TRAINING AND INFORMATION CAMPAIGN ON THE ... - Fokus

Gambia Committee on Traditional Practices Affecting
the Health of Women and Children (GAMCOTRAP)
with support from FOKUS/NKTF
External review of:
TRAINING AND INFORMATION CAMPAIGN
ON THE ERADICATION OF FGM,
The Gambia
After
the
group
meeting
in
Mannekunda,
Basse
(Amie
and
Ylva
on
the
left,
alkalo
on
far
right).
The
elder
man
in
white
in
the
front
row
told
me:

“This
may
be
a
women’s
affair,
but
it
affects
us
men,
as
well.
One
of
my
wives
took
our
daughter
back
to
her
mother’s
house
to
be
circumcised.
The
girl
died.
We
didn’t
use
to
know
the
bad
effects.”
Evaluation of Program Components:
• Community sensitization
Former
circumciser
(next
to
Ylva)
was
given
seed
money
to
start
a
soap
business;
she
says
people
have
• stopped
even
trying
to
bring
girls
to
her
to
cut.
Training and empowerment of targeted groups: Traditional birth attendants
(TBAs), circumcisers, traditional healers, traditional communicators, youth,
community based facilitators (CBFs), including strengthening of IEC capabilities
• Promotion of gender equity issues
• Empowerment of youth, including school curriculum development
• Creation and support of networks for people living with HIV/AIDS (PLWHA).
• Video documentation
• Organizational development and institutional sustainability
• Promotion of partnership with Norway
Final Report, March, 2009
Ylva Hernlund, Ph.D., Anthropologist

Table of Contents
Executive Summary................................................................................................................................ 5
Results........................................................................................................................................................5
Conclusion and Recommendations..................................................................................................................6
Background of Evaluation/Methodology.............................................................................................. 7
Background to the project...................................................................................................................... 8
Country Background.............................................................................................................................. 9
Terminology........................................................................................................................................... 9
The Practice of FGM in The Gambia................................................................................................... 9
Prevalence............................................................................................................................................... 9
Types........................................................................................................................................................11
Background to Global anti-FGM Campaigns...................................................................................... 11
Gambian anti-FGM Campaigns.......................................................................................................... 13
Actors.......................................................................................................................................................13
Strategies and Challenges............................................................................................................................13
GAMCOTRAP.................................................................................................................................... 14
Organization.............................................................................................................................................14
Mission Statement......................................................................................................................................15
Aims...................................................................................................................................................... 15
Objectives..................................................................................................................................................15
Approaches and Methods............................................................................................................................15
Best Practices........................................................................................................................................ 17
Results................................................................................................................................................... 19
Discussion of objectives reached as proposed...................................................................................... 21
General Observations..................................................................................................................................21
Objectives Met as Proposed.........................................................................................................................22
Unanticipated Outcomes.............................................................................................................................23
Challenges and Adaptations........................................................................................................................23
Monitoring and Reporting...........................................................................................................................24
Cost Effectiveness.......................................................................................................................................24
Partnership with Norway............................................................................................................................24
Conclusions and Recommendations.................................................................................................... 25
Sources Cited........................................................................................................................................ 26
Appendix 1: Terms of Reference......................................................................................................... 27
Appendix 2: Sources of Information Gathered in The Gambia......................................................... 31
Appendix 3: Networks in which GAMCOTRAP participates............................................................. 51
Appendix 4: Activities completed from Under the FOKUS funded Project from 2006 to 2008........ 52
Appendix 5: Cluster Diagram.............................................................................................................. 53
Appendix 6: Contributions from other donors..................................................................................... 54

Acronymes
AEO
AIDS
CBF
CBO
CPA
CRR
FGM/C
FLE
FOKUS
GAMCOTRAP
GAMYAG
HIV
HTP
IAC
IEC
IGA
NGO
NKTF
PLWHA
RH
SHR
SRH
STI
TBA
TP
UNCRC
URR
VAW
VDC
WR
Alternative Employment Opportunity
Aquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome
Community Based Facilitators
Community Based Organization
Child Protection Alliance
Central River Region
Female Genital Mutilation/Cutting
Family Life Education
Forum for Kvinner og Utviklingsspørsmål (Forum for Women and Development)
Gambia Committee on Traditional Practices Affecting the Health of Women
and Children
GAMCOTRAP Youth Advocacy Group
Human Immunodeficiency Virus
Harmful Traditional Practice
Inter Africa Committee
Information, Education, Communication
Income Generating Activities
Non Governmental Organization
Norsk Kvinnelig Teologforening (Norway Women’s Theological Association)
People Living with HIV and AIDS
Reproductive Health
Sexual and Human Rights
Sexual and Reproductive Health
Sexually Transmitted Infection
Tradititional Birth Attendant
Traditional Practice
United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child
Upper River Region
Violence against Women
Village Development Committee
Western Region

Executive Summary
In The Gambia, a majority of women struggle with poverty, lack of education, and constraints on
their decision-making power regarding their own reproductive and sexual health. The Gambian chapter
of the Inter Africa Committee (IAC), the non-governmental organization (NGO) Gambia Committee
on Traditional Practices Affecting the Health of Women and Children (GAMCOTRAP), has for over
two decades been engaged in a campaign of education, sensitization, and activism aimed at eliminating
harmful traditional practices, focusing in particular on abolishing Female Genital Mutilation (FGM) and
early marriage, as well as promoting education and empowerment for women and girls.
