North Italy, such<br />
subjects enjoyed particular popularity. Sadly, the appearance<br />
of Farinati’s early façade frescoes remains largely<br />
hypothetical. They have all been destroyed – like so many<br />
other façade frescoes of this period – and no reliable<br />
evidence for their reconstruction has yet been discovered.<br />
Paolo Farinati enjoyed a longer career than most of his<br />
Vero nese contemporaries. Altogether, he worked in his<br />
birthplace and the surrounding area throughout six<br />
20
ANTONIO VIVIANI, CALLED IL SORDO DI URBINO<br />
Urbino 1560–1620 Urbino<br />
7<br />
THE INCREDULITY OF SAINT THOMAS<br />
Inscribed in pen and brown ink, lower left, Zuchero<br />
Pen and red and brown ink, red wash, over red chalk<br />
331 × 276 mm<br />
PROVENANCE<br />
Private collection, France<br />
The composition of this Incredulity of Saint Thomas instantly<br />
brings to mind the foremost works of the Counter-Reform -<br />
ation in Rome in the 1570s. One would think, for instance,<br />
of Federico Zuccaro’s paintings in the Cathedral of Orvieto, 1<br />
or Girolamo Muziano’s paintings in the Ruiz chapel in Santa<br />
Caterina dei Funari, 2 works that served the painters then residing<br />
in Rome as a point of reference for their own work<br />
until the end of the century. Yet even though the composition<br />
of the present drawing is reminiscent of the works of<br />
the 1570s by these two artists, the handling and the style of<br />
the figures and physiognomies suggest a somewhat later<br />
date to approximately the 1580s.<br />
Stylistically, in fact, this sheet belongs squarely to that strand<br />
of Roman painting generally referred to as the maniera<br />
sistina, a hightly characteristic and fairly uniform style employed<br />
by numerous painters who worked on the decorative<br />
projects commissioned by Pope Sixtus V (1585–90),<br />
including such prominent places of papal power as the<br />
Lateran Palace, the Scala Santa, and the Vatican Library.<br />
The draughtsman of our Incredulity of Saint Thomas<br />
belongs here and, more to the point, is certainly to be<br />
found among the numerous painters who hailed from<br />
the Marches to find work in one of the many Sistine<br />
building sites. This is evident in the drawing from such<br />
typical Marchigian features as the slight awkwardness in<br />
the rendering of the anatomies, and a taste for facial types<br />
whose expressions border on the grotesque, such as tiny<br />
and close-set eyes, protruding chins, broad foreheads,<br />
and small and pointed noses. These features are generally<br />
reminiscent of Marchigian draughtsmen in Rome and<br />
particularly of Andrea Lilio (c. 1555– c. 1527) of Ancona;<br />
and it is indeed one of Lilio’s fellow countrymen, Antonio<br />
Viviani, that I believe this beautiful drawing should be given<br />
to. 3<br />
A native of Urbino, Viviani worked shoulder to shoulder<br />
with Lilio on several occasions (in the Scala Santa, the<br />
Vatican Library, in San Girolamo degli Schiavoni). Before<br />
moving to Rome in the early 1580s he had trained in the<br />
workshop of Federico Barocci, who remained a constant<br />
point of reference for Viviani’s entire career. Yet the Baroccesque<br />
streak in Viviani, while always visible in his paintings,<br />
was not all-encompassing; indeed, more than any of Barocci’s<br />
other strict disciples from Urbino, he developed a style that<br />
was both personal and independent of his master’s. While<br />
it is difficult to pin down the hand of the youthful Viviani in<br />
many of the Sistine projects he worked on after his arrival in<br />
Rome, it is even more challenging to identify the drawings<br />
from this budding phase in his career. The present Incre -<br />
dulity of Saint Thomas, however, corresponds extremely<br />
closely with Viviani’s fresco of Fra Girolamo d’Ascoli christening<br />
a Tartar King in the Vatican Library (Fig. 1), first identified<br />
as Viviani’s work by Giuseppe Scavizzi and then by<br />
Alessandro Zuccari. 4 In the figures of Christ and Saint<br />
Thomas, for instance, both the fresco, with its numerous<br />
Baroccesque references, and the drawing, where such references<br />
are just emerging, are extremely close in their rendering<br />
of the draperies and garments, in the gestures of<br />
the protagonists and, above all, in the facial types.<br />
As far as the technique is concerned that Viviani used in<br />
this drawing, one might point out the rare and fascinating<br />
combination of red chalk and watercolour of the same<br />
colour, a technique found but in few drawings of the period,<br />
perhaps the most beautiful of which is Taddeo Zuccaro’s<br />
famous sheet of studies for the Blinding of Elymas and the<br />
Sacrifice at Lystra in the Art Institute of Chicago. 5<br />
Fig. 1<br />
MARCO SIMONE BOLZONI<br />
22
FRANCESCO VANNI<br />
Siena 1563–1610 Siena<br />
8<br />
PORTRAIT OF PASSITEA CROGI<br />
Black, red and white chalk on blue paper<br />
182 × 145 mm<br />
PROVENANCE<br />
Sir John Pope-Hennessy, his sale: London, Christie’s,<br />
7 July 1998, lot 85, illustrated<br />
Private collection, New York<br />
LITERATURE<br />
F. Viatte, Dessins Toscans XVI e – XVIII e siècles, I,<br />
1560– 1640, Paris, 1988, under cat. no. 524<br />
Beata Passitea Crogi was the daughter of the painter<br />
Piero Crogi who worked with Arcangelo Salimbeni, Vanni’s<br />
first master and stepfather, as well as father of the betterknown<br />
painter Ventura. A capuchin nun, Passitea was<br />
known for wearing men’s clothes to better help the poor.<br />
In 1597 she left Siena for Florence, and settled in a house<br />
in Via della Colonna with eighteen of her companions,<br />
under the protection of Cristina of Lorraine, wife of Grand<br />
Duke Ferdinando I de‘ Medici. In 1602, she went to France<br />
in the entourage of Ferdinando’s niece, Maria de’ Medici,<br />
who had married King Henri IV of France in 1600. In France<br />
she belonged to the circle of the Queen, denounced as<br />
dévotes et sorcières italiennes in the Duc de Sully’s Mémoires.<br />
She died at Siena on 14 May 1615 and was buried<br />
at the monastery of Saint Egidio. She was later beatified. 1<br />
painter Federico Barocci, whose highly realistic, coloured<br />
chalk portraits made from life exerted a great influence<br />
over Vanni’s drawing style. By the 1590s, Vanni had returned<br />
to Siena where he became the city’s leading<br />
painter providing numerous altarpieces and private devotional<br />
paintings to its churches and confraternities. In circa<br />
1600– 04 he worked again in Rome, where he painted one<br />
of his most famous altarpieces, the Fall of Simon Magus,<br />
for the church of Saint Peter’s in the Vatican, before<br />
returning to Siena for the remaining years of his life.<br />
Another drawing of Passitea Crogi, of equal size and identi -<br />
cal in technique, is in the Louvre. 2 There are some differen -<br />
ces in the expression of the face, with our drawing conveying<br />
a hint of a smile. A third portrait in the same technique<br />
is in the Uffizi, 3 while a drawing by Ottavia Maria Leoni in<br />
the Louvre shows the sitter at a similar age to our sheet. 4<br />
The identification of the sitter is due to an old annotation<br />
on the verso of the Louvre drawing and to the fact that<br />
the physiognomy of the sitter in the drawings closely corresponds<br />
to an anonymous portrait of Passitea formerly in<br />
the collection of Piero Misciattelli (Fig. 1). 5<br />
After his training with Arcangolo Salembeni, Vanni went to<br />
Bologna where he may have worked under Bartolommeo<br />
Passarotti. He absorbed the Carracci classicism, founded<br />
on the close study of nature, before travelling to Rome<br />
and entering the workshop of Giovanni de’ Vecchi. There<br />
he came also in the orbit of the leading Marchigian<br />
Fig. 1<br />
24
VESPASIANO STRADA<br />
Rome c. 1580– c. 1622 Rome<br />
9<br />
ECCE HOMO<br />
Black chalk, pen and brown ink and wash, heightened with<br />
white, indented and squared for transfer in black chalk, on<br />
brown prepared paper<br />
322 × 227 mm<br />
PROVENANCE<br />
Artaria & Co. (), Vienna (Lugt 2347)<br />
Private collection, London<br />
According to his biographer, Giovanni Baglione, Vespa -<br />
siano Strada was born in Rome to a Spanish father and<br />
died there at the age of only 36. Active as a painter both<br />
in Rome and central Italy, Strada worked also as a printmaker<br />
and leather decorator. His most important works in<br />
Rome include the frescoes in the Churches of Santa Maria<br />
in Aracoeli, San Giacomo degli Incurabili, Santa Maria<br />
Maddalena, and the cloisters of Sant’Onofrio al Gianicolo<br />
(further frescoes were in the now-lost Churches of Santa<br />
Marta and San Giacomo Maggiore).<br />
The present drawing may reflect some of the artist’s non-<br />
Italian origins, such as the highly expressive realism of the<br />
protagonists, and a training that certainly included the<br />
study of prints by Northern Renaissance masters. Strada’s<br />
authorship of the drawing appears particularly evident if<br />
one compares it with one of his rare connected drawings,<br />
his finished study in the Louvre for the fresco of the Martyr -<br />
dom of St. Feliciano in the Duomo at Foligno (Fig. 1). 1<br />
With the Louvre sheet, our drawing shares the same handling<br />
of the pen, the wash and the hatched, subtly applied<br />
white heightening. In addition, there are also strong affinities<br />
in the faces and figures. There are further close ties<br />
with the figures in the preparatory drawings for the<br />
lunettes in Sant’Onofrio al Gianicolo, one of the artist’s<br />
earliest known works, and above all with the drawing of<br />
the Coronation of the Virgin in the Albertina, Vienna. 2<br />
Strada treated the subject of the Ecce Homo also in two<br />
engravings. These differ in composition from our drawing<br />
but share the same, somewhat caricature-like, figure<br />
types. While it seems likely that the drawing was intended<br />
for an engraving (which may have remained unexecuted<br />
or is not otherwise recorded), the high degree of finish<br />
and the squaring for transfer do not exclude that it was<br />
made in view of a painting.<br />
In his combination of heterogeneous elements that are<br />
not always easy to pin down precisely, Strada reveals himself<br />
as a typical exponent of late Roman Mannerism. The<br />
influences, particularly notable in his engravings, of Dürer<br />
and Lucas van Leyden, and those of the Sienese painters<br />
such as Ventura Salimbeni and Francesco Vanni, are particularly<br />
strong in the present drawing. Its high degree of<br />
finish, typical of his paintings which are strongly influenced<br />
by the Zuccari brothers and the more contem -<br />
porary Cavalier d’Arpino, is even more apparent than in<br />
Strada’s other works and testifies to the great technical<br />
ability of an artist whose drawings are still rare.<br />
FRANCESCO GRISOLIA<br />
Fig. 1<br />
26
GIOVANNI FRANCESCO BARBIERI, CALLED IL GUERCINO<br />
Cento 1591–1666 Bologna<br />
10<br />
A SIBYL READING<br />
Pen and brown ink<br />
248 × 207 mm<br />
PROVENANCE<br />
William Esdaille, 1758–1837 (Lugt 2617)<br />
Francois Alziari, Baron de Malaussena, Paris (Lugt 1887), his sale:<br />
Paris, 18–20 April 1866<br />
Jean Thesmar, Paris (Lugt 1544a), his sale: Paris, 9–10 June 1949<br />
(as “Le Guerchin, Femme lisant,” sold for 20.000 FF)<br />
Private collection, New York<br />
Along with other female single figures, such as the Magdalen,<br />
Lucretia, or Cleopatra, Sibyls, both half or full-length,<br />
were an important subject in Guercino’s oeuvre. Having<br />
allegedly foretold the coming of Christ, these prophetesses<br />
were quickly adopted by the Church as pagan counterparts<br />
to the prophets in the Old Testament. And ever since<br />
Michelangelo’s famous depictions of Sibyls in the Sistine<br />
Chapel, this subject-matter enjoyed great popul arity<br />
among subsequent painters. In Guercino’s relatively early<br />
years, Sibyls feature prominently in the fresco decoration<br />
of the cupola of Piacenza cathedral (1626– 27) and its<br />
related drawings. 1<br />
subsequently by the publisher John Boydell, who reissued<br />
the prints in the 1790s in two folios of eighty-two<br />
and seventy-three plates, respectively. Our drawing was<br />
reproduced in the first volume, entitled Eighty-two Prints,<br />
Engraved by Bartolozzi, & c., from the original Pictures<br />
and <strong>Drawings</strong> of Guercino in the Collection of his Majesty,<br />
vol. 1 (London, n.d.). This volume included also a print by<br />
Bartolozzi after Guercino’s painting of the Libyan Sibyl<br />
(1651) purchased by King George III for the Royal Collection<br />
in the 1760s. 5<br />
From the later 1530s, the decade in which our drawing<br />
was likely made, 2 Guercino made a number of noble and<br />
elegant paintings of various of the twelve Sibyls, often<br />
showing them either writing down their prophecies (as in<br />
Guercino’s famous Persian Sibyl at the Pinacoteca Palatina,<br />
Rome, of 1647) or, as in our drawing or Guercino’s painting<br />
of the Samian Sibyl (1651) formerly in the Spencer<br />
collection at Althorp House and recently acquired by the<br />
National Gallery, London, in an almost ethereal state of<br />
deep engagement with the text before them. Resting<br />
their head, chin, or forehead, on one hand further accentuates<br />
the seriousness of their engagement and contemplation.<br />
3<br />
Our drawing served as a model for a copy preserved in<br />
the Royal Collection at Windsor, most likely made by<br />
Francesco Bartolozzi, who in turn made an engraving of it<br />
in reverse (Fig. 1). 4 From about 1764, after his arrival in<br />
London, Bartolozzi had made numerous engravings of<br />
drawings and paintings by Guercino and other masters in<br />
the Royal Collection. At first these prints were sold indiv -<br />
idually, but many of the copper plates were purchased<br />
Fig. 1<br />
28
FRA SEMPLICE DA VERONA<br />
Verona 1589– 1654 Rome<br />
11<br />
THE VIRGIN SEATED,<br />
TURNED TO THE RIGHT<br />
Red, black and white chalk on buff paper<br />
316 × 250 mm<br />
PROVENANCE<br />
Dr. C. R. Rudolf, his sale: London, Sotheby’s, 19 May 1977, lot<br />
75, illustrated (as “Emilian School, first half of the 17th Century”)<br />
Private collection, Italy<br />
LITERATURE<br />
M. Di Giampaolo, “Fra Semplice da Verona: ancora un disegno<br />
per la pala del Redentore,” in Arte veneta, 62, 2005, pp. 118–19,<br />
fig. 1 (reprinted in C. Garofalo, M. di Giampaolo, Scritti sul<br />
disegno italiano 1971– 2008, Florence, 2010, pp. 318–19)<br />
The late Mario Di Giampaolo was the first to identify this<br />
finished chalk drawing, formerly thought to be by an Emi -<br />
lian artist of the seventeenth century, as a study for the<br />
Virgin in Fra Semplice’s altarpiece of Beato Felice receiving<br />
the Christ Child from the Virgin in the Church of the<br />
Santissimo Redentore at Venice (Fig. 1). The altarpiece<br />
was painted in circa 1627– 30 on the occasion of the beatification<br />
of another Capuchin friar, Felix of Cantalice<br />
(1515–1587) by Pope Urban VIII on 1 October 1625. Saint<br />
Felix was the first friar of his order to be beatified (and<br />
later, in 1712 under Pope Clement XI, the first to be<br />
canonised), and it was therefore perhaps no surprise that<br />
Fig. 1<br />
one of his fellow friars, who happened to be a leading<br />
painter of his time, was chosen for this commission. The<br />
altarpiece shows the most notable moment in Saint Felix’s<br />
life, a vision during which he received the Christ Child<br />
from the Virgin. This subject quickly evolved into the<br />
single most important one in the Frate’s oeuvre. After the<br />
beatification of St. Felix, the artist visited numerous<br />
Capuchin monasteries which he supplied with paintings of<br />
that subject. 1<br />
Several drawings related to the figure of the Virgin in the<br />
Redentore altarpiece survive. Our drawing, executed in<br />
coloured chalks, the artist’s preferred technique for figure<br />
studies, comes closest to the figure of the Virgin in the<br />
painting. Another study in the same technique, formerly on<br />
the art market in New York, 2 shows the Virgin in a similar<br />
position to ours, though more upright and with a slightly<br />
different solution to the draperies. The drawing was pos -<br />
sibly made at an earlier stage in the design process. A third<br />
drawing was formerly in the collection of Janos Scholz,<br />