The main purpose of this external evaluation was to focus on the implementation and outcome of
the three-year project “Training and Information Campaign on FGM,” funded by NKTF/FOKUS,
Norway. This summative end-of-project evaluation seeks to provide information on the extent to which
project objectives were achieved, on challenges, lessons learned from the experiences, use of resources,
and organizational capacity and needs. Lessons learned about best practices are to be shared for others
to replicate and, while it has been made explicit that no further funding is available from NKTF/
FOKUS for the continuation of these project activities, it is hoped that the findings of the evaluation
will form a basis for securing additional support for GAMCOTRAP’s ongoing efforts.
The evaluation was participatory and designed in close collaboration with the funders and beneficiaries,
and included document review, group meetings with beneficiaries from all the target groups in each
of the project regions, as well as in-depth interviews with GAMCOTRAP staff, beneficiaries, board
members, and partners.
Results
According to GAMCOTRAP’s reports, the information project was carried out in each of
the proposed regions a total of 117 communities. The project directly reached an estimated 2,193
beneficiaries. GAMCOTRAP estimates that an additional 10,965 indirect beneficiaries were reached
(using a multiplier effect of 5; see Appendix 2).
Representatives were trained from all the proposed target groups, which in the proposal were identified
as (primary beneficiaries): women and girls, and (secondary beneficiaries): women group leaders, village
heads, district chiefs, religious scholars, traditionalists, circumcisers, TBAs, traditional healers, and
people living with HIV/AIDS.
The broader aim of GAMCOTRAP is to sensitize communities with the ultimate goal being a
reduction in FGM prevalence and increased empowerment of women and girls, while the specific focus
of this project was to: train traditional birth attendants, circumcisers, and traditional healers in order
to upgrade their skills and awareness regarding the harmful effects of FGM; establish networks of
people living with HIV/AIDS; partner with traditional communicators and train youth drama groups;
intensify Family Life Education and HIV counseling; enlist the support of traditional decision-makers;
and enhance the IEC capacity of community health-providers and traditional healers.
While all stakeholders realize that it is near impossible – especially in the short term – to apply
objective metrics to assess actual reductions in prevalence rates of harmful traditional practices, this
5

evaluation found that all the secondary sub-goals of the proposal appear to have been achieved to
various degrees (at times exceeding them) and included: nine training workshops held, three videos
produced, 15 drama groups trained, 16 schools reached for Family Life Education, 9 networks created
for PLWHA, a Dropping of the Knives ceremony held with 18 participating former circumcisers and
their communities, with an additional 60 circumcisers having declared their commitment to participate
in the second such ceremony.
One of the major strengths of GAMCOTRAP is its sustained efforts over time and the consistency of
its approach and message. While methodology has been adapted over time (as well as from community
to community, depending on need), the basic mandate has remained the same, and no effort is made
to conceal the true agenda of the organization. While in the past GAMCOTRAP has often been the
target of criticism, insults, and even threats, it appears that over time a major shift has taken place
in public awareness and attitudes, and that the overall impression of the organization is positive.
Although methodological trends in anti-FGM interventions come and go, the patient consistency of
GAMCOTRAP’s approach appears to be paying off, as many beneficiaries explained that “change takes
time,” but that they are now ready to consider GAMCOTRAP’s message.
Conclusion and Recommendations
It appears that at this time GAMCOTRAP stands at an important crossroads. After many years
of sustained effort often involving extreme challenges, a shift appears to have taken place, as many
Gambians are now ready to receive and consider GAMCOTRAP’s consistent message. This three-year
project is seen by GAMCOTRAP staff as having been particularly crucial in effecting change, and there
is a great sense of urgency in building on the current momentum.
Major activities of the project have been consistent with proposed objectives, and all sub-goals have
been achieved to various degrees, while important progress appears to have been made towards reaching
the broader goal of gender empowerment and the abandonment of harmful traditional practices.
GAMCOTRAP staff point to the need to expand geographically to areas of the country that remain
unreached by campaigns and call for improved communication between various NGOs working on the
issue of FGM in order to prevent overlapping in the same regions while ignoring others.
Beneficiaries of the project agree with GAMCOTRAP staff that it is important to continue to focus
on outreach and capacity building, while pursuing the continued commitment of traditional circumcisers
to drop their knives. Community members unanimously stressed the need for consistent follow-up in the
form of additional workshops, improved support for CBF’s, and expanded AEOs for former circumcisers
(this was not originally proposed as part of the FOKUS funding). There is a perceived need to expand
efforts with youth groups and to continue working on revising FLE curricula, as well as to strengthen
and expand work with networks of PLWHA. In addition, it is crucial to continue the outreach efforts
of improving IEC capacity of traditional health practitioners and to expand the important dialogue
currently underway between Gambian emigrants (particularly in Spain and Norway) and their home
communities.
This evaluation recommends that GAMCOTRAP continue its community outreach while striving
to strengthen its administrative capacity, particularly in the area of reporting, auditing, and effective
communication with donors. This evaluation strongly urges for more sustained support from funders,
while calling for improved dialogue between GAMCOTRAP and their supporters, as well as continued
efforts to improve communication among Gambian organizations working on similar issues.
6

Background of Evaluation/Methodology
FOKUS/NKTF contacted Ylva Hernlund in 2008 to conduct an external, summative evaluation
of GAMCOTRAP’s three-year project on education against FGM. The evaluator had previously
encountered the organization during her year-long dissertation research in 1997-98. Its staff welcomed
her with open arms in 1996, continuing to include her in their activities throughout the research, allowing
access to a diverse range of research angles: archives in the GAMCOTRAP office library; individual
interviews with staff and board members focusing on their personal histories of arriving at an anti-FGM
position; observation of staff meetings (including budget discussions and planning sessions); preparations
for workshops and campaign events; symposia and press conferences; and youth outreach activities.
GAMCOTRAP staff invited her to travel with them on “trek” to rural areas, at one point even asking
her to assist in leading small group projects by students carrying out Rapid Rural Assessment exercises.
Through these travels she not only got to see firsthand how educational workshops are conducted, but
also enjoyed the informal camaraderie of a group of women always enthusiastic about debating issues
and reminiscing about their rich histories as gender activists.
This report, although primarily based on a field visit in December 2008 and a dissemination exercise in
February 2009, therefore also draws on this previous experience observing the work of GAMCOTRAP,
and reflects comparisons drawn between the climate for such interventions in 1997-1998 versus today.
In discussions with Amie Bojang-Sissoho and Dr. Isatou Touray, the reflection emerged that this time
period in the late 90s, in retrospect, may have marked the most difficult moment of such campaigns; and
this evaluation reflects the observation that a great deal of change has taken place over the last decade
regarding public attitudes to and responses to GAMCOTRAP’s work.
Data were gathered in The Gambia in December 2008 through interviews with GAMCOTRAP staff,
volunteers, and Board members; archival research of reports and campaign materials including videos;
interviews and group meetings with beneficiaries from all the targeted groups in a number of communities
(26 total) in each of the regions included in the project; interviews with representatives from other NGOs
involved in anti-FGM work as well as GAMCOTRAP partner organizations (the evaluator used an
independent translator). In addition an electronic survey was conducted with five stakeholders in Norway.
As the field visit was very brief, it was not possible for the evaluator to directly confirm the numbers
of communities and beneficiaries reached; and this draft report additionally uses information from the
nine project reports which were submitted to FOKUS/NKTF throughout the duration of the project,
as well as a Data on Activities-file submitted by GAMCOTRAP staff to the evaluator at the conclusion
of the data gathering.
In February, 2009, a three-day workshop was held in The Gambia, attended by GAMCOTRAP
staff, the evaluator, and Mette Bråthen Njie and Hanne Slåtten from NKTF (unfortunately the FOKUS
representative was at the last minute unable to attend, due to illness). This meeting involved further
document review, discussions about the experience of the partnership between Norway and The
Gambia, an assessment of administrative and reporting procedures, and a thorough team-review of the
first draft of this report, during which all stakeholders were given an opportunity to add comments and
information and suggest further revisions to be included in the final report.