New York. 3 This is executed in the same technique and<br />
shows the Virgin in a similar position, with both arms outstretched,<br />
and ready to hand over the Christ Child to Saint<br />
Felix. In addition to our drawing Di Giampaolo published<br />
an oil bozzetto for the painting (private collection), which<br />
corresponds in most parts with the altarpiece. 4<br />
Although Fra Semplice’s painted oeuvre had long been<br />
well established, he was not identified as a draughtsman<br />
until 1992, when David Lachenmann was able to connect<br />
two drawings (in the same technique as ours), with specific<br />
figures in two of the Frate’s best known paintings. 5 On that<br />
basis numerous other drawings were subsequently added<br />
to Fra Semplice’s drawings oeuvre. Roberto Contini published<br />
a significant group of eight coloured chalk studies of<br />
fellow Capuchin monks, from the Kupferstichkabinett,<br />
Berlin, some of which had been traditionally catalogued as<br />
by Barocci, a slightly earlier master of the coloured chalk<br />
whose work Fra Semplice certainly studied in Rome. 6 Comparable<br />
to Barocci, many of the Frate’s chalk drawings are<br />
detailed studies of heads (often portraits of fellow friars) or<br />
figures. His pen-and-ink drawings have been virtually<br />
unknown. More recently, however, a clearer picture of Fra<br />
Semplice’s pen style, which reveals a strong Venetic in -<br />
fluence, has emerged, as both Roberto Contini 7 and Stefan<br />
Morét 8 have published a number of previously unidentified<br />
composition studies from Berlin and the Martin-von-Wagner-Museum<br />
at Würzburg. Several of these are variations<br />
on our subject of the Vision of St. Felix, further testifying to<br />
the important place this scene held in the Frate’s oeuvre.<br />
30
SIMONE CANTARINI, CALLED IL PESARESE<br />
Pesaro 1612–1648 Verona<br />
12<br />
RINALDO LEAVING ARMIDA, CALLED<br />
TO DUTY BY CARLO AND UBALDO<br />
Inscribed, lower margin, Simon Pesarese<br />
Red chalk<br />
200 × 260 mm<br />
PROVENANCE<br />
Colonel Henry Stephen Olivier (1796–1866), Lugt 1373<br />
The emergence of this drawing is of particular importance<br />
for several reasons. It is a wonderful addition to Cantarini’s<br />
corpus of drawings. Its composition and extremely fluid<br />
handling of the chalk show off the delicate and elegant<br />
qualities of his more mature style. Furthermore, it sheds<br />
new light on a small group of known but thus far partly<br />
incorrectly identified drawings made in the same iconographic<br />
context. Here, I would like to thank Guido Arbizzoni,<br />
who kindly alerted me to several illustrations based<br />
upon the same Canto, including the famous illustration by<br />
Bernardo Castello 1 of the scene taking place immediately<br />
prior to that in the present drawing (before Armida faints),<br />
and another from an edition published in Florence in 1825<br />
(Fig. 1), which corresponds so closely to Cantarini’s that<br />
one might suspect its author, the painter Carlo Falcini,<br />
had knowledge of such a project by the artist, perhaps a<br />
set of paintings (fully reflected in the series of prints),<br />
which today is all but dispersed, if indeed ever executed. 2<br />
Depicting a dramatic scene from Torquato Tasso’s epic<br />
poem, Gerusalemme liberata, first published in 1581, this<br />
beautiful drawing shows Rinaldo, Christian soldier in the<br />
First Crusade, abandoning the Saracen sorceress Armida<br />
after being called to his war duties by Carlo and Ubaldo.<br />
More precisely, it shows the moment when Armida, having<br />
first begged and then threatened Rinaldo, faints as he<br />
leaves her behind (Book 16, 59–60).<br />
There are three further drawings that relate to the same<br />
moment in the design process. Their compositions oscillate<br />
between the moment when Carlo and Ubaldo try to<br />
extract Rinaldo from Armida, who uses all her magic to<br />
make him stay, and the subsequent moment, as seen in<br />
the present drawing, when Armida, at long last defeated<br />
by Rinaldo’s sense of duty, passes out. Two red chalk<br />
drawings by Cantarini, a sketchier one at the Museum<br />
Kunstpalast, Düsseldorf, 3 and a more worked-up one at<br />
the Biblioteca Nacional, Rio de Janeiro (Fig. 2), 4 show the<br />
first moment, while a red chalk drawing in the Staats -<br />
galerie, Stuttgart, which is directly related to ours, shows the<br />
second moment. 5 The Stuttgart drawing is more sketchily<br />
executed than ours and its composition is in reverse,<br />
showing the moment of Armida’s fainting, with Rinaldo in<br />
the centre, listening perplexed to his companions’ calls.<br />
The overall composition of our drawing is extremely close<br />
to that at Rio de Janeiro: the three warriors are arranged<br />
in a similar way and both drawings show the putto hovering<br />
above and breaking his bow. The artist was evidently<br />
working out the composition, trying out different poses<br />
and movements probably for a work for which the preferred<br />
scene was yet to be chosen, if indeed Cantarini was<br />
actually working on a series of paintings or prints inspired<br />
by the famous poem. Unfortunately, while there are both<br />
extant and documented works by Cantarini based on Ari -<br />
osto, such as Angelica and Medoro (Reggio Emilia, Credito<br />
Emiliano) or Ruggero liberating Angelica, 6 to date the<br />
present drawing and its related sheets are the only known<br />
works based upon Tasso’s poem.<br />
ANNA MARIA AMBROSINI MASSARI<br />
Fig. 1 Fig. 2<br />
32
ABRAHAM BLOEMAERT<br />
Gornichem 1566– 1651 Utrecht<br />
13<br />
FOUR STUDIES OF FEMALE HEADS<br />
(RECTO)<br />
FIGURE STUDIES<br />
(VERSO)<br />
Numbered, upper right (recto), 58; and upper right (verso), 60<br />
Red chalk, pen and brown ink, heightened with white<br />
165 × 158 mm<br />
PROVENANCE<br />
André Giroux, his sale: Paris, 18-19 April 1904, part of lot 175<br />
Abraham Bloemaert received his artistic training in<br />
Utrecht and Paris but, unlike many of his contemporaries,<br />
never travelled to Italy. Indeed, apart from two years in<br />
Amsterdam, he worked in Utrecht from 1583 until his<br />
death. Together with Cornelis van Haarlem and Joachim<br />
Wtewael, Bloemaert was one of the last major exponents<br />
of the Northern Mannerist tradition. A career of some sixty<br />
years saw the artist complete around two-hundred paintings,<br />
including landscape, history, and genre subjects. He<br />
was also an extremely gifted draughtsman, praised as<br />
such by his biographer Karel van Mander, among others.<br />
Bloemaert’s greatest legacy was his Konstryk Tekenboek<br />
of 166 engravings made after his drawings by his son<br />
Frederick. These were intended as a teaching aid for<br />
future artists to study and emulate. Although model<br />
books of various types of drawing had a long history in<br />
sixteenth-century Italy, none existed in the Low Countries<br />
prior to the publication of Abraham’s Tekenboek.<br />
The recto of the present sheet contains a number of<br />
studies that reappear in the so-called Cambridge Album,<br />
which contains Bloemaert’s final drawings for the Tekenboek.<br />
1 The head on the top left of our drawing appears on<br />
the right of sheet 13 in the Cambridge Album (Fig. 1), 2<br />
while the head on the top right is replicated on the top<br />
left of sheet 18. 3<br />
The studies of hands on the verso relate to Bloemaert’s<br />
painting of Saint Veronica, now-lost but known by an engraving,<br />
in reverse, by Jacob Matham (Fig. 2). 4 The hands<br />
of the saint holding the Sudarium correspond precisely<br />
with those in our sheet. The head on the lower right of the<br />
recto of our sheet may also relate to that of Saint Veronica.<br />
Matham’s engraving was published in 1605 and the inscription<br />
A. Bloemaeert pinxit along the lower margin<br />
confirms that it was made after a painting. The print’s date<br />
provides a terminus ante for our studies while the date<br />
of circa 1591 for the partial watermark would indicate a<br />
terminus post. 5<br />
Fig. 1<br />
Our drawing formed part of the so-called Giroux Album,<br />
assembled by Hendrick Bloemaert, the artist’s son. Generally<br />
double-sided and drawn in red and white chalk on<br />
light brown paper, drawings from this album can be<br />
3<br />
34
ABRAHAM BLOEMAERT<br />
3<br />
13<br />
identified by the distinctive numbering in pen and brown<br />
ink in the upper right corner. They belonged to the<br />
painter, photographer, and art dealer, André Giroux<br />
(1801–1879) and were dispersed at his sale in Paris in 1904.<br />
Compar able drawings from that album are in the Musée<br />
des Beaux-Arts, Rouen, 6 the J. Paul Getty Museum, Los<br />
Angeles, 7 and the Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam. 8<br />
Fig. 2<br />
36
CHARLES DE LA FOSSE<br />
Paris 1636–1716 Paris<br />
14<br />
STUDIES FOR MINERVA AND<br />
OTHER OLYMPIAN GODS<br />
Numbered on the verso, 10<br />
Red, black and white chalk on buff paper<br />
382 × 270 mm<br />
PROVENANCE<br />
Charles E. Slatkin Galleries, New York, 1967<br />
Mrs. Betty Reitman, Montreal<br />
EXHIBITIONS<br />
New York, Charles E. Slatkin Galleries, Selected <strong>Drawings</strong>,<br />
1967, cat. no. 20a, pl. 25<br />
Ottawa, National Gallery of Art, Canada, Watteau and his<br />
World, 2000 (ex-catalogue)<br />
LITERATURE<br />
E.A. Standen, “Ovid’s Metamorphoses: A Gobelins Tapestry<br />
Series,” in Metropolitan Museum Journal, XXIII, 1988,<br />
pp. 159–60, fig. 21<br />
A. Chéreau, Charles de la Fosse et le Grand Décor (1636–1716),<br />
doctoral thesis, Université de Paris IV, 1992, cat. no. 47, illustrated<br />
P.J. Fidler, “A drawing by Charles de Fosse identified,” in<br />
Source Notes in the History of Art, XIV, no. 4, 1995, pp. 34–38<br />
C. Gustin-Gomez, Charles de Fosse, 1636–1716, catalogue<br />
raisonné, 2 vols., Dijon, 2006, II, p.263, cat. no. D198, illustrated<br />
Crozat’s sumptuous residence in the rue de Richelieu bet -<br />
ween 1704 and 1707 but now destroyed. 2 In fact, de la<br />
Fosse treated this subject twice. His first commission was in<br />
1690– 92 when the I st Duke of Montagu, former British<br />
Ambassador to France, commissioned him to paint the<br />
Triumph of Minerva among the Assembly of the Gods as<br />
the ceiling decoration for his Grand Salon in Montagu House,<br />
Bloomsbury, also now destroyed. 3 There is a sketch for the<br />
Crozat ceiling in the Musée des Arts Décoratifs, Paris, and a<br />
related sketch (Fig. 1), both of which show Minerva seated<br />
on clouds with Mercury at her side, Apollo behind her and<br />
Diana reclining to her right below. 4 It seems possible therefore<br />
that our drawing belongs to the early stage in the design<br />
of this project. His use of trois crayons to create light<br />
and volume anticipates the graphic style of Watteau who<br />
lived with de la Fosse in Crozat’s residence from 1706. It<br />
was on the advice of de la Fosse that Watteau was commissioned<br />
to paint the Four Seasons for Crozat’s dining room.<br />
Charles de la Fosse was the most important decorative<br />
painter in France at the end of the seventeenth century.<br />
His two most famous projects were those for the Dome<br />
des Invalides and the Chapel and Grands Appartements<br />
at Versailles. Clémentine Gustin-Gomez suggests that this<br />
elegant sheet with its artfully arranged figure studies of<br />
gods and goddesses sitting or kneeling on the clouds is a<br />
design for a grandiose decorative scheme. The goddess<br />
Minerva with her helmet and lance is prominent top left<br />
with a male figure at her side, perhaps Mercury. Edith<br />
Standen suggested that the figure bottom right might<br />
represent Diana as she is closely related to the goddess in<br />
de la Fosse’s Rest of Diana in the Hermitage although<br />
in that painting the figure is reversed. 1 Since none of the<br />
figures except for Minerva bear their attributes, they cannot<br />
be identified with certainty.<br />
According to Gustin-Gomez, Colin Bailey proposed that<br />
our drawing could be related to de la Fosse’s Birth of Minerva,<br />
painted in the vault of the Grande Galerie in Pierre<br />
Fig. 1<br />
38
LUDOVICO GIMIGNANI<br />
Rome 1643–1697 Zagarolo<br />
15<br />
GOD THE FATHER AND THE ALTAR OF<br />
THE EUCHARIST, WITH SAINT MICHAEL<br />
VANQUISHING SATAN BELOW<br />
Red chalk, red and brown wash, heightened with white<br />
380 × 280 mm<br />
PROVENANCE<br />
Private collection, Paris<br />
This large drawing, executed in a mixed technique of<br />
brush with red and brown wash, heightened with white<br />
over red chalk, could well be a design for an oval altarpiece.<br />
The unusual oval shape makes a connection with a<br />
ceiling fresco in a side chapel somewhat less likely. It is<br />
possible, however, that the drawing is a study for a ceiling<br />
fresco in a sacristy. No such work by Lodovico Gimignani,<br />
however, has thus far come to light. Yet his extant depictions<br />
of Saint Michael fighting devils show angels and<br />
demons in extremely similar poses. One might think, for<br />
instance, of Lodovico’s altarpiece of Saint Michael in the<br />
church of S. Andrea delle Fratte, Rome, which he provided<br />
with several paintings in the 1680s. A quick sketch in<br />
the Istituto Nazionale per la Grafica, Rome, belongs in this<br />
context.<br />
Its close affinity in style and technique to two drawings<br />
given to Lodovico in the British Museum is evident (Fig. 1),<br />
even though the use of red chalk and red-brown wash is<br />
rather infrequent in Gimignani’s drawing oeuvre. The<br />
majority of his drawings preserved at the Istituto Nazionale<br />
per la Grafica in Rome are in black chalk and, if wash is applied,<br />
it is mostly grey. But the forcefully applied white<br />
gouache, which is here somewhat reminiscent of Passeri’s<br />
technique, can be found on occasion, such as in the context<br />
of his drawings and paintings for S. Silvestro in Capite<br />
in Rome. These are mostly drawings from his most produc -<br />
tive period, during which he executed numerous private<br />
paintings commissions as well as frescoes for churches<br />
and houses in Rome, before his unexpected death put a<br />
sudden end to all his artistic activity.<br />
URSULA VERENA FISCHER PACE<br />
Fig. 1<br />
40
NICCOLÒ RICCIOLINI<br />
Rome 1687–1772 Rome<br />
16<br />
THE VESTAL VIRGIN TUCCIA<br />
PROVING HER INNOCENCE<br />
Black chalk, pen and brown ink, grey and brown wash,<br />
with brown ink framing lines<br />
370 × 510 mm<br />
PROVENANCE<br />
Private collection, Paris<br />
Considered by Johann Joachim Winckelmann a “painter<br />
of great talent and highly gifted,” and by the historian Luigi<br />
Lanzi a “good draughtsman,” Niccolò Ricciolini was a<br />
leading member of a late Roman baroque dynasty of<br />
painters. 1 Among the most highly esteemed artists of his<br />
generation, he worked also as an engraver, sculptor, and<br />
architectural scholar. He was the son and pupil of the<br />
painter Michelangelo Ricciolini, and father of Michelangelo<br />
Maria Ricciolini. He received numerous prestigious commissions<br />
in Rome, most notably for St. Peter’s, as well as in<br />
various other locations in Lazio, Tuscany, Umbria, and the<br />
Marches. His patrons included both religious orders and<br />
the leading families of the period, such as the Albani,<br />
Barberini, Colonna, Orsini, and Ottoboni families. In<br />
1702– 03, aged 15–16, he won three competitions at the<br />
Accademia di San Luca, testifying to his precocious talent<br />
as a draughtsman. In 1719 he was elected a Virtuoso at<br />
the Pantheon and in 1721 an Academician of San Luca.<br />
Fig. 1<br />
His relatively rare drawings are preserved in several major<br />
public collections, such as the Uffizi, the British Museum,<br />
Windsor Castle, the Accademia di San Luca, the Istituto<br />
Nazionale per la Grafica, Rome, the Metropolitan Museum<br />
of Art, and the Martin-von-Wagner-Museum at Würz -<br />
burg. 2 While some of the drawings in these collections are<br />
connected with known paintings by the artist others have<br />
been attributed to him on the basis of style. The present<br />
drawing belongs to the latter category and will be<br />
published by the present author in a forthcoming essay<br />
dedicated to Ricciolini’s drawings.<br />
Ricciolini’s pen style is fairly easily recognizable, most<br />
notably by its segmented outlines, clearly visible in the<br />
figures and draperies, the faces, objects and architectural<br />
elements. This characteristic technique is complemented,<br />
more in the non-religious than religious subjects, by<br />
strongly Cortonesque compositions, which, however,<br />
neither betray the classical and enduring influence of<br />
Carlo Maratti, the teacher of the father Michelangelo,<br />
something that is evident in all of Niccolò’s works.<br />
Different from his early works preserved at the Accademia<br />
di San Luca, this drawing belongs to the artist’s maturity,<br />
datable to the 1760s or 1770s. This is evident by comparison<br />
with two drawings from the Uffizi, thus far unpublished,<br />
signed and dated 1763 and 1764, respectively, one<br />
of which is a study for the painting in the Sala dei Fasti<br />
Colonna in the Palazzo Barberini, Rome. 3 The anatomies<br />
and shape of the figures, their gestures and expressions,<br />
and the manner in which they are arranged correspond<br />
closely with those in this drawing. The broken, and often<br />
reinforced, pen lines, the shadows in wash and the fine<br />
under drawing in black chalk reveal the same hand, as<br />
does the careful disposition of the figures and the overall<br />
composition, which appears crowded but where every<br />
element supports the narrative. Another closely related<br />
sheet is at Würzburg, showing Cincinnatus leaving the<br />
3<br />
42
NICCOLÒ RICCIOLINI<br />
3<br />
16<br />
Plow for the Roman dictatorship (Fig. 1). 4 The composition<br />
of the present drawing also recalls those of other well<br />
known paintings by the artist, such as the Resurrection<br />
of Lazarus, today at the Museo del Barocco Romano at<br />
Ariccia. 5<br />
In this drawing, Ricciolini tried his hand at a relatively rare<br />
though not unknown subject in Italian Renaissance and<br />
Baroque art, with extant depictions by Mantegna and<br />
Polidoro da Caravaggio, up to Maratti and his contemporary<br />
Trevisani, who exerted some influence over our artist<br />
and who was also the uncle of Ricciolini’s wife. The legendary<br />
Tuccia, priestess of Vesta the goddess of the<br />
hearth, home and family, was accused of breaking her vow<br />
of chastity. Her story is reported by various Roman authors,<br />
among which were Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Livy,<br />
Valerius Maximus, Pliny, and Plutarch. The punishment for<br />
this type of crime for the Vestal virgins, who could not be<br />
put to death by mere human hands, was for them to be<br />
buried alive in a grave and left to die. Tuccia, however,<br />
was offered to prove her Innocence by completing an<br />
impossible task, to fetch water from the Tiber in a sieve<br />
and bring it to the temple of Vesta.<br />
The drawing shows the moment when Tuccia succeeds at<br />
carrying water in a sieve to the temple, to the great surprise<br />
not only of the high priest on the left but also to the<br />
men, women, and Roman soldiers around her. The cult of<br />
Vesta was closely tied to the foundation of Rome, according<br />
to which the mother of Romulus and Remus, Rea<br />
Silvia, was a Vestal virgin at Albalonga. That explains why<br />
the drawing shows in the foreground, in addition to the<br />
allegory of the River Tiber on the right, the two twins playing<br />
with the she-wolf. Tuccia represents the symbol of<br />
chastity, and is shown as such in Cesare Ripa’s Iconologia.<br />
Works of this subject were often linked to a female member<br />
of the patron’s family, or otherwise included in more<br />
comprehensive cycles of Roman history.<br />
FRANCESCO GRISOLIA<br />
44
GIOVANNI BATTISTA TIEPOLO<br />
Venice 1696–1770 Madrid<br />
17 HEAD OF AN ORIENTAL<br />
Pen and brown ink and wash<br />
235 × 184 mm<br />
PROVENANCE<br />
Frantz Funck-Brentano (1862–1947), his sale: Paris, Drouot,<br />
29 April 1921, lot 127, illustrated<br />
Adrien Fauchier-Magnan, Neuilly-sur-Seine (1873– 1965)<br />
Charles Slatkin Galleries, New York<br />
Private collection<br />
EXHIBITIONS<br />
New York, Charles E. Slatkin Galleries, Selected <strong>Drawings</strong>, n.d.<br />
(c. 1967), cat. no. 11, pl. 9 and cover<br />
Vancouver, Vancouver Art Gallery, and elsewhere, 18th Century<br />
Venetian Art in Canadian Collections, 1989– 90, cat. no. 56,<br />
illustrated (cat. by G. Knox)<br />
George Knox considers this drawing to be the starting<br />
point for a lost painting by Tiepolo, Head of an Oriental,<br />
which is known from a copy by Battista’s son, Lorenzo, in<br />
the Pinacoteca Malaspina at Pavia (Fig. 1). 1 Several further<br />
paintings, and a drawing by Lorenzo at the Schlossmu -<br />
seum, Weimar, 2 show variations on this composition.<br />
There are some differences between our drawing and the<br />
Pavia painting in the way the cloak has been elaborated<br />
and the manner in which the turban is tied. Most significant<br />
however, is the artist’s treatment of the sitter’s beautiful<br />
white beard which fills the page in the drawing but which<br />
is dark and cropped in the painting. According to Knox<br />
both the picture and this drawing relate also to one of<br />
Domenico Tiepolo’s etchings Old Man with small Turban<br />
in his famous 1774 series of heads, or Raccolta di Teste<br />
(I, 6), all of which, according to Aldo Rizzi, were based on<br />
Giambattista’s designs. 3<br />
This drawing belonged to two eminent French collectors.<br />
Frantz Funck-Brentano (1862–1947) was a French historian<br />
and prolific writer. He was born in the castle of Munsbach<br />
in Luxembourg and in 1885 was appointed curator of the<br />
Bibliotheque de l’Arsénal. He specialised in the history of<br />
the Ancien Régime. Adrien Fauchier-Magnan (1873–1965)<br />
was a historian and biographer. He was also a talented<br />
tennis player who participated in the 1900 Paris Olympics.<br />
He formed an important collection of Italian and French<br />
drawings, the majority of which were sold at Sotheby’s in<br />
1935. The sale included important sheets by Watteau,<br />
Boucher, Canaletto and Giambattista and Domenico<br />
Tiepolo including a significant group of Punchinello drawings.<br />
Many were purchased by the renowned collector<br />
Count Antoine Seilern for his home at Princes Gate and<br />
were subsequently bequeathed to the Courtauld Gallery.<br />
Knox dates our drawing to the 1740s. This is the period<br />
when Tiepolo was working on his two series of etchings,<br />
the Vari Capricci and the Scherzi di Fantasia, and both sets<br />
are peopled with these mysterious philosophers, bearded<br />
Orientals and magicians. At this time Tiepolo’s graphic<br />
style becomes freer and more dramatic. In the Tiepolo Bicentenary<br />
Exhibition catalogue of 1970 Agnes Mongan<br />
summed it up as follows: “Giambattista, in his wash drawings<br />
above all, achieved a new abstraction of illusionism<br />
through physical means that were direct, immaculate, and<br />
apparently effortless.” 4<br />
Fig. 1<br />
46
JOHANN WOLFGANG BAUMGARTNER<br />
Ebbs 1702 –1761 Augsburg<br />
18<br />
JONAH PREACHING AT NINEVEH<br />
Pen and brown ink, black and grey wash, heightened with<br />
white, on blue prepared paper, with black ink framing lines<br />
180 × 291 mm<br />
PROVENANCE<br />
Dietzen collection, Cologne, their sale: Cologne, Heberle,<br />
14 February 1910 (according to an inscription on the backing)<br />
Heinrich Conrad, Essen (1868–1925)<br />
The present drawing shows a rare scene from the Old<br />
Testament’s Book of Jonah. After Jonah refuses Jehova’s<br />
command to proclaim God’s judgement on the city of<br />
Nineveh he tries to flee by ship, which, in the ensuing<br />
storm caused by God, nearly sinks. The ship’s crew quickly<br />
identify Jonah as the source of their distress and throw<br />
him overboard. Swallowed by a whale he spends three<br />
days and nights praying until he is finally spewed out onto<br />
the shore. Jehovah orders Jonah again to remind the<br />
Ninevites of their city’s impending destruction within forty<br />
days. Overcome with fear and in need of no further admonishment<br />
from Jonah, the Ninevites – led by the King<br />
and his courtiers – repent and do penance.<br />
The present drawing shows that last scene with the king in<br />
the centre and Jonah, his back turned to the beholder,<br />
proclaiming his message to the Ninevites. The dramatic<br />
encounter of the two protagonists takes place just outside<br />
the city walls, allowing Baumgartner to combine the landscape<br />
with the impressive skyline of the legendary city of<br />
Nineveh. This includes the massive round tower of the city<br />
wall and an array of magnificent palaces, towers, and pyramid-like<br />
structures, all conjured up in Baumgartner’s<br />
imagination. Evidently, he had little or no knowledge of<br />
the capital of the Assyrian Empire – it had been destroyed<br />
in pre-Christian times – but this type of highly imaginative<br />
architectural vocabulary played an important role in the<br />
reverse paintings on glass that the artist had first made at<br />
Salzburg. He was to produce these in greater numbers in<br />
Augsburg after 1733, basing them on images in Melchior<br />
Küsell’s Iconographia. Baumgartner used similar motifs in<br />
his drawings, achieving rich tonal effects by his use of blue<br />
paper.<br />
serving as an additional medium, adds depth to the composition,<br />
while the white heightening further enhances the<br />
strong chiaroscuro effect. The painterly handling of the<br />
drawing media is a distinctive feature in Baumgartner’s<br />
oeuvre, while his use of blue tinted paper is unique in<br />
Southern German Rococo draughtsmanship.<br />
The black ink framing lines, too, are often found in Baumgartner’s<br />
drawings. They emphasise both the picture-like<br />
qualities of the drawing and underline their high degree<br />
of finish. As can be found in many of his drawings, part of<br />
the line is drawn over the outer edge of the image. The<br />
sheets were evidently cut down from larger formats before<br />
the framing lines were added. No engraving or painting<br />
of the subject is recorded.<br />
PETER PRANGE<br />
While the main protagonists are outlined with the pen,<br />
their forms are modelled with the brush and wash, creating<br />
strong contrasts of light and shadow. The blue paper,<br />
48
JEAN-MARTIAL FRÉDOU DE LA BRETONNIERE<br />
Fontenay Saint-Pere 1710– 1795 Versailles<br />
19<br />
PORTRAIT OF JOSEPH-VALENTIN-BLAISE<br />
MARTY<br />
Signed and dated, lower right, Fredou 1753<br />
Coloured chalks and pastel<br />
380 × 270 mm<br />
PROVENANCE<br />
By descent from the sitter in an English private collection<br />
Frédou was born in Fontenay-Saint-Père on the outskirts<br />
of Paris. In 1735 he married the wealthy and influential<br />
Adelaide Séguier de Liancourt, and in 1755 Jacques-<br />
André Portail, the garde des tableaux du roi appointed<br />
him peintre du cabinet du roi. In 1757 Frédou was employed<br />
to design two perspective panels for the Dauphin’s<br />
garden at Versailles and in 1761 was commissioned to<br />
produce eleven portraits of the royal children for Madame<br />
la Dauphine, Marie-Josèphe de Saxe. The most famous of<br />
these, his touching portrait of Louis-Joseph-Xavier de<br />
France, Duc de Bourgogne, aged nine, at Versailles exists<br />
in many versions. 1 His great success as a court painter led<br />
to his appointment in 1776 as premier peintre de Monsieur<br />
(painter to the Comte de Provence, brother of Louis XVl).<br />
1748), and the Portrait of Monsieur Perrier (signed and<br />
dated 1749). 5 All three are of similar size and date. The<br />
sitters are portrayed looking relaxed and informally<br />
dressed suggesting they may even have been friends of<br />
the artist or perhaps formed part of his inner circle. They<br />
admirably fulfil Bénézit’s verdict on the artist, “Frédou est<br />
un charmant artiste en qui se retrouvent les plus aimables<br />
qualités du XVIIIe siècle; il mérite de retenir toute l’attention<br />
des amateurs.”<br />
In mid-eighteenth century Paris and at the court of Versailles<br />
in particular, pastel portraiture was at the height of<br />
fashion. Its earliest exponent was the brilliantly gifted<br />
Quentin de la Tour whose portraits Frédou had copied<br />
early in his career. As a talented pastellist, Frédou was<br />
much in demand even before his royal appointment. He<br />
used a variety of styles, from the informally sketched portrait<br />
drawn from life to the sophisticated creation for an<br />
important sitter. He also employed different media for his<br />
portrait drawings, sanguine, pastel and trois crayons and<br />
sometimes a combination of all three. In the royal account<br />
books, his pastels are in fact described as études dessinées<br />
aux trois crayons melées de pastel. His sitters included<br />
members of the French aristocracy, such as the Marquis<br />
de la Roquette, 2 administrators of the royal household,<br />
musicians and fellow artists such as Jacques-André Portail<br />
whose penetrating portrait is at Versailles. 3 A famous<br />
example of his highly finished pastel technique is his portrait<br />
of the beautiful Madame de Villemomble (signed and<br />
dated 1756), the mistress of the Duc d’Orléans, in the<br />
Louvre. 4 Our portrait drawing, certainly done from life,<br />
may be compared to two similar sheets formerly on the art<br />
market, the Portrait of a young Man (signed and dated<br />
50
CLAUDE-JOSEPH VERNET<br />
Avignon 1714–1789 Paris<br />
20<br />
VIEW OF THE BAY OF POSILLIPO<br />
Inscribed in pen and brown ink, vue de pousilipo<br />
Pen and grey ink and wash, over black chalk, on two joined<br />
sheets of paper<br />
450 × 707 mm<br />
PROVENANCE<br />
Part of an album of drawings probably compiled in Vienna<br />
in the early 19th century<br />
Antoine-Augustin Renouard (1765–1853), his sale: Paris,<br />
20 November–20 December 1854, lot 628, purchased by<br />
Louis Potier, Paris<br />
Sale: Versailles, 13 March 1966, lot 170<br />
LITERATURE<br />
P. Conisbee, Claude-Joseph Vernet, exhibition catalogue,<br />
Kenwood House, London, 1976, under cat. no. 59<br />
This beautiful, large-scale sheet comes from an album of<br />
fifty-three drawings by Vernet probably compiled in Vienna<br />
between 1820 and 1830. The album later belonged to<br />
the French publisher and bibliophile Antoine-Augustin<br />
Renou ard (1765–1853). Renouard was famous for his elegant<br />
publications which were often illustrated by contemporary<br />
French artists such as Moreau and Prud’hon. Louis<br />
Potier, an antiquarian bookseller from the quai Malaquais,<br />
purchased the album at Renouard’s posthumous sale. It<br />
was dispersed at auction at Versailles in 1966.<br />
The drawings in the album were mostly of sites in and<br />
around Rome and Naples and were laid on mounts sometimes<br />
inscribed in a German hand, Vernett. Some also<br />
bore Roman numerals in the artist’s own handwriting<br />
together with inscriptions. Sheets from the album are now<br />
found in major European and American museums including<br />
the Metropolitan Museum of Art 1 and the Detroit In -<br />
stitute of Arts. 2 Another album from the same Viennese<br />
source and bearing similar inscriptions and Roman numerals<br />
is in the Albertina, Vienna. 3 This album contains nineteen<br />
drawings and was originally in the collection of the<br />
Emperor Ferdinand I of Austria (1793–1875). It was gifted<br />
to the Albertina in 1919. It is clear from the single Viennese<br />
source for both albums that at some point they must have<br />
both been in the same collection and may have been<br />
compiled from the 700 drawings included in Vernet’s<br />
posthumous sale in 1789.<br />
Vernet had left his native Avignon for Rome in 1734 under<br />
the protection of the Marquis de Caumont and remained<br />
there for twenty years. Although he did not study at the<br />
Academie de France in Rome, he was encouraged to go<br />
on drawing expeditions into the Campagna and beyond,<br />
by its director, Nicolas Vleughels. Vleughels was a keen<br />
landscape draughtsman who no doubt urged young<br />
artists to follow in the footsteps of the great French landscape<br />
artist, Claude Lorrain, a century earlier.<br />
During his Italian sojourn, Vernet frequently visited Naples<br />
and its coastline was a constant source of inspiration to<br />
him. Conisbee has suggested that the drawings in these<br />
two albums date from 1750 and may have been produced<br />
on one of the artist’s sketching tours around Rome and<br />
Naples between May and October of that year when there<br />
is a convenient break in his Roman account book.<br />
Our view of Posillipo from the sea must have been a<br />