In addition, a partner meeting was held on February 25 at the TANGO office in Kombo (see
Appendix 2 for a list of attendees). Although the written draft report was not distributed, its major
7

findings were discussed, along with presentations by NKTF, GAMCOTRAP staff, and the President
of the Board; and there was a screening of one of GAMCOTRAP’s videos. The remainder of the day
was spent on a group discussion during which beneficiaries spoke about their experiences with the TV
project, and the NKTF representatives were able to ask follow-up questions (the evaluator was also able
to interview TANGO’s Director, who had not been available during the December visit).
Note: While the production of this report has been a truly collaborative effort, the evaluator naturally takes responsibility
for any errors or shortcomings.
Background to the project
The Feminist Action Group from the 1980s pioneered work on information campaigns regarding
FGM in hospitals, churches, and civil society in Norway. Anne Berit Stensaker (1930 - 2003), who was a
priest and member of the Norwegian Female Theologian Committee, Norsk Kvinnelig Teologforening
(NKTF), was engaged in work against female genital mutilation (FGM) from 1980. This commitment led
to a lot of information about both the work and the team, but this information was never systematized.
In 2004, some members of NKTF were involved in archiving this material. This work led to a contact
with Mette Bråthen Njie, who had received a scholarship to work on the theme of FGM. She is a trained
nurse with close relations to The Gambia, and had visited and brought back information about some
of GAMCOTRAP’s work and methods. After meeting with Mary Small at GAMCOTRAP, she was
impressed by the way they worked, but saw the lack of resources. NKTF also learned more through
meeting with Torild Skard, feminist and former UNICEF Regional Director for West Africa (1994-
1998), who knew of GAMCOTRAP’s work.
After further visits to The Gambia, NKTF in 2005 decided to apply for funding from a project
supported by the TV Action Campaign (through Norwegian TV) on ”Violence against Women,”
where one of the sub-topics was FGM (along with Women in Conflicts, Trafficking, and Violence in
Close Relationships). The TV project was that year dedicated to FOKUS (Forum for Women and
Development), where one NKTF member had previously worked.
Also in 2005, Dr. Isatou Touray was invited by FOKUS through NKTF, coordinated by Mildrid
Mikkelsen, to attend a TV-Campaign meeting in Norway. FOKUS previously knew about her work
through the Inter Africa Committee (IAC) and other NGOs. This visit made it possible for GAMCOTRAP
to present its work to the donor community in Norway with the hope of gaining support for its work
to eliminate FGM in The Gambia. It also created an opportunity for GAMCOTRAP to meet with its
partner organization, NKTF, to get to know each other and discuss the proposal to end FGM, which was
submitted to FOKUS. The Norwegian team consists of five women: Tone Marie Falch, Hanne Slåtten,
Yvonne Anderson, Caroline Revling Erichsen, and Mette Bråthen Njie. During the visit, Isatou Touray
presented the proposal to the team of women and it was discussed intensively and agreed upon.
Dr. Touray was made to understand from this visit and the meetings held between FOKUS/NKTF
and GAMCOTRAP that FOKUS gives support to countries by pairing local Norwegian organizations
with other existing NGOs abroad. The partnership was mutual and accepted by both NKTF and
GAMCOTRAP because their vision, mission, and objective resonate with each other. Having agreed to
work together, GAMCOTRAP’s proposal was accepted and NKTF was made responsible for facilitating
the project with support from FOKUS (FOKUS has no direct co-operation with GAMCOTRAP,
8

ut supports the project co-operation that takes place through FOKUS between its member organizations
and their local partner organizations). To that effect, a project agreement was made between NKTF and
GAMCOTRAP with FOKUS funding to ensure the realization of the project, which operated from
2006 – 2008.
Country Background
The Gambia is one of the poorest countries in the world, dependent from the moment of its
independence to rely on foreign assistance for its survival. The population growth rate (1990-2006)
is estimated at 3.4% per year, infant mortality rate (under 1) at 84 per 100,000 live births, maternal
mortality 730; life expectancy at birth 59 years (UNICEF 2009). The overall literacy for women is
26.9%, 55% for males (Government of The Gambia 1993; more recent UNICEF study does not provide
these numbers). School enrollment is (2000-2006) 79% for males and 84% for females at the primary
level, with 51% males and 42% females at the secondary level (UNICEF 2009). Agriculture provides
60% of productive employment (Government of The Gambia 1993; more recent UNICEF study does
not provide these numbers). There is also a limited impact of tourism, fisheries, “re-export” trade, light
industries, and products from livestock. Continual economic decline has hit women especially hard.