favourite of Vernet’s as two comparable views have appeared<br />
on the market within the last decade. 4 Two views<br />
of the entrance to the grotto at Posillipo, also from the<br />
same album were also formerly on the art market. 5<br />
Writing in La maison d’un artiste in 1881, Edmond de<br />
Goncourt may well have had a sheet such as ours in mind<br />
when he summarised the character of Vernet’s drawings:<br />
“De tranquilles et serieux dessins, qui ont rompu avec le<br />
tapage pittoresque de l’ecole paysagiste de Boucher: des<br />
effets larges, de grandes lumieres dormantes, le com -<br />
mence ment de l’enveloppement d’un paysage par un<br />
atmosphere.”<br />
52
PIETRO GIACOMO PALMIERI<br />
Bologna 1737–1804 Turin<br />
21<br />
A CAMP OF CAVALIERS<br />
Pen and brown ink, brown and grey wash<br />
329 × 462 mm<br />
and<br />
CAVALIERS ON THE MOVE<br />
Pen and brown ink, brown and grey wash<br />
324 × 466 mm<br />
LITERATURE<br />
C. Travisonni, “Du Tillot, Valdrè e Palmieri: un collezionista e i<br />
suoi pittori tra Parma e Parigi,” in C. Mambriani, G. Fiaccadori,<br />
A. Malinverni (eds.), Guglielmo Du Tillot e i ministri delle arti<br />
nell’Europa dei Lumi, proceedings of the conference, Parma,<br />
25–27 October 2012, in press<br />
Executed in circa 1773–74.<br />
In these two highly finished works Pietro Giacomo The present drawings are close in subject matter and style<br />
Palmieri, draughtsman, printmaker, and painter, shows off to two drawings formerly on the art market. 3 Together<br />
one of his specialities, the making of drawings in emulation<br />
of printmaking techniques. This is particularly evident Simonini, whom Palmieri knew well from his days in<br />
they defer to the painter and printmaker Francesco<br />
in his sharp use of the pen in combination with the diluted Bologna. As we know from the sources, the former prime<br />
wash to define the shades, which evokes the effects of an minister of Parma, Guillaume Du Tillot, whom Palmieri<br />
etching with aquatint. This taste for swapping the media followed to Paris in January 1773, had asked the artist to<br />
and techniques goes back to the time of his early artistic make drawings of paintings by various artists, including<br />
formation under Donato Creti, Ludovico Mattioli, Ercole Simonini. 4<br />
Graziani, and Gaetano Gandolfi. Indeed it has been noted<br />
that the drawing style of these artists, most notably their Although we cannot be absolutely certain that the present<br />
use of fine cross hatching, derives from (or in any way drawings were made for Du Tillot (who died in 1774), the<br />
is closely linked to) the techniques used in their print - rendering of the clouds and sky in the manner of Claudemaking.<br />
1 This optical trick, enhanced in Palmieris’ case, by Joseph Vernet (1714–1789), an artist whom Palmieri had<br />
his use of framing lines and the ad dition of a prominently studied closely in the 1770s and who was also admired by<br />
placed signature (as one would expect in a print) was no Du Tillot, clearly points to the artist’s French period. Such<br />
doubt very much appreciated by collectors and connoisseurs<br />
(whom it was ultimately made for). It also remains a course of his long period at Turin, Palmieri abandoned his<br />
dating may be further corroborated by the fact that, in the<br />
highly characteristic and constant feature found throughout<br />
his entire career. 2 wash, as is evident in these sheets, in favour of a rather<br />
light and fluent handling of the pen and application of the<br />
heavy pen work and watercolour.<br />
CHIARA TRAVISONNI<br />
54
JEAN-HONORÉ FRAGONARD<br />
Grasse 1732– 1806 Paris<br />
22<br />
PORTRAIT D’ELISABETH-JULIE-PERRETTE<br />
LYONNARD BERGERET, CALLED BETZY<br />
(1782–1797)<br />
Black and red chalk<br />
121 mm (diameter)<br />
PROVENANCE<br />
Sale: Paris, Hôtel Drouot, 21 January 1970, lot 3<br />
Private collection, Paris<br />
Private collection, New York<br />
LITERATURE<br />
E. Darras, “La Famille Bergeret, de L’Isle Adam et de Frouville,”<br />
in Mémoires de la Société Historique et Archéologique de<br />
Pointoise, XLII, 1933, pp. 58–92<br />
A. Ananoff, L’oeuvre dessiné de Jean-Honoré Fragonard, Paris,<br />
1970, IV, cat. no. 2036, fig. 553<br />
P. Rosenberg, Fragonard, exhibition catalogue, Paris, Galeries<br />
Nationales du Grand Palais, and elsewhere, 1988, p. 555<br />
M. Roland-Michel, “Sur sept medallions de Fragonard,” in<br />
M.T. Caracciolo (ed.), Hommage au Dessin: Mélanges offerts<br />
à Roseline Bacou, Paris, 1998, pp. 439–49<br />
Fragonard made approximately a dozen medallion portraits,<br />
informally posed and drawn in black chalk. 1 He seems<br />
to have reserved this intimate format for likenesses of his<br />
own family and the circle around the Bergeret family, his<br />
friends and patrons. They do not form a series, but were<br />
executed at different times in the years circa 1778– 90.<br />
The sitter in this charming portrait is a child of seven or<br />
eight years old. Given her birthdate in 1782, the image<br />
must have been drawn circa 1789. Although the identifi -<br />
cation of “Betzy” has been questioned, 2 her relationship<br />
to the Bergerets can be confirmed by evidence found in<br />
an overlooked article published by Eugène Darras in<br />
1933. 3 Betzy was the adopted daughter of Pierre-Jacques<br />
Bergeret (1742–1807), younger son of Fragonard’s great<br />
collector and patron Jacques-Onézyme Bergeret de<br />
Grancourt (1715–1785). Having no children of his own,<br />
Pierre-Jacques formally adopted her on the same date<br />
that he married her mother, Catherine-Julie-Xavière<br />
Poisson-Lachabeaussière on 11 October 1796. According<br />
to information in the Darras article, Catherine’s parents,<br />
like Pierre-Jacques, were also residents of Cassan, near<br />
Châteaupré, 4 suggesting that the families knew each<br />
other years before the marriage, and before Catherine<br />
and her daughter are documented as part of Bergeret’s<br />
household in 1794. Sadly, Betzy’s life was tragically short.<br />
Her death was recorded by Bergeret on 16 September<br />
1797 in Châteaupré where she was buried.<br />
Among the known roundel portraits, only three contain<br />
touches of red chalk for a naturalistic skin tone. In addition<br />
to the present work, there is a self-portrait of Fragonard<br />
showing him aged and sad, 5 and therefore probably<br />
dating from circa 1789 when he was still at Cassan following<br />
the death of his daughter in 1788. The other portrait,<br />
cut into an oval format, depicts a woman wearing a simple<br />
cap over her natural hair. 6 Could this be Betzy’s mother<br />
The connections between Fragonard and Bergeret père<br />
and fils are well known. The elder Bergeret had collected<br />
works by Fragonard since the Salon of 1767 and later had<br />
sponsored their travels to Italy and beyond in 1773–74.<br />
The younger Bergeret was a member of the party, and<br />
was keenly interested in architecture. Upon their return to<br />
Paris, the elder Bergeret assumed ownership of all of the<br />
artist’s drawings. His reasoning was that he had invited M.<br />
and Mme. Fragonard as his guide and guest, and paid all<br />
expenses. A legal case, waged by the artist, was finally<br />
settled with Bergeret having to pay 30,000 livres to keep<br />
the drawings. 7 The quarrel and subsequent break in<br />
friendship was only repaired through the efforts of Pierre-<br />
Jacques who had remained in touch with Fragonard.<br />
In 1778, Pierre-Jacques established his own household<br />
following his purchase of property from his cousin Alexandre-Pierre-Nicolas<br />
de Cassan, land of the Seigneurie de<br />
Châteaupré and the domain of Cassan. Over the next<br />
fourteen years he designed and had built numerous<br />
improvements, including an extensive park. 8 It was to<br />
Châteaupré, near the town of L’Isle Adam, that Pierre-<br />
Jacques regularly welcomed his uncle, the abbé de Saint-<br />
Non, and the Fragonard family, among others. As a result<br />
of his kind and generous nature, he invited Rosalie Fragonard<br />
to live there during her last years. She died there in<br />
1788.<br />
All of the medallion portraits exhibit Fragonard’s brilliantly<br />
economic handling of chalk. Costumes are summarily in -<br />
dicated so that all attention is focused on the sitter’s face.<br />
A similar portrait of Fragonard’s son Evariste, 9 born in<br />
1780, was also executed around the time of that of Betzy.<br />
EUNICE WILLIAMS<br />
56
HUBERT ROBERT<br />
Paris 1733–1808 Paris<br />
23<br />
RUINS OF THE BATHS OF DIOCLETIAN<br />
Inscribed on the 18th century mount in pen and brown ink,<br />
lower left, h Robert 1779<br />
Red chalk<br />
381 × 445 mm<br />
PROVENANCE<br />
Charles E. Slatkin Gallery, New York<br />
Private collection<br />
EXHIBITIONS<br />
Philadelphia, University Museum, University of Pennsylvania,<br />
The Ruins of Rome, 1960, cat. no. 108 (catalogue by R.C. Smith<br />
and A. Blunt)<br />
New York, Charles E. Slatkin Gallery, <strong>Drawings</strong> and Watercolors<br />
of Five Centuries, no date, pl. XVI<br />
As a young artist, Robert lived in Rome for eleven years<br />
from 1754 until 1765 and made hundreds of drawings<br />
ranging from notations in sketchbooks to fully realised<br />
compositions. Sponsored by the Comte de Stainville,<br />
French Ambassador to the Holy See, Robert was not a<br />
pensionnaire at the French Academy in Rome, but he met<br />
artists there such as Natoire and Fragonard both of whom<br />
contributed to his interest in landscape. Elsewhere in Rome<br />
he studied with Gian Paolo Pannini and Piranesi. He became<br />
a master of perspective. <strong>Drawings</strong> and sketchbooks<br />
assembled in Rome, along with contemporary artistic<br />
influences, provided sources for his mature work such as<br />
the present composition with an inscribed date of 1779.<br />
Robert returned to Paris in 1765, was accepted into the<br />
Académie Royale in 1766, and began to participate in the<br />
Salons starting in 1767. Of his debut, Diderot wrote, “The<br />
ideas ruins evoke in me are grand. Everything comes to<br />
nothing, everything perishes, everything passes, only the<br />
world remains, only time endures. How old is the world! I<br />
walk between two eternities”. 1 Very soon, Hubert Robert<br />
became known as Robert des Ruines.<br />
These words could describe the present composition<br />
where the Roman Empire survives in fragments of architecture<br />
and sculpture. Two rows of Corinthian columns<br />
survive as do portions of the barrel vault, a niche and side<br />
walls. Amid the ruins, small figures gather in groups, women<br />
do laundry, others search for materials to recycle for shelter<br />
or to sell. They use history as a tangible resource for their<br />
lives rather than for contemplation. Only a few in the distance<br />
seem aware of the historic architecture.<br />
Fig. 1<br />
From his training with Pannini, Robert developed a keen<br />
eye for architectural composition and detail, and made cal -<br />
culated design appear haphazard. He records decorative<br />
3<br />
58
HUBERT ROBERT<br />
3<br />
23<br />
motifs along the frieze and entablature, but also includes<br />
stray weeds growing among the bricks. In the foreground,<br />
piles of broken stones clutter the floor and plinth like a<br />
stage set, in contrast to the vast empty space of the<br />
ruined hall.<br />
The rapidly drawn figures are typical of Robert’s staffage<br />
used in both urban and pastoral compositions to provide<br />
not only animation and action, but also a sense of scale.<br />
The pose of a hatted figure reclining in the right foreground<br />
can be found wearing antique garb in Bucolic<br />
Landscape, dated c. 1775, Musée des Beaux-Arts,<br />
Valence. 2 A comparable drawing with watercolor, Colonnade<br />
in Ruins, (Musée des Beaux-Arts, Lille), is signed and<br />
dated 1780 (Fig. 1). It is more pictorial in ambition, and<br />
therefore, more of an architectural capriccio. 3<br />
Emperor Maximian commissioned the enormous baths in<br />
298 C.E., to honor his co-Emperor Diocletian who resided<br />
in Nicomedia. Both emperors were military men and, in<br />
addition to commissioning the largest Imperial baths,<br />
made changes to Roman water supplies, to troop deployment<br />
and agricultural policy. Dedicated in 306, the baths<br />
continued in use until the sixth century. In centuries thereafter,<br />
halls were repurposed and incorporated into Christian<br />
churches including the Basilica of Santa Maria degli<br />
Angeli and the church of San Bernardo alle Terme. 4 For<br />
centuries, architectural students and historians have<br />
proposed reconstructions of the sumptuous interiors.<br />
EUNICE WILLIAMS<br />
60
LOUIS GAUFFIER<br />
Poitiers 1762 –1801 Florence<br />
24<br />
LA GÉNÉROSITÉ DES DAMES ROMAINES<br />
Inscribed on the verso, L. Gauffier D. / Il quadro del presente<br />
disegno e stato eseguito per il Sig. Hoppe banchiere olandese<br />
Pen and brown ink, brown wash, over pencil<br />
250 × 350 mm<br />
Born in Poitiers in 1762, Louis Gauffier studied in Paris under<br />
the esteemed painter Jean-Hughes Taraval, following<br />
the style of Poussin and painted almost exclusively subjects<br />
from Greek and Roman history. In 1784, at the age of<br />
twenty-two he won the Prix de Rome which provided a<br />
scholarship for three years’ study at the Ecole des Beaux-<br />
Arts in Rome. There he continued his academic training,<br />
drawing from pieces of classical sculpture and casts, which<br />
provided the basis for his classical paintings. He remained<br />
in Rome until 1793, except for a brief return to Paris in<br />
1789 cut short by the outbreak of the Revolution. Gauffier<br />
stayed in contact with the French Academy during this<br />
time and continued to send back paintings to exhibit at<br />
the Academy Salons.<br />
Fig. 1<br />
La Générosité des dames romaines is a finely detailed and<br />
highly finished drawing for a painting of the same subject<br />
by Gauffier which was commissioned by the collector<br />
Thomas Hope and exhibited at the Salon of 1791 (Fig. 1). 1<br />
Gauffier was highly popular with wealthy collectors who<br />
journeyed through Italy on their Grand Tours, and it is likely<br />
that Hope met him while he undertook his Grand Tour<br />
between 1787 and 1795. Hope clearly admired Gauffier,<br />
buying at least five of his pictures which he hung in his<br />
home in Duchess Street, London. 2 The present sheet<br />
shows several small differences in composition compared<br />
to the painting, most notably in the additional figure to<br />
the far right of the drawing.<br />
The composition of La Générosité is taken from a story recounted<br />
in Plutarch’s life of Marcus Furius Camillus, in<br />
which the patriotic women of Rome offered their gold and<br />
jewellery to the State in order to fulfil Camillus’s pledge to<br />
Apollo of a golden bowl commemorating his victory over<br />
Veii. However, the subject was also inspired by an actual<br />
event that took place in Paris during the Revolution. On 7<br />
September 1789, two months after the fall of Bastille, a<br />
group of eleven wives and daughters of artists, organised<br />
by Madame Moitte and including Mesdames David, Vien,<br />
Peyron, and Fragonard, went to the National Assembly to<br />
offer their jewels to the nation. Dressed all in white, with<br />
their hair ornamented with the tricolour, their heroic<br />
gesture clearly derived from the event in ancient Rome of<br />
the votive offering to Camillus. 3 This kind of patriotic<br />
donation, a practice that was soon to become common,<br />
was immediately commemorated in print as well as in Le<br />
Courier Français, which was widely distributed and would<br />
have been recognised by contemporaries as a direct<br />
reference to Roman history. 4<br />
During Gauffier’s voluntary exile in the early part of his<br />
career he dedicated himself to painting solely history subjects<br />
often based on Roman history, in particular those<br />
episodes exemplifying female virtues. His compositions,<br />
as seen in the present drawing, are characterised by fine<br />
execution, strong expressions and poses and precise detail,<br />
conforming to the antique movement made popular<br />
by David in Paris. Our drawing is comparable to another,<br />
showing Roman Matrons appealing to the Family of<br />
Coriolanus (Philadelphia Museum of Art), which served as<br />
a study for a painting now at the Château de Fontainebleau.<br />
62
FELICE GIANI<br />
San Sebastiano Curone 1758–1823 Rome<br />
25<br />
TELEMACHUS CONSOLED BY<br />