Many Gambians, especially young and middle-aged men, see the only way “out” as a literal escape to
labor markets in the Global North, thus creating a massive movement out of the country with femaleheaded
households left behind.
Terminology
While other terminology is used in other contexts (such as “female circumcision,” “female genital
cutting,” FGC, or FGM/C), the preferred terminology of GAMCOTRAP is Female Genital Mutilation
(FGM), which will be used throughout this report.
The Practice of FGM in The Gambia
Prevalence
All existing studies agree that female genital mutilation is practiced by a substantial majority of
Gambians. Earlier local studies report that 79% (Singateh 1985) to 83% 1 of all Gambian women have
undergone some form of genital mutilation, while others use the Hosken report’s estimate of 60%
(Touray 1993). A Gambian government study (Daffeh et al. 1999) puts the prevalence rate at 80%
overall. More recently, the MICS (Multiple Indicator Cluster Survey) study for UNICEF, “Monitoring
1. Estimated by a 1991 KAP (Knowledge-Attitude-Practice) study, carried out by the Monitoring and Evaluation Unit of
the Women’s Bureau as part of the “Safe Motherhood” component of a Women in Development Project Report.
9

the Situation of Women and Children” estimates that of all women aged 15-49, 78% have undergone
FGM, while 64% of mothers in the same age-group have at least one daughter who has undergone the
practice (UNICEF 2009), seemingly indicating a reduction in prevalence.
These numbers, however, hide the complexity of who in The Gambia is actually practicing FGM and
why. Daffeh et al. caution that previous literature on FGM in The Gambia has displayed “a gap between
theory and practice, with regard to ethnicity” (Daffeh 1999). Daffeh et al. go on to assert that in the Gambian
case, the “ethnic classifications with regard to FGM are much more complex than was hitherto apparent”
(ibid). They are referring to general statements, such as “Wollofs don’t practice female circumcision,”
which various Gambians commonly repeat without qualification. When Wollof girls do undergo FGM, it
has usually been explained as due entirely to pressure from individuals of other ethnic backgrounds that
causes co-wives or schoolmates to “join” their peers in circumcision. It appears, however, that the rate of
circumcision for girls who identify as Wolof (but could have multi-ethnic heritage) is actually quite high.
The Daffeh report presents more nuanced data on ethnicity, focusing on the variation in circumcision
according to ethnic sub-group and ancestral geographic origin. Thus, they argue, for certain sub-groups of
Wollofs FGM is as strong a tradition as it is for Mandinkas and Serahules, among whom the practice is said
to be virtually universal. A total of 96% of Jolas circumcise females, again with variation across sub-goups
(ibid). The authors of the 1999 report conclude that the only ethnic groups in The Gambia that do not at
all practice FGM are the Creoles, the Lebanese, and the Manjagos (ibid).
Although these numbers do throw light on a previously poorly understood area, ethnic and even
sub-ethnic labels are not entirely reliable as indicators of whether a girl will undergo FGM or not. It is
important to note that marriage across ethnic lines is very common and relatively unproblematic in The
Gambia, and that it is typical to encounter Gambians whose relatives come from two or more ethnic
groups. The age at which girls are circumcised is also somewhat tied to ethnicity, although not in any
simple way. Serahule communities generally practice FGM in the first week of the girl’s life, coinciding
with her naming ceremony. In other ethnic communities, the age of circumcision may vary widely.
When initiations take place in a communal context, a group of girls may include infants, young children,
and even teenagers, depending on how long the ritual cycle is until another big celebration rolls around.
In general, however, there is clearly a trend in The Gambia, as elsewhere in Africa, to “circumcise” girls
at a younger and younger age.
Additionally, geographic location impacts prevalence rates. Project reports from The Gambia typically
refer to urban versus rural areas, but it can be a bit difficult to define the two (according to the 2009
UNICEF study, 72% of urban women have undergone FGM, 83% of rural). The Gambia has no true
cities – the capital of Banjul is a sleepy town of a mere 50,000 or so. Most population growth is taking
place in the nearby peri-urban areas of Bakau and Serrekunda – sprawling, densely populated towns
predominantly populated by rural migrants. The 1993 Gambian census bases its definition of “urban”
on: commercial and institutional importance, majority of population engaged in non-agricultural work, a
population of 5,000 or more, high population density, and the presence of some infrastructure. In terms
of FGM, however, prevalence rates in The Gambia do not correspond to facile assumptions of rural
“traditionalism” and urban “progressiveness.” As evidenced in GAMCOTRAP’s reports on its campaign
activities, community abandonment of harmful traditional practices can often be found clustered in very
remote rural areas otherwise considered “traditional,” while the practice remains entrenched in “urban”
centers such as Bakau and Brikama. Additionally, there is – despite the very small size of the country – a
great deal of regional variation in the reach of anti-FGM interventions. Despite past attempts to coordinate
the efforts of various NGOs involved in anti-FGM education and activism, in reality certain regions (such
as the Basse area in URR) have been targeted by sensitization efforts of several different groups, while
other areas (in particular on the North Bank) remain essentially unreached.
10

Types
WHO classifies FGM into the following types:
I. Clitoridectomy (removal of part or all of the clitoris)
II. Excision (removal of the clitoris and all or part of the labia majora)
III. Infibulation (removal of and suturing together of the external genitalia)
IV. Unclassified.
For The Gambia, reports on the most common procedure vary (more recent WHO and UNICEF
studies do not report types for The Gambia). According to one study, a majority of women (44.3%) had
undergone Type II, with 21.4 Type I (Singateh 1985). Another one estimates 56% as having undergone
Type I, 19% Type II (Daffeh et al. 1999). Both studies agree that 6-7% of Gambian women have
undergone “sealing” (notoro), a non-suturing form of infibulation which falls under Type IV, but is unique
to The Gambia (recent research with circumcisers by GAMCOTRAP suggests that this rate may be
higher, but these data have not yet been analyzed). This practice is thought to be particularly prevalent in
areas of the eastern part of the country, as was indeed evidenced by the frequency with which discussions
about the health effects of sealing came up in the evaluation field visits to the Upper River Region.
Background to Global anti-FGM Campaigns
Identifying the most effective and appropriate methods for eliminating FGM is among the most
contested issues surrounding the practice. Early colonial interventions alternately employed strategies
based on the alleged adverse health effects of the practice and discourses framing the practice as
uncivilized, barbaric, and unacceptable in the eyes of Christianity. Such campaigns have reappeared
several times throughout the last century, each time with a slightly different focus. In the 1970s and 80s
the practice was identified as “genital mutilation” and became targeted for “eradication” as a public
health problem (see Hosken 1978). Some, particularly in the West, approached the practice as a human
rights violation, often using extreme rhetoric which has caused a bitterness to still linger over the debates
surrounding the practice and its elimination. Although often offended by the sensationalist manner in
which the issue was discussed by outsiders, many African women have over time invited assistance from
Western donors, and current efforts are largely supported by outside funding being channeled through
indigenous women’s organizations.
A series of conferences and international meetings have been held to address strategies for eliminating
FGM, starting with the 1979 Khartoum seminar on Traditional Practices Affecting the Health of Women
and Children. After an initial reluctance to address the issue, the World Health Organization organized
a meeting at which representatives from a number of African countries began identifying strategies for
eliminating the practice. In the late 1980s, WHO issued an elaborate plan for action, and other major
agencies have since joined the global campaign with their own platforms.
There are several, not mutually exclusive, ways in which to approach anti-FGM campaigns: as a
human rights’ violation, as an infringement of the rights of the child, the right to sexual and bodily
integrity, and/or as to the right to health. Many of those who organize against genital mutilation do so
based on a broader concern for the human rights of women and children, while others also express a
11

concern for women’s sexuality. A number of scholars and activists, however, have concluded that the
most “sensitive” and least controversial angle from which to argue for the elimination of the practice is
that of the right to health and bodily integrity.
A number of African nations have passed legislation against FGM, although enforcement mechanisms
vary. Many feel, however, that outright legislation against the practice, especially during the early stages
of abandonment, is highly problematic as it pits community members against each other, penalizing
individuals acting in good faith within their cultural framework, and potentially driving the practice
underground and reducing the likelihood that those who need medical attention will receive it.
The “development and modernization” approach suggests that overall improvements in socioeconomic
status and education, especially for women, will have far-reaching social effects, including a reduced
demand for FGM. The empirical data do not consistently support this conclusion, however, and many
argue that changing social conditions will not automatically change strongly held beliefs and values
regarding female “circumcision,” but that targeted intervention issues on the harmful effects of the
practice are needed as well.
The “convention theory” of abandonment argues that practices such as FGM are conventions locked
in place by interdependent expectations in the marriage market and that once in place such conventions
become deeply entrenched, since those who fail to comply also risk failing to reproduce (Mackie 2000).
Therefore, education about adverse consequences does not suffice, but must be accompanied by a
collective convention shift. This approach, which has been carried out in practice by the Senegalese
NGO Tostan, uses basic education leading to public declarations in which communities who historically
intermarry join in denouncing FGM.