TERMOSIRIS, HIGH PRIEST OF<br />
THE TEMPLE OF APOLLO<br />
Inscribed with the title by the artist, along the lower margin,<br />
Telemaco consolato dal sacerdote d’Apollo<br />
Pen and brown ink, brown wash<br />
280 × 410 mm<br />
drew the ire of Louis XIV, and Fénelon and his friends<br />
were expelled from court, the printer was arrested and the<br />
police attempted to confiscate all copies. Yet despite<br />
these efforts to suppress the book it proved an instant<br />
and overwhelming success and was translated into every<br />
European language; it subsequently inspired numerous<br />
works of art and music, the most prominent of which is perhaps<br />
Mozart’s Idomeneo.<br />
PROVENANCE<br />
Prof. Richard Brilliant, New York<br />
The subject matter of this highly finished drawing, executed<br />
in Giani’s favourite technique of pen and ink and wash and<br />
inscribed with the title in his characteristic handwriting, is<br />
taken from one of the most popular and influential books<br />
in the eighteenth century, François de Salignac de la Mothe-<br />
Fénelon’s (1651–1715) didactic novel, Les aventures de<br />
Télémaque (The Adventures of Telemachus), first published<br />
anonymously in 1699. When Fénelon wrote the<br />
book, in circa 1694–96, he was Archbishop of Cambrai<br />
and tutor to the seven-year-old Duc de Bourgogne,<br />
grandson of Louis XIV and second in line to the throne. It<br />
marked the climax of his pedagogical works, following<br />
two other such books, the Fables and the Dialogues of the<br />
Dead. The book’s description of a tyrant immediately<br />
Complementing Homer’s Odyssey with fictitious adventures,<br />
the book describes the travels of the young Tele -<br />
machus in search of his father Ulysses. During his travels<br />
and guided by Minerva (disguised as Mentor, presumed<br />
friend of Ulysses), Telemachus meets various fatherly<br />
figures, each of whom teaches him a specific moral lesson.<br />
His first encounter – that depicted in our drawing – is<br />
with Termosiris, the High Priest of the Temple of Apollo.<br />
A volume, inscribed Apolo is resting on his lap, and the<br />
temple of the god can be seen behind the tree. Termo si -<br />
ris’s lesson is to avoid the passions and follow the example<br />
of Apollo “who, when enduring captivity as a shepherd,<br />
used the time wisely to teach the uncivilised inhabitants of<br />
the region the art of music and an appreciation for the<br />
joys of their bucolic existence. Soon, the half-savage<br />
shepherds realised that they were in reality more for -<br />
tunate in their simplicity than kings in their golden<br />
palaces.” 1<br />
Anna Ottani Gavina dates our drawing to the late eighteenth<br />
century. 2 From that time, most likely the 1790s,<br />
date a pair of oval paintings also based on Fénelon’s<br />
book. One of these shows a closely related subject from<br />
the beginning of the novel, Minerva disguised as Mentor<br />
who directs Telemachus toward the boat in which to begin<br />
his voyage leaving the island of Calypso behind. 3 Many<br />
years later, around 1820, Giani returned again to Fénelon’s<br />
book and the story of Telemachus. One of his sketchbooks<br />
preserved at the Cooper-Hewitt National Design Museum,<br />
New York, contains several such drawings, 4 one of which,<br />
still unpublished, shows Telemachus receiving a book from<br />
Termosiris (Fig. 1). 5 These sketches and their related inscriptions<br />
suggest that Giani was then working on illustrations<br />
or perhaps a decorative cycle of based on the book.<br />
Fig. 1<br />
64
LUIGI SABATELLI<br />
Florence 1772–1850 Milan<br />
26<br />
PORTRAIT OF LUIGI RICASOLI,<br />
AGED SEVEN<br />
Signed and dated, lower right, Luigi Sabatelli / fece 1808<br />
Inscribed, lower left, Luigi Ricasoli<br />
Pen and brown ink<br />
298 × 208 mm<br />
Made at the height of the Neo-classical style in Florence<br />
in 1808, this finished drawing shows Luigi Ricasoli, second<br />
son of the Marchese Pietro Leopoldo Ricasoli Zanchini<br />
(1778–1850) and his wife, the Marchesa Lucrezia Ricasoli<br />
(née Rinuccini). It formed part of a group of six portrait<br />
drawings showing the parents and four of their sons, now<br />
dispersed. 1 Except for one, the portraits are all executed<br />
in pen and ink only,in Sabatelli’s highly characteristic style<br />
including some stippling, a technique that no doubt resulted<br />
from his activity as a printmaker.<br />
Sabatelli knew the Ricasolis, one of the oldest of the noble<br />
Florentine families, well; indeed he enjoyed their patronage<br />
over a period of over two decades. He is likely to have<br />
met the Marchese Pietro Leopoldo Ricasoli sometime<br />
after the latter’s return to Florence from Vienna in 1802.<br />
The godson of Pietro Leopoldo Grand Duke of Tuscany,<br />
Ricasoli had succeeded his father as prior of the Order of<br />
Santo Stefano and became chamberlain to King Lodovico<br />
de Bourbon (1773–1803). He was later confirmed in that<br />
position at the Austrians’ return to power in 1814. In 1896<br />
he had married Lucrezia Rinuccini, another member of the<br />
old Florentine nobility and a highly accomplished musician<br />
and keyboard player. Together they were great<br />
patrons of music and literature, and assembled a highly<br />
important collection of musical sheets now preserved at<br />
the University of Louisville. Ricasoli befriended Canova,<br />
who presented him with a plaster of Napoleon and another<br />
of Pope Pius VII. Sabatelli’s portrait of the pope, made the<br />
same year as the present drawings, is now in the Uffizi.<br />
Ricasoli commissioned from Sabatelli a fresco of Saint<br />
Jerome for the Chiesa di San Girolamo at Fiesole, outside<br />
Florence, where the family owned a house. In 1828,<br />
Sabatelli, together with his sons Francesco (1801–1829)<br />
and Giuseppe (1813–1843), painted the large canvases of<br />
the life of Saint Anthony of Padua for the Ricasoli family<br />
chapel in S. Croce, Florence. Like his father and brothers,<br />
Luigi enjoyed a distinguished career in the Church. After<br />
entering the Compagnia di Gesù in Rome, he later became<br />
the Jesuit Society’s secretary.<br />
Roughly between 1797 and 1810 Sabatelli made a significant<br />
number of highly finished portrait drawings in pen<br />
and ink, 2 mostly in profile and in three-quarter profile, of<br />
friends and fellow artists, such as Antonio Canova (1805) 3<br />
or the painter Pietro Benvenuti (1808), 4 and illustrious contemporaries,<br />
such as the violinist Paganini (1810), 5 the<br />
Abate Luigi Lanzi, 6 and Pope Pius VII (1808), 7 to name but<br />
a few. 1808 appears to have been a particularly productive<br />
year for Sabatelli’s portrait drawings, which include renderings<br />
of the famous anatomist Paolo Mascagni, 8 the<br />
poet Luigi Fiacchi, 9 the archbishop of Florence, Monsignor<br />
Antonio Martini, 10 the lawyer Rivani, 11 and another version<br />
of Lanzi’s portrait. 12 Among the most accomplished portrait<br />
drawings of the period, these sheets are usually<br />
signed, dated and identify the sitter, as is the case with<br />
the present drawing. The vast majority of these portraits, a<br />
single group of altogether 67 sheets that were formerly<br />
bound in an album, are today in the Galleria Nazionale<br />
d’Arte Moderna, Rome, while eleven sheets, some of which<br />
repeat portraits now in Rome, are in the Uffizi, Florence.<br />
Outside these two institutions, such highly finished portraits<br />
are extremely rare.<br />
In their purity of line and noble detachment, and yet fully<br />
capturing our sitter’s personality, the present drawing is<br />
among the purest examples of Italian Neo-classical portraiture.<br />
Shortly before the turn of the eighteenth century,<br />
several artists in Rome and Florence had excelled in portrait<br />
drawings of their contemporaries, both of prominent<br />
luminaries and of casual sitters of humble profession or<br />
origin. Perhaps the most important exponent of this practice<br />
was Jean Baptiste Wicar who filled several albums<br />
both with highly finished as well as sketchier portraits,<br />
generally using his preferred technique of graphite.<br />
Particularly notable for their portrait drawings among his<br />
Italian colleagues were Pietro Benvenuti and Giovan<br />
Battista Dell’Era, yet it was Sabatelli, who, while generally<br />
working on a slightly larger scale and in a virtuoso pen<br />
technique, made the most profound contribution to this<br />
genre.<br />
66
BARTOLOMEO PINELLI<br />
Rome 1781–1835 Rome<br />
27<br />
BRIGANDS PREPARING AN ATTACK<br />
and<br />
BRIGANDS RESTING<br />
Both signed and dated, lower left, Pinelli fece 1824 Roma<br />
Watercolour, over black chalk, with the artist’s framing lines<br />
Each 320 × 395 mm<br />
PROVENANCE<br />
Private collection, Rome<br />
LITERATURE<br />
M. Fagiolo and M. Marini, Bartolomeo Pinelli (1781–1835) e il<br />
suo tempo, exhibition catalogue, Centro Iniziative Culturali<br />
Pantheon and Galleria Rondanini, Rome, 1983, pp. 136–37,<br />
figs 127–28<br />
In the early 1820s Pinelli made several sets of drawings,<br />
watercolours, and prints, showing Briganti, or brigands,<br />
the subject that he would subsequently perhaps be most<br />
closely associated with. Briganti, the proud and fiercely independent,<br />
thuggish banditti who lived in gangs with<br />
their entourage in the surroundings of the Roman hills and<br />
robbed travellers and pilgrims on their way to Rome, had<br />
long been of great fascination to artists. They had captured<br />
the imagination of earlier men such as John Hamilton<br />
Mortimer, who elevated the free-spirited bandit to an<br />
heroic level and even made a portrait drawing of himself<br />
in the guise of a brigand (circa 1775). While brigands<br />
posed a great threat to travellers in the papal state, they<br />
lived themselves under constant fear of police raids. In<br />
1819 the papal police launched a major campaign, during<br />
which the captured brigands were taken to Rome where<br />
they were imprisoned with their families in the Baths of<br />
Diocletian. 1 It was on such occasions that the artists in<br />
Rome had the opportunity to study from up-close these<br />
outlaws and their extravagant costumes. Brigands, some<br />
of whom became famous, such as Gasparone who dictated<br />
his life while in prison, or Bizzarro, play a consistent part in<br />
Pinelli’s graphic and sculptural output.<br />
Brigands feature prominently in one of Pinelli’s most popular<br />
publications, the Cinquanta costumi de’ contorni di<br />
Roma, compresi di diversi fatti di briganti, designed<br />
between 1819 and 1822 and published in 1823. 2 From the<br />
same period date a set of twenty-five prints of various<br />
brigand subjects, 3 his set of nine prints of the life of the<br />
notorious Alessandro Massaroni (1823), who had been<br />
killed by papal troops in 1821, 4 and two sets of drawings<br />
showing the gruesome (and true) Story of the Beheaded<br />
Brigand (1823). 5<br />
In addition to these publications, Pinelli made large and<br />
highly finished watercolours such as these, usually prom -<br />
inently signed and dated and no doubt made as independent<br />
works of art intended for sale to collectors. Several<br />
examples survive that suggest Pinelli occasionally designed<br />
them as pairs. Another such pair, made a year after ours,<br />
for instance, shows Brigands Enjoying a Picnic and Brigands<br />
Caught in Surprise by the Police. 6 Our works show the<br />
moment before an attack and, most probably, the peaceful<br />
rest in the Roman Campagna thereafter. The idea that<br />
women would actively participate (here, spying out the<br />
target) in a heinous crime can frequently be found Pinelli’s<br />
Brigand scenes. He also often made additional versions of<br />
his most successful compositions. Another version of our<br />
scene before the attack, with notable differences in the<br />
group of brigands on the left, was recorded with Galleria<br />
Nardechia in Rome in 1976. 7 Rarely, however, have Pinelli’s<br />
watercolours come down to us in such pristine state as the<br />
present sheets.<br />
68
JOHN FLAXMAN<br />
York 1755–1826 London<br />
28<br />
SAINT JOHN THE EVANGELIST<br />
Signed and inscribed, verso, … 7 th Chapel St. John /<br />
John Flaxman<br />
Brush and grey wash, over pencil<br />
735 × 380 mm<br />
PROVENANCE<br />
Private collection, England<br />
Flaxman’s greatest ambition as an artist was no doubt to<br />
succeed in monumental sculpture – he was to become the<br />
Royal Academy’s first professor of sculpture in 1810 –<br />
though his early fame and influence rests primarily on his<br />
drawings for outline engravings illustrating the works of<br />
the great poets of antiquity, such as Homer’s Iliad and<br />
Odyssey (both 1793), Aeschylos’ tragedies (published in<br />
1795), or those of the early modern poets, such as Dante’s<br />
Divine Comedy (made circa 1793– 95, published 1807).<br />
From his days as a teenager at the Royal Academy, which<br />
he joined at the age of fifteen in 1770, Flaxman had a<br />
promising career. At the academy, then under Reynolds’s<br />
directorship, he knew William Blake and from 1775 he befriended<br />
George Romney, who had just returned from<br />
Italy. He also secured a job at the firm of Wedgwood and<br />
Bentley to provide designs for its jasperware. For the<br />
following twenty years, Josiah Wedgwood’s patronage<br />
helped secure Flaxman’s financial stability, a vital concern<br />
during the artist’s entire life.<br />
In the years following his appointment to the Academy,<br />
the greatest public honour Britain bestowed on Flaxman<br />
during his lifetime, he delivered a series of lectures on<br />
sculpture, addressed to students and future artists, in which<br />
he laid out his view of the role and history of sculpture from<br />
the early Egyptians to the masterpieces of his own century.<br />
Some of his lectures were published posthumously in London<br />
in 1829 in a volume entitled Lectures on Sculpture. 1<br />
This book, reprinted many times since, contains fifty-three<br />
lithographic illustrations, executed by Flaxman’s sister -<br />
in-law, Maria Denman, after the artist’s drawings.<br />
Fig. 1<br />
Flaxman was known to have prepared his lectures meticulously.<br />
2 Numerous extant drawings and sketches, many<br />
today at the Kunsthalle, Hamburg, testify to the great care<br />
he took in their preparation. 3 The drawings’ range covers<br />
early primitive works, classic Greek and Roman sculpture,<br />
and even Indian costumes. Flaxman also made large-scale<br />
drawings, which he then exhibited in the lecture theatre to<br />
accompany and illuminate his lectures. Their significant<br />
size allowed for excellent visibility from the distance and<br />
left a lasting impression on his audience, judging at least<br />
from one comment by his friend, the architect C.R. Cockerell,<br />
who wrote in his diary in 1823: “Flaxman’s lectures<br />
are literally but the exposition of beautiful drawings.” 4 3<br />
70
JOHN FLAXMAN<br />
3<br />
28<br />
Our drawing belongs to this category and is reproduced<br />
in plate VII of Flaxman’s Lectures. More specifically, it was<br />
made for his first lecture, perhaps surprisingly dedicated<br />
not to classical art, as one might expect, but to English<br />
sculpture. It shows the statue of St. John the Evangelist,<br />
one of the statues surrounding the tomb of Henry VII in<br />
the Lady Chapel at Westminster Abbey (Fig. 1). Constructed<br />
in circa 1503–17, it is considered the last great masterpiece<br />
of English medieval architecture. In 1545, John<br />
Leland called it “the wonder of the entire world. Flaxman<br />
used the chapel to discuss the stylistic differences between<br />
the tomb itself, the work of the Florentine sculptor<br />
Pietro Torrigiano (1472–1528), and the many statues (“it<br />
has been said the number of statues … amounted to<br />
three thousand!”) located in the niches of the surrounding<br />
arches of the chapel. Based upon these differences and<br />
historical evidence he correctly deemed the latter the<br />
work of native artists. 5 And while he acknowledged that<br />
“[Torrigiano’s] … figures of the tomb have better proportion<br />
and drawing in the naked,” he concluded that “the<br />
figures of the chapel are very superior in natural simplicity<br />
and grandeur of character and drapery. 6 Flaxman chose<br />
our drawing to make this point. Indeed, he illustrated St.<br />
John not once but twice in his book. While plate VII reproduces<br />