It is common for activists to argue that one of the reasons that FGM is so “entrenched” is that it
constitutes an important source of income for those performing the procedure. Consequently, some
eradication efforts have focused in part on schemes to compensate circumcisers for lost income. Critics
(see Mackie 2000) argue that this is a misguided functionalism: although circumcisers immediately do
cause circumcision of girls, they do not cause parents to want circumcision for their daughters and
thus do not directly cause the continuation of the practice. Others point out that circumcisers may
receive compensation for not practicing while continuing to do so in secrecy. However, in contexts in
which circumcisers are prestigious community leaders, their genuine conversion is crucial and it may
be an important strategy to provide at least symbolic, and perhaps limited material, support to those
circumcisers who have already had a change of heart, thus motivating them to stick to their decision,
which is distinct from “bribing” people to stop.
Some groups and communities have experimented with alternative, non-circumcising rituals, for
example in Kenya and The Gambia. The success of such an approach has not been documented,
however, and there are reports from Kenya that girls who have undergone “ritual without cutting” have
later been coerced into actual genital cutting.
While these approaches have been discussed separately, in reality most campaigns combine a variety
of strategies into an integrated approach.
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Gambian anti-FGM Campaigns
Actors
The Gambian campaign can be traced back to the early 1980’s when a small group of women,
most of who are to this day involved in work against FGM, began an organized effort to abolish genital
cutting. It started through the Women’s Bureau, which represented The Gambia at a general meeting
in Dakar of the Inter Africa Committee (IAC) in February of 1984. Due to the perceived need to
address FGM separately from the broader goals of the Women’s Bureau, the Gambia Committee of the
IAC was then created and, in 1992, its name was changed to GAMCOTRAP (Gambia Committee on
Traditional Practices Affecting Women and Children).
In the early 1990’s the splinter group BAFROW (Foundation for Research on Women’s Health,
Development and the Environment) was established, and GAMCOTRAP moved to its present location.
By the late 1990s a newer group, APGWA (Association for Promoting Girls’ and Women’s Advancement
in The Gambia), focused on alternative non-cutting ritual. In later years, a number of other organizations
have in various ways been involved in anti-FGM work.
Strategies and Challenges
Those involved in efforts to abolish FGM have through the findings of several research studies
been able to design more appropriate strategies. It has been found, for example, that in the Gambian
context there is a great need to address the widespread but unfounded belief that female “circumcision”
is a religious injunction in Islam. In her 1993 report, Isatou Touray argues that the practice can
only be approached as a health issue after or simultaneously with approaching it from a sociocultural
and religious angle. The vast majority of Gambians are Muslims (90%+) and FGM is often seen as
somehow associated with Islamic identity. Activists stress, however, that the Qu’ran does not require
female “circumcision,” that not all Islamic groups practice FGM, and that many non-Islamic ones
do. In contexts in which Islam is to various degrees invoked as associated with the continuance of the
practice it is often the focus of intense local theological debates, and a great deal of effort by scholars
and activists has concentrated on demonstrating the lack of scriptural support for enforcing FGM,
as is particularly evident in GAMCOTRAP’s close collaborations over time with religious leaders.
In addition, this debate has benefitted from the recent Rabat Declaration (2007), in which Islamic
scholars from many nations openly opposed FGM. The evaluation confirmed that many Gambians
bring up the issue of religion and have come to see the practice of FGM as separate from religious
requirements.
Currently a number of African countries, including neighboring Senegal, have passed laws against
FGM, while The Gambia has not done so. Interviewees pointed to the difficulties that ensued when
the law was passed in Senegal and there was an increase in demand for cross-border circumcision
in The Gambia – a situation that is still encountered by some circumcisers in URR who live close to
the Casamance border. Although far from all respondents expressed support for national anti-FGM
legislation as a strategy at the present time, GAMCOTRAP has through the duration of the FOKUS
project identified increasing calls from communities for such legislation, which the organization now
supports.
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In the absence of anti-FGM legislation, up to the present, attempts have been made to bring charges
under existing assault laws when girls have been circumcised against their wishes and those of their
families, so far unsuccessfully. GAMCOTRAP submitted a draft of areas for inclusion in law reform on
women’s rights, including FGM, in 2008, after a request by the Law Reform Commission, and became
involved as advocates in the Awa Nget case (Asemota, 2002a, 2002b) with the help of funds raised
through the Urgent Action Fund through Equality Now’s Africa Region.