exactly our drawing, plate VIII shows St. John in the<br />
wider architectural context of his niche and surrounded by<br />
other statues. Our drawing is thus a forceful testimony to<br />
Flaxman’s longstanding interest in medieval Britain – his<br />
drawings of medieval subject matter date from as early as<br />
the 1780s, 7 and reflects the new appreciation of, and pride<br />
in, the quality and beauty of works of art that native masters,<br />
long considered inferior to their foreign competitors,<br />
were able to create.<br />
72
JEAN-AUGUSTE-DOMINIQUE INGRES<br />
Montauban 1780–1867 Paris<br />
29<br />
PORTRAIT OF ANGÉLINE<br />
RAOUL-ROCHETTE<br />
Signed and dated, lower left, Ingres 1834; inscribed,<br />
upper left, M lle Angeline Raoul Rochette<br />
Pencil<br />
243 × 185 mm<br />
PROVENANCE<br />
Désiré-Raoul Rochette (d. 1854), and his wife, Antoinette-<br />
Claude, née Houdon (d. 1878), Paris, by descent to their<br />
grandson and son of the sitter<br />
Raoul Perrin (d. 1910), Paris, by descent to his widow<br />
Mme. Raoul Perrin, née Claire Lebon (d. 1912), Paris;<br />
by descent to their son<br />
Edmond Perrin (d. 1919), Paris<br />
Mme. Brialix (1921)<br />
Galerie Wildenstein, Paris<br />
Galerie Pétridès, Paris (c. 1948)<br />
Rosenberg & Stiebel Inc., New York (1948)<br />
Justin K. Thannhauser, New York, by 1955, sold in 1963 to<br />
Feilchenfeldt & Cie., Zurich<br />
Thomas Agnew & Sons, Ltd., London, (1966)<br />
Private collection, England<br />
Thomas Agnew & Sons, Ltd., London, (1968)<br />
Private collection, Canada<br />
Thomas Agnew & Sons, Ltd., London (1977)<br />
Jan Krugier, Geneva<br />
Private Collection<br />
LITERATURE<br />
H. Naef, Die Bildniszeichnungen von J.-A.-D. Ingres, Bern, 1980,<br />
V, pp. 190–91, cat. no. 350, illustrated (with earlier literature)<br />
EXHIBITIONS<br />
Paris, Ecole des Beaux-Arts, Ingres, 1867, cat. no. 574<br />
Paris, Galerie Georges Petit, Ingres, 1911, cat. no. 142<br />
Paris, Chambre syndicale de la Curiosité et des Beaux-Arts,<br />
Ingres, 1921, cat. no. 234<br />
New York, Paul Rosenberg & Co., Ingres in American<br />
Collections, 1961, cat. no. 46, illustrated<br />
London, Thomas Agnew & Sons Ltd., Exhibition of French &<br />
English <strong>Drawings</strong>, 1780– 965, 1966, cat. no. 137, illustrated<br />
Ottawa, National Gallery of Art, European <strong>Drawings</strong> from<br />
Canadian Collections, 1500–1900, 1977, pp. 102–03, cat. no. 43,<br />
illustrated<br />
London, Thomas Agnew & Sons, Ltd., <strong>Master</strong> <strong>Drawings</strong>, 1977,<br />
cat. no. 37, illustrated<br />
Ingres returned to Paris from Italy in 1824 after an extended<br />
stay at the Académie de France in Rome. It was while<br />
in Rome that he perfected his famous technique as a<br />
draughtsman of producing meticulously executed portrait<br />
drawings on smooth wove paper in thin, hard graphite. In<br />
1825 Ingres received the Croix de la Légion d’Honneur<br />
and over the next decade continued to work on official<br />
and private commissions such as the monumental Martyrdom<br />
of Saint Symphorien for the cathedral at Autun. His<br />
portrait drawings remained in great demand from the<br />
higher echelons of French society and the aristocracy of<br />
Europe but Ingres’s reputation was now such that he<br />
could afford to produce portrait drawings almost exclusively<br />
for friends and associates.<br />
In 1830 he drew a portrait of his close friend, Désiré-Raoul<br />
Rochette, called Raoul-Rochette (1790– 1854) now in the<br />
Albertina (inv. 24220). Raoul-Rochette was an archaeol -<br />
ogist and later Conservateur du Cabinet des Médailles at<br />
the Bibliothèque Nationale and on the recommendation<br />
of Ingres in 1839 was appointed Secrétaire perpétuel to<br />
the Académie des Beaux Arts. At the same time, Ingres<br />
drew a portrait of Raoul-Rochette’s wife, the beautiful<br />
Antoinette-Claude or Claudine (Cleveland Museum of Art,<br />
inv. 1927.437). Claudine was the youngest daughter of the<br />
famous sculptor Houdon. Four years later in 1834, Ingres<br />
made two drawings of the Raoul-Rochette daughters,<br />
Angéline, portrayed in our drawing and her younger sister<br />
Anne-Joséphine-Cécile (private collection, New York) 1<br />
who was also an artist and who later married Luigi Calamatta,<br />
Ingres’s pupil and engraver.<br />
In our portrait Angéline (1814–1874) is aged twenty years<br />
old. She later married Paul Perrin, officier-supérieur d’artillerie.<br />
She is portrayed wearing the fashionable dress of<br />
the time with broad gigot, or leg of mutton sleeves, over a<br />
large skirt and her tiny waist is emphasised by a wide<br />
Greek style key-pattern belt. Her hair is elegantly parted<br />
and then curled and looped on top in the popular style of<br />
the day. Her right hand conceals perhaps a lover’s portrait<br />
miniature which hangs from a black velvet ribbon. Ingres’s<br />
portrayal of Angéline is more finished than that of her<br />
younger sister. He has concentrated on her voluptuous<br />
features emphasizing her dark eyes which stare solemnly<br />
out at us. Angéline fills the page and her dress “reflects<br />
the change in women’s fashions from the slim austerity of<br />
the Empire style to the well-rounded amplitude of the<br />
Orléans monarchy.” 2<br />
74
CASPAR DAVID FRIEDRICH<br />
Greifswald 1774–1840 Dresden<br />
30<br />
A BURST SPRUCE<br />
Inscribed and dated, lower right, Fichte, April 1825<br />
Watercolour over pencil<br />
161 × 126 mm<br />
PROVENANCE<br />
Private collection, Belgium<br />
LITERATURE<br />
C. Grummt, Caspar David Friedrich, Die Zeichnungen, Munich,<br />
2011, p. 915, cat. no. 1010, illustrated<br />
<strong>Drawings</strong> from 1825 are very rare in Friedrich’s extant oeuvre.<br />
Apart from the present sheet, there is but one other<br />
drawing from this period, Mountain Range with Rock and<br />
Tree, at Oslo. 1 Both drawings are inscribed with the same<br />
month and year, “April, 1825,” but not with the day when<br />
they were made. These annotations suggest that both<br />
sheets were made en plein air, yet without any further hint<br />
as to where they were made. What is striking about both<br />
drawings is Friedrich’s use of watercolour. The special<br />
characteristics peculiar to Friedrich’s watercolour technique<br />
have only recently been discovered. More precisely,<br />
they show that the aesthetic effect of Friedrich’s watercolours<br />
depends crucially on his highly personal use of the<br />
pencil. 2 On the one hand Friedrich used pencil in the<br />
usual way for underdrawing, but pencil was also used on<br />
top of watercolour (after it had dried) for hatching, zigzag<br />
lines, and single-line contours. In the present drawing one<br />
can see parallel hatching spread over the coloured surfaces,<br />
which Friedrich used to help underline the contrasts<br />
which have already been formulated in colour. As a result,<br />
the red outer bark of the tree is covered with horizontal<br />
hatching, while the brown inner areas of the tree trunk<br />
have vertical parallel hatching. Inside the tree Friedrich<br />
used much finer pencil lines compared to those on the<br />
outside where a softer pencil and thicker lines were used<br />
to indicate the surface of the bark. This use of pencil overlaying<br />
watercolour first appears in Friedrich’s graphic<br />
oeuvre in 1810. 3<br />
Just as drawings from 1825 are extremely rare in Friedrich’s<br />
graphic oeuvre, so is the motif of the bizarre, broken tree<br />
trunk. Apart from the present sheet, there are only two<br />
other drawings in Friedrich’s oeuvre showing a broken<br />
tree: the Dresden Willow struck by Lightning, dated 14<br />
March 1812, 4 and the Prague drawing of the same subject,<br />
made five days later on 19 March 1812. 5<br />
The catalogue of the 1974 exhibition at Hamburg 6 correctly<br />
noted that a broken tree similar to that in the Prague<br />
drawing appears also in Friedrich’s painting of the Tombs<br />
of ancient Heroes at Hamburg. 7 In the end, however, the<br />
only sheet actually used by Friedrich was the Dresden<br />
Willow struck by Lightning. 8 So far no connection has<br />
been found between the present sheet and Friedrich’s<br />
paintings.<br />
CHRISTINA GRUMMT<br />
76
JEAN-FRANCOIS MILLET<br />
Gruchy 1814–1875 Barbizon<br />
31<br />
LA LAITIERE NORMANDE<br />
Stamped with the estate stamp, lower right, J.F.M<br />
Red chalk<br />
225 × 163 mm<br />
PROVENANCE<br />
Possibly Charles Tillot, Barbizon and Paris, acquired from the<br />
artist’s family about 1875, his sale: Paris, Hotel Drouot, 14 May<br />
1887, lot 38<br />
J. Staats Forbes, London, before 1904<br />
L. W. Livesey, London, sold on 25 November 1911 to<br />
Galerie Heinemann, Munich (inv. 13008, Kat. 86), sold on 25<br />
November 1916 for 1,200 Mark to<br />
Dr. Hans Wendland, Lugano<br />
With Frans Buffa, Amsterdam, 1930<br />
Dr. H. Wiegersma, Deurne, Holland<br />
Sale: London, Sothebys, 25 November 1959, lot 78,<br />
purchased by<br />
Hazlitt Gallery, London<br />
Stephen Spector, New York, 1963<br />
Wildenstein & Co. Ltd., London, 1969<br />
Mrs. A. Loria, London<br />
Private collection, England<br />
EXHIBITIONS<br />
London, Leicester Galleries, The Staats Forbes Collection of<br />
One Hundred <strong>Drawings</strong> by Jean Francois Millet, 1906,<br />
cat. no. 76, as La Porteuse d’eau<br />
Leipzig, Leipziger Kunstverein, according to an undated label<br />
on the backing, with associated no. 6784<br />
London, Hazlitt Gallery, Some Paintings of the Barbizon School,<br />
May 1960, cat. no. 20, reproduced and illustrated on cover<br />
Amercan Federation of the Arts, The Road to Impressionism,<br />
travelling exhibition, 1963– 64, cat. no. 39<br />
London, Wildenstein & Co. Ltd., J.-F. Millet (1814–1875), 1969,<br />
cat. no. 50, illustrated<br />
LITERATURE<br />
L. Benedite, The <strong>Drawings</strong> of J.F. Millet, London, 1906, pl. 32,<br />
as La Porteuse d’eau<br />
R.L. Herbert, “La laitiere normande a Greville de J.F. Millet,” in<br />
La Revue du Louvre et des Musees de France, February 1980,<br />
p. 15, fig. 4, D.2<br />
Jean-Francois Millet drew this powerful study of a milkmaid<br />
returning from the fields in 1849– 50 as preparation<br />
for one of his first significant compositions to confront the<br />
traditional depiction of the rural worker in French art. The<br />
most finished of four sheets of drawings that led to a small<br />
painting also titled La Laitiere normande (Princeton Univ -<br />
ersity Art Museum), this striking sanguine attests to<br />
Millet’s determination to capture the actual gestures and<br />
real strains that shape the human figure at work. Created<br />
concurrently with his landmark Salon paintings of Le<br />
Vanneur (National Gallery, London) in 1848 and Le Semeur<br />
(Museum of Fine Arts, Boston) in 1850, La Laitiere<br />
normande marks the new direction in Millet’s art and establishes<br />
the centrality of figure study to his developing<br />
Realism.<br />
Millet grew up in Contentin Normandy where tending a<br />
small family herd of cows and producing butter or cheese<br />
was a principal responsibility for a young woman. He understood<br />
the milkmaid’s long hours; he knew the heaviness<br />
of her copper canne. Importantly, he also recognised<br />
the disservice done to such hard-working women by conventional<br />
imagery that had long depicted the milkmaid as<br />
the quintessential country girl, naïve and susceptible to<br />
the lures of young men, or the foolish exemplar of the old<br />
adage, “There’s no use in crying over spilt milk.” The milkmaids<br />
of Boucher, Fragonard and popular theater dressed<br />
in tightly laced corsets and danced through their tasks as<br />
if the shiny cannes had no weight at all. Indeed, Millet<br />
himself had tucked just such a balletic milkmaid into a<br />
large signboard painted for a Cherbourg veterinarian in<br />
1841; but when he returned to the theme at the end of the<br />
decade, Millet was searching for subjects that would allow<br />
him to explore the human figure at work and (perhaps) to<br />
right the city-bound art lover’s dismissive view of the<br />
countryside.<br />
Four sheets of drawings (all sanguine, a medium Millet<br />
used only briefly in the late 1840s) are known for Millet’s<br />
1849 painting: the first with three small sketches of the<br />
figure from two angles in the Louvre (inv. RF 5780, Fig. 1);<br />
a large, unevenly worked drawing that sets up the placement<br />
of the milkmaid’s arms but tilts her head and torso<br />
3<br />
78
JEAN-FRANCOIS MILLET<br />
3<br />
31<br />
further to the right (private collection, Germany); the<br />
present drawing; and a now-lost sheet that situates the<br />
milkmaid in a rough pasture with cows (last recorded at<br />
Amsterdam, 1903). In contrast to the uneven emphasis in<br />
the other sheets, the present drawing flows as one piece,<br />
with Millet’s strengthening of critical contours in the milkmaid’s<br />
right shoulder and the long line of her left side<br />
creating a tension and a space that focus attention on the<br />
young woman’s outstretched arm and the assured curl<br />
with which her fingers manage the long cord that secures<br />
her canne against her shoulder. Millet would reconsider<br />
the theme of the Norman milkmaid at least a half-dozen<br />
times over the next twenty years, changing her costume,<br />
broadening the landscape; but the essential poise and<br />
gesture that establish her mastery of her task are set out in<br />
this drawing of La Laitiere normande.<br />
of Millet’s executors and was an avid collector of Millet’s<br />
drawings); however the similarity in size of three of the<br />
Norman milkmaid drawings prevents certainty of Tillot’s<br />
ownership. The reproduction of the drawing in colour<br />
in Benedite’s album of drawings from J. Staats Forbes’<br />
collection (London and Philadelphia, 1906) has given the<br />
drawing a well-deserved measure of fame but has confused<br />
its identity with the incorrect title La Porteuse d’eau.<br />
ALEXANDRA MURPHY<br />
The well-preserved, heavily layered collection of dealer<br />
marks and exhibition labels on the old backing board of<br />
La Laitiere normande provides an exceptionally complete<br />
history for the drawing. Like nearly all of Millet’s working<br />
drawings, La Laitiere normande remained in his studio at<br />
his death, as the cachet d’atelier of the artist’s initials at<br />
lower right attests. There is no record of the drawing’s<br />
sale, but it seems likely that this is the sanguine of La<br />
Laitiere normande that belonged a few years later to<br />
Charles Tillot (a young artist and critic who served as one<br />
Fig. 1<br />
80
ADOLPH VON MENZEL<br />
Breslau 1815–1905 Berlin<br />
32<br />
A LADY IN AN ELABORATE HAT<br />
Signed and dated, lower right, A.M. 92<br />
Pencil<br />
182 × 115 mm<br />
PROVENANCE<br />
Private collection, New York<br />
In the last two decades of his life, Menzel focused on<br />
drawings rather than paintings, but unlike the precise,<br />
sharply defined style of earlier pencil drawings, his later<br />
works have a much softer appearance, no doubt due to<br />
his preferred use of soft carpenter’s pencil, black chalk<br />
and Conté crayon. The present sheet, taken from life, was<br />
executed in 1892 and shows a wide range of tone and<br />
subtle variation of texture. The date suggests that this<br />
drawing was executed at the time Menzel worked at Bad<br />
Kissingen. Biergarten in Kissingen (1891) 1 and the Baker’s<br />
Shop in Kissingen (1893) 2 show comparable elegantly<br />
dressed women in hats, sitting at tables or strolling<br />
through a park. Similar studies are in the Museum of Fine<br />
Arts, Boston, 3 the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New<br />
York, 4 and the Albertina, Vienna. 5<br />
In the 1880s and 1890s Menzel drew a large number of<br />
informal, close-up portraits. His close friend, Paul Meyerheim,<br />
reported that he often chose his models from a<br />
group of people that would gather outside his studio. He<br />
preferred to work with ordinary people since he wished<br />
his work to be regarded for its artistic merit, rather than<br />
for the prominence of his sitters. He also took his models<br />
from the streets and restaurants of Berlin. Menzel’s sitters<br />
are usually portrayed in profile and from unusual angles,<br />
and he often concentrated on the texture of the hair, the<br />
clothes, the hats, and the skin.<br />
82
ADOLF HIRÉMY HIRSCHL<br />
Temesvár 1860–1933 Rome<br />
33<br />
VENUS<br />
Pastel on buff paper<br />
515 × 375 mm<br />
PROVENANCE<br />
Private collection, England<br />
A fully worked up pastel made in preparation for Hirémy-<br />
Hirschl’s life-size panel painting of the Birth of Venus<br />
(Fig. 1). 1 The precise date of the picture is unknown. Jörg<br />
Garms, in his seminal article on the artist of 1982 suggested<br />
a date around 1910, 2 while Charles McCorquodale, 3 in his<br />
review of the Hirschl exhibition at the Matthiesen Gallery,<br />
London, in 1987, 4 preferred a slightly earlier date of circa<br />
1900. Some of Hirschl’s most spectacular pastels and drawings<br />
relate to the Birth of Venus, generally focusing on the<br />
standing figure of the goddess, for which the artist used<br />
one of his favourite models. 5 Our pastel seems the only<br />
extant work closely studying the figure’s head and upper<br />
body. Among other notable pastels, comparable in size,<br />
technique and execution, and showing the same model,<br />
are several sheets made in preparation for Hirschl’s painting<br />
La sorgente (the Source), 6 and a study of a reclining<br />
woman for the painting Bathing Women of circa 1900. 7<br />
A student of the Vienna Academy, Hirschl enjoyed early<br />
success, winning the Rompreis in 1882, which enabled him<br />
to visit the eternal city. He also won the Kaiserpreis in 1891 –<br />
the highest artistic honour in Vienna – one year after Gustav<br />
Klimt who was the first winner of that newly created prize.<br />
In 1898, at the Emperor’s 50-year jubilee exhibition at the<br />
Künstlerhaus, Hirschl was the only Austrian to win a gold<br />
medal (for his Souls at the Acheron, 1898), in addition to another<br />
prize. That year he married Isa Ruston, daughter of an<br />
English businessman freshly divorced from her Viennese<br />
husband. Amidst the ensuing scandal, Hirschl lost patrons<br />
and vital support, such as that of the house of Habsburg. He<br />
added the Hungarian name Hirémy to his last name and<br />
moved to Rome, where he remained for the rest of his life.<br />
Hirschl was known to have been meticulous in his prepar -<br />
ation with drawings of his usually large-scale paintings. He<br />
generally worked in chalk and made a particular specialty<br />
of pastels, a technique, which he appears to have employed<br />
increasingly after his permanent move to Rome in 1898.<br />
His choice of paper is also characteristic, often using blue,<br />
orange, or as in our pastel, buff paper. Fig. 1<br />
84
JULES PASCIN<br />
Vidin 1885–1930 Paris<br />
34<br />
JEUNE GARÇON<br />
Signed, lower left, Pascin<br />
Black crayon, gouache<br />
250 × 330 mm<br />
This is a particularly vigorous early work in black crayon<br />
with touches of gouache that shows one of Pascin’s<br />
favourite models from the beginning of the second<br />
decade of the twentieth century. 1 Several drawings, mostly<br />
executed in chalk and gouache or watercolour, show the<br />
same model in different poses standing or reclining as in<br />
the present work. 2 The androgynous character of these<br />
works, particularly evident in the present sheet, has often<br />
been noted, and it may come as no surprise, therefore,<br />
that Pascin used the same model in a painting of a young<br />
girl, Fillette assise, of 1911, perhaps the type of picture he<br />
was to become most closely associated with during his<br />
relatively short but intense career (Fig. 1). 3 A preparatory<br />
drawing for the painting in black crayon shows the same<br />
young boy with long hair in a standing pose (Fig. 2).<br />
The present drawing was made in Paris, where Pascin had<br />
moved from Munich in December 1905. Of Jewish extraction,<br />
he was born Julius Mordecai Pincas in Bulgaria to a<br />
wealthy family of grain merchants. He received his artistic<br />
training first in Vienna and then in Munich where he soon<br />
contributed drawings to the satirical magazine Simplicissimus.<br />
Around that time he adopted his new name,<br />
Pascin, an anagram of Pincas. In 1914 he left Paris for New<br />
York where he sat out the war before returning to France<br />
in 1920. He was an extremely prolific, if not compulsive,<br />
draughtsman and painter, and his name became near<br />
synonymous with the bohemian life of the Montparnasse<br />
art scene. Not unlike his contemporary Schiele and the<br />
slightly younger Balthus, Pascin’s often-erotic work was<br />
the result of an intense artistic engagement with his models.<br />
And like his more famous colleagues, his intimate drawings<br />
and watercolours convey a great sympathy for his<br />
models, whom he captured with his own, unmistakably<br />
personal style.<br />
Fig. 1 Fig. 2<br />
86
ELIOT HODGKIN<br />
Purley-on-Thames 1905–1987 London<br />
35<br />
TWO OYSTER SHELLS<br />
Signed and dated, lower right: Eliot Hodgkin: 26 × 63<br />
Tempera on board<br />
127 × 216 mm<br />
PROVENANCE<br />
The Reid Gallery, London<br />
Brooke Hayward<br />
Eliot Hodgkin’s talents as a draughtsman were soon<br />
recognised at his school at Harrow. 1 Encouraged by his<br />
teachers, he pursued his artistic education in London at<br />
the Byam Shaw School of Art and the Royal Academy<br />
Schools, where he studied under the painter and poster<br />
designer, Francis Ernest Jackson (1872–1945). An interest<br />
in design initially led him into the field of fashion drawing,<br />
on which he published his first book in 1932, and into<br />
mural decoration of houses and restaurants. By the mid-<br />
1930s, however, Hodgkin had established his reputation<br />
as painter of still lives and landscapes and was a frequent<br />
exhibitor at the Royal Academy of Art. His first solo exhibition<br />
was in London at Picture Hire Ltd. in 1936 and several<br />
others were to follow, notably in New York at Durlacher<br />
Bros., and in London at Wildenstein, Leicester Galleries,<br />
the Arthur Jeffress Gallery, and Agnew’s. In more recent<br />
years, his work was the subject of four monographic ex -<br />
hibitions at Hazlitt, Gooden & Fox. His paintings feature<br />
prominently in both private and public collections including<br />
the Tate Britain.<br />
“In so far as I have any conscious purpose, it is to show the<br />
beauty of natural objects which are normally thought un -<br />
interesting or even unattractive: such things as Brussels<br />
sprouts, turnips, onions, pebbles and flints, bulbs, dead<br />
leaves, bleached vertebrae, an old boot cast up by the tide.<br />
People sometimes tell me that they had never really ‘seen’<br />
something before I painted it, and I should like to believe<br />
this.” 2<br />
Our tempera of two oyster shells placed against a textured<br />
backdrop, exemplifies the type of small natural objects that<br />
Hodgkin frequently painted. As was the artist’s custom, the<br />
oysters were painted directly from life and are shown in<br />
their actual size.<br />
Hodgkin is especially admired today for his meticulous<br />
still lives comprised of fruits, vegetables, feathers, eggs,<br />
leaves and various other objects from the natural world.<br />
Executed in oil or tempera on board, he typically arranged<br />
the object of his gaze simply and elegantly against<br />
a neutral background. In doing so, he encourages us to<br />
focus, pause and reflect on objects – often part of everyday<br />
life – that would otherwise escape our notice. In<br />
effect, he challenges us to see them for the first time. In<br />
the artist’s own words:<br />
88
NOTES<br />
1 GIULIO PIPPI, CALLED GIULIO ROMANO<br />
1 A. Belluzzi, Palazzo Te a Mantova, 2 vols., Modena, 1998,<br />
pl. 670.<br />
2 Ibid., pl. 832.<br />
2 GIORGIO VASARI<br />
1 Frey II, p. 860, no. 135.<br />
2 For a full discussion of Vasari’s Altoviti Immaculate Conception<br />
see F. Härb in A. Chong, D. Pegazzano and D. Zikos,<br />
Raphael, Cellini & and Renaissance Banker. The Patronage<br />
of Bindo Altroviti, exhibition catalogue, Isabella Stewart<br />
Gardner Museum, Boston, and Museo Nazionale del Bargello,<br />
Florence, 2003– 04, cat. no. 21.<br />
3 For instance, in his Adoration of the Magi painted for Rimini<br />
in 1547 (side panels recently discovered), or the Coronation<br />
of the Virgin in the Badia, Florence (1566– 68).<br />
4 Inv. 2197; pen and brown ink, brown wash over black chalk,<br />
410 × 310 mm; see Monbeig-Goguel 1972, cat. no. 193,<br />
illustrated<br />
5 F. Härb, “Modes and Models in Vasari’s Early Drawing<br />
Œuvre,” in P. Jacks (ed.), Giorgio Vasari. Artists and Literati<br />
at the Medicean Court (proceeds of the conference, Yale<br />
University, 1994), New Haven, 1998, p. 88. Frey I, p. 107.<br />
6 B. 57.<br />
7 See J. Kliemann in L. Corti, C. Davis, M. Daly Davis, and<br />
J. Kliemann (eds.), Giorgio Vasari, principi, letterati e artisti<br />
nelle carte di Giorgio Vasari. Pittura vasariana dal 1532 al<br />
1554, exhibition catalogue, Casa Vasari, Sottochiesa di San<br />
Francesco, Arezzo, 1981, pp. 103–08.<br />
8 D. Franklin, Rosso in Italy. The Italian Career of Rosso<br />
Fiorentino, New Haven and London, 1994, pp. 236–46,<br />
figs. 189–90.<br />
9 Vasari-Milanesi V, p. 164.<br />
10 Franklin, op. cit., pp. 242–43, figs. 189–90.<br />
11 G. Gaeta Bertelà, Archivio del collezionismo Mediceo. Il<br />
Cardinal Leopoldo de’ Medici, I. Rapporti con il mercato<br />
veneto, vol II (catalogo storico dei disegni), Milan and<br />
Naples, 1987, p. 477.<br />
3 GIORGIO VASARI<br />
1 K. and H.-W. Frey, Giorgio Vasari, Der literarische Nachlass,<br />
3 vols., Munich, 1923, 1930, and 1940, I, pp. 501–04,<br />
no. CCLXVI. In the Ricordanze Vasari lists the room under<br />
the year 1559, between the Sala di Lorenzo il Magnifico and<br />
Sala di Giovanni dalle Bande Nere (Frey, op. cit., II, p. 874,<br />
no. 256).<br />
2 Frey, op. cit., I, pp. 439–42, no. CCXXXIV.<br />
3 The exception is Fivizzano, which is depicted as an old<br />
woman.<br />
4 Inv. 2174; see C. Monbeig-Goguel, op.cit., Vasari et son<br />
Temps, Inventaire Générale des Dessins Italiens, I, Paris,<br />
1972, cat. no. 210, illustrated.<br />
5 One of the scenes in the Louvre design, Cosimo reviving<br />
Empoli, was ultimately replaced by Cosimo reviving Prato.<br />
6 Inv. B 2646-6876, see F. Härb, op.cit., in D. Franklin (ed.),<br />
Leonardo da Vinci, Michelangelo, and the Renaissance in<br />
Florence, exhibition catalogue, National Gallery of Canada,<br />
Ottawa, 2005, under cat. no. 110. A finished study for the<br />
central ceiling painting showing Cosimo I de’ Medici<br />
triumphant at the battle of Montemurlo following the<br />
defeat of the fuorusciti under Piero Strozzi in 1537 is in the<br />
Uffizi (inv. 1186E).<br />
7 R.A. Scorza, “Vasari and Gender: A New Drawing for the<br />
Sala di Cosimo I,” in Yale University Art Gallery Bulletin,<br />
1995– 96, op.cit., pp. 64–74, fig. 1.<br />
8 Härb, op. cit., 2005, cat. no. 110, illustrated.<br />
9 G. Vasari, Le Vite de’ più eccellenti Pittori, Scultori ed<br />
Architettori, in G. Milanesi (ed.), Le Opere di Giorgio Vasari,<br />
9 vols., Florence, 1878– 85, VIII, p. 194.<br />
4 | 5GIROLAMO MACCHIETTI<br />
1 R.Borghini, Il Riposo, Florence, 1584, p. 604.<br />
2 Privitera, op. cit., 1996, p. 120, cat. no. 27, illustrated.<br />
3 Ibid., pp. 118–19, cat. no. 26, illustrated.<br />
4 Ibid., p. 163, cat. no. 68, illustrated.<br />
5 Ibid., p. 161, cat. no. 65, illustrated.<br />
6 Ibid., p. 133, cat. no. 38, illustrated.<br />
7 Inv. 1998.73.<br />
8 Ibid., cat. nos., 35–41, all illustrated.<br />
6 PAOLO FARINATI<br />
1 P. Buscaroli and M. Praz (eds.), C. Ripa, Iconologia, 1992<br />
(first published in Rome, 1593), pp. 436–37: Donna la quale<br />
con la destra mano tiene un freno, con la sinistra un tempo<br />
di horologio et a canto vi tiene un Elefante.<br />
2 Inv. SL 5224.72.<br />
3 Inv. 4856.<br />
4 Inv. 62.119.9.<br />
7 ANTONIO VIVIANI,<br />
CALLED IL SORDO DI URBINO<br />
1 C. Acidini Luchinat, Taddeo e Federico Zuccari fratelli pittori<br />
del Cinquecento, Milan, 1999, II, pp. 37–39.<br />
2 P. Tosini, Girolamo Muziano, 1532–1592: dalla maniera alla<br />
natura, Rom, 2008, pp. 175–77 and pp. 360–65, cat. A 15.<br />
3 See L. Mochi Onori, “Antonio Viviani,” in P. Dal Poggetto<br />
(ed.), Le arti nelle Marche al tempo di Sisto V, Cinisello<br />
Balsamo, 1992, pp. 328–30; C. Monbeig Goguel, “Les deux<br />
“Antonio da Urbino” elèves de Barocci: autour de quelques<br />
dessins identifiée d’Antonio Cimatori et une proposition<br />
pour Antonio Viviani,” in M. Di Giampaolo (ed.), Dal disegno<br />
all’opera compiuta, Perugia, 1992, pp. 109–22; M. R. Valazzi,<br />
“Antonio Viviani detto il Sordo di Urbino,” in A. M. Ambrosini<br />
Massari and M. Cellini (eds.), Nel segno di Barocci, Milan,<br />
2005, pp. 114–27.<br />
4 G. Scavizzi, “Gli affreschi della Scala Santa e alcune aggiunte<br />
al tardomanierismo romano,” in Bollettino d’arte, 4. ser., 45,<br />
1960, p. 327; A. Zuccari, I pittori di Sisto V, Rome, 1992, pp.<br />
69, 96, pl. XXVII.<br />
5 J. Gere, Taddeo Zuccaro. His development studied in his<br />
drawings, London, 1969, p. 138, cat. no. 22, pl. 94.<br />
8 FRANCESCO VANNI<br />
1 L. Marracci, Vita della ven. Madre Passitea Crogi senese,<br />
fondatrice del Monasterio della Religiose Cappuccine<br />
nella città di Siena, Rome, 1669.<br />
2 Inv. 2226; see Viatte, op. cit., cat. no. 524, illustrated.<br />
3 Inv. 4705 S.<br />
4 Inv. 3329 bis.<br />
5 P. Misciattelli, “Passitea Crogi e un suo ritratto inedito,”<br />
in La Diana, 1934, p. 194, pl. 1.<br />
9 VESPASIANO STRADA<br />
1 F. Viatte et al., L’Oeil du connaisseur. Dessins italiens du<br />
Louvre. Hommage à Philip Pouncey, exhibition catalogue,<br />
Musée du Louvre Paris 1992, cat. no. 101, illustrated.<br />
2 F. Grisolia, “Per Giovan Battista Lombardelli, Pasquale Cati<br />
e Vespasiano Strada disegnatori,” in Paragone, 61, 2010,<br />
ser. 3, 92/93, pp. 3–39, figs. 29–33.V. Birke, J. Kertész, Die<br />
italienischen Zeichnungen der Albertina, I, Vienna, 1994,<br />
cat. no. 809, illustrated.<br />
10 GIOVANNI FRANCESCO BARBIERI,<br />
CALLED IL GUERCINO<br />
1 See, for instance, D. Mahon and N. Turner, The drawings of<br />
Guercino in the collection of Her Majesty The Queen at<br />
Windsor Castle, Cambridge, 1989, cat. nos 42–43, pls. 43–44.<br />
2 Mr. Nicholas Turner suggested this date to a previous owner<br />
of the drawing.<br />
3 The Samian Sibyl at the Palazzo Reale, Genoa (1653), for<br />
instance, is resting her chin on her left arm.<br />
4 A. Calabi and A. de Vesme, Francesco Bartolozzi, catalogue<br />
des estampes et notice biographique d’après les manuscrits<br />
de A. de Vesme entièrement réformés et complétés d’une<br />
étude critique par A. Calabi, Milan, 1928, cat. no. 2160.II.<br />
5 Ibid., 2140.II.<br />
11 FRA SEMPLICE DA VERONA<br />
1 The first was made in Rome just after the beatification for<br />
the Church of San Bonaventura (c. 1626, the painting is<br />
today at Ronciglione). Then came the Redentore altarpiece,<br />
followed by pictures for the Capuchin churches at Bassano<br />
di Grappa (1631), Padua, Parma (dated 1636), and a picture<br />
now in the d’Arco di Bagno collection at Mantua (1640).<br />
His last painting of the subject was likely that made for the<br />
order’s church at Lugano. See M. Karpowicz, “Quadri nella<br />
chiesa dei Cappuccini di Lugano: Ortensio Crespi, Fra<br />
Semplice da Verona e Carlo Innocenzo Carloni,” in Arte<br />
Lombarda, 113–14, 1995, p. 109, figs. 8 (Mantua), and 9<br />
(Lugano); and S. Morét, “Alcuni disegni sconosciuti di Fra<br />
Semplice da Verona a Würzburg,” in Arte veneta, 63, 2006,<br />
pp. 218–19, figs. 4 (Parma), 5 (Mantua), and 7 (Padua).<br />
2 D. Benati, “Quadri e disegni di fra Semplice da Verona,<br />
cappuccino,” in Arte cristiana, 82, 1994, p. 432, fig. 14.<br />
3 Ibid. For an illustration of the ex-Scholz drawing see<br />
M. Muraro, Disegni veneti della collezione Janos Scholz,<br />
exhibition catalogue, Fondazione Giorgio Cini, Venice, 1957,<br />
cat. no. 49, illustrated (as attr. to Pietro Vecchia).<br />
4 Di Giampaolo, op. cit., p. 319, fig. 3.<br />
5 D. Lachenmann, “Two Preparatory <strong>Drawings</strong> by Fra<br />
Semplice da Verona,” in <strong>Master</strong> <strong>Drawings</strong>, XXX, 1992, no. 2,<br />
pp. 210–15.<br />
6 R. Contini, “Berlino per Fra Semplice,” in Arte veneta, 63,<br />
2006 (2007), pp. 208–16.<br />
7 Ibid., p. 208, fig. 1.<br />
8 Morét, op. cit., pp. 218–19, figs. 3 and 6.<br />
12 SIMONE CANTARINI, CALLED IL PESARESE<br />
1 Published at Genoa, Pavoni, 1607.<br />
2 A. Mazzanti, V. Rizzo, Memorie dell’organo di Santo Stefano<br />
a Campi…, Florence, 1992; the engravings are by Marco<br />
Zignani.<br />
3 Inv. F.P. 3977.<br />
4 A. M. Ambrosini Massari in A. M. Ambrosini Massari,<br />
L. Marques, and R. Morselli, Disegni italiani della Biblioteca<br />
Nacional di Rio de Janeiro. La collezione Costa e Silva,<br />
Milan, 1995, pp. 145, 147, cat. no. 89, illustrated (tentatively<br />
titled Alexander and Roxana).<br />
5 Inv. II/310; see A. M. Ambrosini Massari, in A. Emiliani (ed.),<br />
Simone Cantarini detto il Pesarese 1612–1648, exhibition<br />
catalogue, Pinacoteca Nazionale, Bologna, 1997, p. 295,<br />
cat. no. II. 82, illustrated.<br />
6 A. Colombi Ferretti, Simone Cantarini, Modena, 1992,<br />
pp. 129–30.<br />
13 ABRAHAM BLOEMAERT<br />
1 H. Miedema (ed.), Karel van Mander, The lives of the<br />
illustrious Netherlandish and German painters from the first<br />
edition of the Schilder-boeck (1603–1604), Doornspijk, 1994,<br />
I, p. 450.<br />
2 Inv. PD166–1936; J. Bolten, Abraham Bloemaert: The<br />
<strong>Drawings</strong>, Leiden, 2007, I, p. 363, cat. nos. 1150–1311, II.,<br />
pp. 389–412, all illustrated.<br />
3 Ibid. I, p. 368, cat. no. 1162, II, p. 393, illustrated.<br />
4 Ibid. I, p. 369, cat. no. 1167, II, p. 393, illustrated.<br />
5 For the painting of Saint Veronica see M. Roethlisberger,<br />
Abraham Bloemaert and his Sons, Doornspijk, 1993, I,<br />
pp. 137–39, cat. no. 90, II, fig. 155.<br />
6 Briquet, no. 1314.<br />
7 Inv. 975.4.518.<br />
8 Inv. 83.GB.375.<br />
9 Inv. RP-T-1984-1.<br />
14 CHARLES DE LA FOSSE<br />
1 Gustin-Gomez, op. cit., p. 70, cat. no. P102, ill.<br />
2 Ibid., p. 113, cat. no. P170.<br />
3 Ibid., p. 98.<br />
4 Ibid., pp. 114–115, cat. nos. P171–72, both illustrated.<br />
90
NOTES<br />
15 LUDOVICO GIMIGNANI<br />
1 Inv. FC 127216 verso, see U.V. Fischer Pace, Disegni die<br />
G iacinto e Ludovico Gimignani nelle collezioni del<br />
Gabinetto Nazionale delle Stampe, Rome, 1979,<br />
cat. no. 212, illustrated.<br />
2 N. Turner, Italian <strong>Drawings</strong> in the British Museum, Roman<br />
Baroque <strong>Drawings</strong>, London, 1999, I, cat. nos. 128<br />
(inv. FAWK, 5211.57, here illustrated), and 129 (inv.<br />
1946,0713.834). The connection with the British Museum<br />
drawings was first kindly noted by Mr. Hugo Chapman of<br />
the British Museum.<br />
3 Inv. FN 174 (12910), see Fischer Pace, op. cit., cat. no. 258,<br />
illustrated.<br />
20 CLAUDE-JOSEPH VERNET<br />
1 The Castel Nuovo in Naples (inv. 1976.334.1), Bridge in the<br />
Campagna (inv. 1976.334.2).<br />
2 Ruins of the Temple of Serapis at Pozzuoli (inv. 67.256).<br />
3 Conisbee, op. cit.<br />
4 A View of Posillipo from the same album sold in London,<br />
Sotheby’s, 8 July 1998, lot 247, illustrated, and another View<br />
of Posillipo, smaller in scale, sold at New York, Sotheby’s,<br />
26 January 2011, lot 641, illustrated.<br />
5 Sale: London, Christie’s, 4 July 1995, lots 139 and 141,<br />
illustrated.<br />
21 PIETRO GIACOMO PALMIERI<br />
23 HUBERT ROBERT<br />
1 D. Diderot, “Salon of 1767,“ in J. Goodman (ed.), Diderot<br />
on Art, New Haven and London, 1995, II, pp. 198–99.<br />
2 J. de Cayeux, Les Hubert Roberts de la Collection Veyrenc<br />
au Musée de Valence, Valence, 1985, cat. no. 81, illustrated.<br />
3 A. Brejon de Lavergnée et al., <strong>Master</strong>works from the Musée<br />
des Beaux-Arts, Lille, exhibition catalogue, New York, the<br />
Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1992-93, cat. no. 80, illustrated.<br />
4 See A. M. Bietti Sestieri, Museo Nazionale Romano, The<br />
Baths of Diocletian, Rome, 2002.<br />
5 Ibid, p. 4.<br />
24 LOUIS GAUFFIER<br />
Bravo and B. Paolozzi Strozzi, Luigi Sabatelli (1772–1850),<br />
disegni e incisioni, exhibition catalogue, Gabinetto Disegni<br />
e Stampe degli Uffizi, Florence, 1978, cat. nos. 53-60, all<br />
illustrated.<br />
3 Rome, Galleria Nazionale d’Arte Moderna, inv. 425/13.<br />
4 Rome, Galleria Nazionale d’Arte Moderna, inv. 427/14.<br />
5 Rome, Galleria Nazionale d’Arte Moderna, inv. 428/17.<br />
6 Rome, Galleria Nazionale d’Arte Moderna, inv. 427/7.<br />
7 Del Bravo and Paolozzi Strozzi, op. cit., cat. no. 57, fig. 58.<br />
8 Ibid., cat. no. 58, fig. 59.<br />
9 Ibid., cat. no. 59, fig. 60.<br />
10 Ibid., cat. no. 56, fig. 57.<br />
11 Rome, Galleria Nazionale d’Arte Moderna, inv. 427/11.<br />
12 Del Bravo and Paolozzi Strozzi, op. cit., cat. no. 55,<br />
fig. 56.<br />
16 NICCOLÒ RICCIOLINI<br />
1 J.J. Winckelmann, Il bello dell’arte, Turin, 1983, p. 86;<br />
L. Lanzi, Storia pittorica dell’Italia (1795– 1796) (ed. M.<br />
Capucci), Florence, 1968 (1809), I, p. 392.<br />
2 See M. B. Guerrieri Borsoi, “Contributi allo studio di Niccolò<br />
Ricciolini,” in Bollettino d’arte, 73, 1988, 50/51, pp. 161–85;<br />
idem, “Un disegno inedito di Niccolò Ricciolini,” in Bollettino<br />
d’arte, 74, 1989, 58, pp. 67–68; V. Casale, “La dinastia dei<br />
pittori Ricciolini,” in Dal disegno all’opera compiuta,<br />
proceeds of the conference (Torgiano, 1987), Perugia, 1992,<br />
pp. 171–91; S. Morét, Römische Barockzeichnungen im<br />
Martin-von-Wagner-Museum der Universität Würzburg,<br />
Regensburg, 2012, cat. nos. 342–44, illustrated.<br />
3 One shows Cardinal Giuseppe Colonna as a prisoner of the<br />
Turks, the other a Cardinal following the Construction of a<br />
Building.<br />
4 Morét, op. cit., cat. no. 342, illustrated.<br />
5 V. Casale e F. Petrucci (ed.), Il Museo del barocco romano.<br />
La Collezione Lemme a Palazzo Chigi in Ariccia, exhibition<br />
catalogue, Palazzo Chigi, Ariccia, 2007, cat. no. 57.<br />
17 GIOVANNI BATTISTA TIEPOLO<br />
1 A. Morassi, A complete catalogue of the paintings of G.B.<br />
Tiepolo, including pictures by his pupils and followers,<br />
wrongly attributed to him, London, 1962, p. 44, illustrated.<br />
2 G. Knox, Giambattista and Domenico Tiepolo, A Study and<br />
Catalogue Raisonné of the Chalk <strong>Drawings</strong>, Oxford, 1980, I,<br />
cat. no. M529, II, pl. 176.<br />
3 A. Rizzi, The Etchings of the Tiepolos, London, 1971, pl. 166.<br />
4 G. Knox et al., Tiepolo. A bicentenary exhibition 1770–1970.<br />
<strong>Drawings</strong>, mainly from American collections, by Giambattista<br />
Tiepolo and the members of his circle, Fogg Art Museum,<br />
Cambridge (Mass.), 1970, p. 211.<br />
19 JEAN-MARTIAL FRÉDOU DE LA BRETONNIERE<br />
1 Inv. MV 4398.<br />
2 N. Jeffares, Dictionary of Pastellists before 1800, pp. 186–88,<br />
illustrated.<br />
3 Inv. RF 12000.<br />
4 Inv. RF 1940.19<br />
1 M.T. Caracciolo, “Dessins du Settecento bolonaise au<br />
musée des Arts décoratifs de Lyon. Œuvres inédites ou<br />
nouvellement attribuées,” in Revue du Louvre, 43, 1993, 4,<br />
pp. 25–43, and especially pp. 40–41.<br />
2 Palmieri moved from his native Bologna first to Parma<br />
(c. 1770), then to Paris (1773– 78), and ultimately to Turin.<br />
See A. di Vesme, Schede Vesme. L’arte in Piemonte dal sec.<br />
XVI al sec. XVIII, III, Turin, 1968; V. Natale, “Pietro Giacomo<br />
Palmieri. Bologna 1735– Torino 1804,” in V. Bertone (ed.),<br />
Disegni del XIX secolo della Galleria Civica d’Arte Moderna<br />
Contemporanea di Torino. Fogli scelti dal Gabinetto Disegni<br />
e Stampe, Florence, 2009, I, pp. 3–9; C. Travisonni, “Palmieri,<br />
Pietro Giacomo,” in Dizionario Biografico degli italiani,<br />
Istituto della Enciclopedia Italiana, Rome 1960 to present,<br />
in press (with earlier literature).<br />
3 Galleria Dipinti Antichi Gilberto Zabert, Disegni antichi di<br />
maestri italiani e stranieri dal XVI al XIX secolo, exhibition<br />
catalogue, Turin, 1972, 4, cat. no. 34; and sale: New York,<br />
Sotheby’s, Old <strong>Master</strong> <strong>Drawings</strong>, 16 January 1986, lot 153,<br />
illustrated.<br />
4 Travisonni, “Du Tillot…,” op. cit.<br />
22 JEAN-HONORÉ FRAGONARD<br />
1 Ananoff, op. cit., cat. nos. 103, 111, 112, 113, 121, 122, 123,<br />
126, 127, 2036 and 2037. Seven of the portrait roundels are<br />
of Fragonard and his family and are conserved as a group in<br />
the Louvre.<br />
2 Idem, op. cit., IV, p. 57, cat. no. 2036; and Roland-Michel,<br />
op. cit., p. 443.<br />
3 Darras, op. cit., pp. 85–86.<br />
4 Ibid.<br />
5 Ananoff, op. cit, cat. no. 123, illustrated.<br />
6 Ibid., cat. no. 2037, illustrated.<br />
7 J.-P. Cuzin, Fragonard. Life and Work, Fribourg and New<br />
York, 1988, pp. 16668.<br />
8 R. Coulon, “Pierre-Jacques Bergeret, Fils, 1742–1807,”<br />
in Bulletin et Mémoires de la Société Archéologique de<br />
Bordeaux, LXVIII, 1970–73, pp. 187–203.<br />
9 Ananoff, op. cit., cat. no. 103, fig. 48, illustrated.<br />
1 The Hope painting is considered to be the painting now in<br />
the Musée des Beaux-Arts, Poitiers. It is thought to be that<br />
sold at the Jauffret sale in Paris, 29 April 1811, lot 17, bought<br />
by Marthe (or Mautre). It was purchased for the Musée<br />
Nationaux in a sale in Paris, Hôtel Drouot, 25 June 1943, and<br />
transferred to the Musée des Beaux-Arts, Poitiers in 1949.<br />
See D. Watkin and P. Hewat-Jaboar, Thomas Hope, Regency<br />
Designer, New Haven and London, 2008, p. 362.<br />
2 Ibid., p. 362. The others are Ulysses and Nausicaa (Musée de<br />
Poitiers, inv. 969.4.1), Rest on the Flight into Egypt (Musée<br />
de Poitiers, inv. 975.1.1), Achilles Discovered among the<br />
Daughters of Lycomedes and Hector Reproving Paris.<br />
3 R. Rosenblum, Transformations in late Eighteenth Century<br />
Art, Princeton, 1967, p. 86.<br />
4 Anonymous artist, Patriotic Women donating their Jewels to<br />
the National Assembly in 1789, aquatint, Vizille, Musée de la<br />
Révolution Française.<br />
25 FELICE GIANI<br />
1 C. Helms, Fénelon, selected writings, New York-Mahwah,<br />
2006, p. 55.<br />
2 Letter dated 14 November 2003.<br />
3 A. Ottani Cavina, Felice Giani, 1758– 1823, e la cultura di fine<br />
secolo, 2 vols., Milan, 1999, II, pp. 652, 656, cat. no. D. 35–36,<br />
figs. 925–26.<br />
4 Ibid., II, p. 830, cat. nos. A1.532-34.<br />
5 Inv. 1901-39-3389. Ibid., cat. no. A1.532.<br />
26 LUIGI SABATELLI<br />
1 The group included portraits of the parents and their sons<br />
Giovanni (b. 1803, aged 5), Alessandro (b. 1804, aged 4),<br />
and Stanislao (b. 1813, aged 3). The couple also had another<br />
son, Giovanfrancesco (1800–1833), and three daughters,<br />
Teresa (b. 1802), Leopoldina (b. 1811), and Giulia (b. 1813).<br />
See L. Passerini, Genealogia e storia della famiglia Ricasoli,<br />
Florence, 1861, pp. 109–10. The portrait of Stanislao<br />
was made in red and black chalk in 1817, following the<br />
long-standing Florentine tradition of portrait drawings in<br />
this technique, perhaps most famously espoused in the<br />
seventeenth century by Carlo Dolci.<br />
2 For Sabatelli’s portrait drawings see the seminal article by<br />
U. Ojetti, “Ritratti di Luigi Sabatelli,” in Pan, rassegna di<br />
Lettere, Arte e Musica, II, no. 1, 1934, pp. 231–52; and C. Del<br />
27 BARTOLOMEO PINELLI<br />
1 Such attacks on brigands became a subject in painting in its<br />
own right, perhaps most notably in Horace Vernet’s Italian<br />
Brigands surprised by Papal Troops (1830); Pinelli, too,<br />
depicted similar scenes, see Fagiolo and Marini, op. cit.,<br />
p. 138, cat. no. 130, illustrated.<br />
2 Ibid., pp. 289–96, all illustrated.<br />
3 Ibid., p. 308.<br />
4 Ibid., p. 310.<br />
5 Ibid. pp. 122–30, cat. nos. 107–17, illustrated.<br />
6 Ibid., p. 138, figs. 129–30.<br />
7 Ibid. p. 133, fig. 122 (not signed and dated).<br />
28 JOHN FLAXMAN<br />
1 A second edition followed in 1838.<br />
2 We wish to thank Prof. David Bindman for his generous help<br />
in identifying this drawing.<br />
3 D. Bindman (ed.), John Flaxman, R.A., exhibition catalogue,<br />
London, Royal Academy, 1979, pp. 133–35.<br />
4 Ibid., p. 132.<br />
5 These were possibly the masons Robert Janyns<br />
(fl. 1438–1464) and William Vertue (fl. 1501–d. 1527).<br />
6 R. Flaxman, Lectures on Sculptures, reprinted, London, 1865,<br />
p. 47.<br />
7 See, for instance, Flaxman’s large drawings of the Massacre<br />
of the Britons at Stonehenge, based upon Thomas<br />
Chatterton’s poem Battle of Hastyngs, a Procession of Early<br />
English Saints, and Medieval Scene, all at the Fitzwilliam<br />
Museum, Cambridge (Bindman, op. cit., cat. nos., 9–11,<br />
illustrated), and another drawing of a Medieval Scene,<br />
recently acquired by the Louvre from W. M. Brady, New York<br />
(inv. RF 54654).<br />
29 JEAN-AUGUSTE-DOMINIQUE INGRES<br />
1 Naef, op. cit., cat. no. 349, illustrated.<br />
2 J. Turner (ed.), <strong>Master</strong> <strong>Drawings</strong>, the Woodner Collection,<br />
exhibition catalogue, Royal Academy, London, 1987, p. 228.<br />
92
NOTES<br />
INDEX<br />
30 CASPAR DAVID FRIEDRICH<br />
1 Grummt, op. cit., cat. no. 872, illustrated.<br />
2 Ibid., pp. 23–24.<br />
3 Ibid., cat nos. 629–30, illustrated.<br />
4 Ibid., cat no. 573, illustrated.<br />
5 Ibid., cat no. 660, illustrated.<br />
6 W. Hofmann, Caspar David Friedrich 1774–1840, exhibition<br />
catalogue, Hamburger Kunsthalle, Hamburg, 1974,<br />
cat. no. 97, illustrated.<br />
7 H. Börsch-Supan and K. W. Jähnig, Caspar David Friedrich.<br />
Gemälde, Druckgraphik und bildmäßige Zeichnungen,<br />
Munich 1973, cat no. 205, illustrated.<br />
8 Grummt, op. cit., cat. no. 573, illustrated.<br />
32 ADOLPH VON MENZEL<br />
1 H. von Tschudi, Adolph von Menzel. Abbildungen seiner<br />
Gemälde und Studien, Munich, 1905, cat. no. 673.<br />
2 Ibid., cat. no. 676.<br />
3 Woman in Street Dress holding a Parasol, inv. 1987.562.<br />
4 Woman in a Crushed Velvet Hat, inv. 1997.280.<br />
5 Seated Woman in a Hat holding an Umbrella, inv. 24638.<br />
6 P. Meyerheim, Adolph von Menzel. Erinnerungen, Berlin,<br />
1906, p. 41.<br />
7 M.U. Riemann-Reyher, in C. Kleisch and M.U. Riemann-<br />
Reyher (eds.), Menzel (1815–1905), ‘la névrose du vrai,’<br />
exhibition catalogue, Musée d’Orsay, Paris, 1996, p. 452.<br />
33 ADOLF HIRÉMY HIRSCHL<br />
1 175 × 98 cm, sold at Turin, Della Rocca, 22 April 2010, lot<br />
677, illustrated; see Galleria L’Antonina, Mostra personale e<br />
vendita delle opera di pittura di Adolfo Hiremy. Pitture<br />
ad olio, acquarelli, pastelli, disegni a matita, acqueforti,<br />
monotipie, exhibition and sale catalogue, Rome, 1938,<br />
cat. no. 29, pl. IV; and sale: Milan, Finarte-Semenzato,<br />
Gli Arredi di Pallazzo Lazzaroni, 23 June 2003, lot 195,<br />
illustrated.<br />
2 C. Virgilio, W. Zettl, and J. Garms, Adolf Hirémy Hirschl<br />
(Temesvar 1860– Roma 1933). Disegni, acquerelli e pastelli,<br />
exhibition catalogue, Galleria Carlo Virgilio, Rome, 1982,<br />
pp. 45-49.<br />
3 C. McCorquodale, “Adolf Hirémy Hirschl 1860–1933,” in<br />
Apollo, 126, 1987, p. 205.<br />
4 Matthiesen Fine Art Ltd., Adolf Hirémy Hirschl 1860– 1933,<br />
exhibition catalogue, London, 1987.<br />
5 Virgilio, Zettl, Garms, op. cit., cat. nos. 101–02, pls. XXXVI–VII,<br />
and unnumbered colour plate; Matthiesen Fine Art Ltd.,<br />
op. cit., cat. nos. 25–27, partially illustrated, and colour pl. II.<br />
6 Virgilio, Zettl, Garms, op. cit., cat. no. 96, pl. XXXIV.<br />
7 Matthiesen Fine Art Ltd., op. cit., cat. no. 23, illustrated.<br />
34 JULES PASCIN<br />
1 Rosemarie Napolitano and Tom Krohg have kindly<br />
confirmed the authenticity of this work.<br />
2 Y. Hemin, G. Krohg, K. Perls, and A. Rambert, Pascin,<br />
catalogue raisonné, dessins, aquarelles, pastels, peintures,<br />
dessins érotiques, II, Paris, 1987, cat. nos. 350–51, 353; IV,<br />
Paris, 1991, cat. nos. 240–49, and V, cat. nos. 307, 328, all<br />
illustrated.<br />
3 D. Vierny, B. Lorquin et al., Pascin: Le magicien du reel,<br />
exhibition catalogue, Fondation Dina Vierny-Musée Maillol,<br />
Paris, 2007, p. 79, illustrated.<br />
35 ELIOT HODGKIN<br />
1 His cousin is the abstract painter, Howard Hodgkin (b. 1932).<br />
2 E. Hodgkin, “Painter’s Purpose,” in The Studio, July 1957,<br />
p. 6.<br />
BAUMGARTNER, JOHANN WOLFGANG 18<br />
BLOEMAERT, ABRAHAM 13<br />
CANTARINI, SIMONE 12<br />
DE LA FOSSE, CHARLES 14<br />
FARINATI, PAOLO 6<br />
FLAXMAN, JOHN 28<br />
FRAGONARD, JEAN-HONORÉ 22<br />
FRÉDOU DE LA BRETONNIERE, JEAN-MARTIAL 19<br />
FRIEDRICH, CASPAR DAVID 30<br />
GAUFFIER, LOUIS 24<br />
GIANI, FELICE 25<br />
GIMIGNANI, LUDOVICO 15<br />
GUERCINO, IL 10<br />
HIRSCHL, ADOLF HIRÉMY 33<br />
HODGKIN, ELIOT 35<br />
INGRES, JEAN-AUGUSTE-DOMINIQUE 29<br />
MACCHIETTI, GIROLAMO 4 | 5<br />
MENZEL, ADOLPH VON 32<br />
MILLET, JEAN-FRANCOIS 31<br />
PALMIERI, PIETRO GIACOMO 21<br />
PASCIN, JULES 34<br />
PINELLI, BARTOLOMEO 27<br />
RICCIOLINI, NICCOLÒ 16<br />
ROBERT, HUBERT 23<br />
ROMANO, GIULIO 1<br />
FRA SEMPLICE DA VERONA 11<br />
SABATELLI, LUIGI 26<br />
STRADA, VESPASIANO 9<br />
TIEPOLO, GIOVANNI BATTISTA 17<br />
VANNI, FRANCESCO 8<br />
VASARI, GIORGIO 2 | 3<br />
VERNET, CLAUDE-JOSEPH 20<br />
VIVIANI, ANTONIO 7<br />
94
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