Anti-FGM work has at times been considered highly controversial in The Gambia. In 1997, the thennewly
elected Gambian government issued a decree which banned the broadcasting on state radio and
TV (the only TV station in the country was controlled by the government) of any programs “which either
seemingly oppose female genital mutilation or tend to portray medical hazards about the practice.” This
information came to the public in 1997 when Dr. Isatou Touray was conducting a gender class for media
practitioners and issues of traditional practices were discussed in order to create awareness amongst
media practitioners.
It was during this class that a media directive dated 17 th May 1997 banning any form of advocacy
against female genital mutilation on national radio or television was accessed. GAMCOTRAP responded
to the directive by making a clarion call to the President of the Republic in an open letter dated 27 th
May 1997. After massive protests – from in particular GAMCOTRAP, aided by an international letterwriting
campaign organized by New York-based Equality Now – the decree was lifted, although with so
little publicity that many people are still unclear on what is and is not legal to broadcast.
Vice President Isatou Njie-Saidy, herself a women’s rights activist who has previously been involved in
the campaign against FGM, was later quoted as stating that the government’s policy will be to “discourage
such harmful practices,” and that NGOs will not be prevented from working against the practice (Forward
with The Gambia newsletter July 7, 1997). Head of State President Colonel (Retired) Yaya Jammeh, in his
annual address marking the 1994 July 22 military take-over, clarified the government’s position as being
opposed to FGM, but stressed that any campaign must be conducted in a culturally sensitive manner.
Yet, later he issued a statement that activists “cannot be guaranteed that after delivering their speeches,
they will return to their homes” (Observer newspaper, January 25, 1999).
GAMCOTRAP
Organization
GAMCOTRAP was established in 1984 as the Gambian chapter of the Inter Africa Committee.
It is an NGO, with non-profit status, registered with the NGO Affairs Agency and The Association
for Non-Governmental Organizations (TANGO), an umbrella organization that registers, monitors,
and supports Gambian NGOs . GAMCOTRAP has a General Assembly, Board of Directors, and
Executive Committee. The General Assembly is the supreme organ of GAMCOTRAP and is composed
of the representatives of communities and all other affiliates. The elected Board of Directors includes
a President, Vice President, and Treasurer, as well as other individuals with varied expertise relevant
to GAMCOTRAP’s work. Like all NGOs registered by TANGO, GAMCOTRAP has a Constitution,
Action Plan, and Guiding Principles, and has been registered under the Company Act as a Charity with
the Attorney General’s Chambers.
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GAMCOTRAP collaborates with the Women’s Bureau, which advises the government on all policy
matters affecting Gambian women. In addition, GAMCOTRAP participates in an ongoing manner in
a number of networks on the international, national, and grassroots level (see Appendix 3).
Mission Statement
“GAMCOTRAP’s mission is to create awareness about traditional practices in The Gambia. We aim
for the preservation of beneficial practices (such as breastfeeding) as well as the elimination of harmful
traditional practices.
GAMCOTRAP is committed to the promotion and protection of women and girl children’s political,
social, educational, and sexual and reproductive health rights.
We support any national and international declarations protecting these rights, in particular the
Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, The Convention on the
Rights of the Child, and the Protocol of the African Charter on Human and People’s Rights and on the
Rights of Women.”
Aims
“To create and raise the consciousness of men and women about traditional practices that negatively
affect the health of children and women, whilst encouraging positive practices. In addition, we aim to
protect the rights of children and women by involving them to participate in decision-making processes.”
Objectives
1. To carry out research into traditional practices that affect the sexual and reproductive health
of women and girl children in The Gambia.
2. To identify and promote traditional practices that improve the status of girl-children and women.
3. To create awareness of the effects of harmful traditional practices on the health of girlchildren
and women, in particular FGM, nutritional taboos, child/early marriage, and wife
inheritance.
4. To promote and encourage the education of girls at all levels.
5. To sensitize and lobby decision- and policy-makers about sociocultural practices that are
harmful to the health of girl-children and women.
6. To promote and protect the human rights of girl-children and women.
7. To create awareness of international and national instruments that address discrimination
and violence against girl-children and women.
8. To influence policies in promoting and protecting women’s and children’s rights.
9. To highlight a rights-based approach to activities.
10. To solicit funds locally and externally for the purpose of carrying out the above objectives.
Approaches and Methods
GAMCOTRAP believes that the elimination of harmful traditional practices has to be approached
through research, training, and advocacy. It employs a multi-pronged approach that seeks to match the
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appropriate strategy to specific community characteristics, with its work consisting primarily of carrying
out educational and “sensitization” campaigns, as well as lobbying. Its staff members visit schools
(including organizing essay and poster competitions), hold press conferences and symposia, produce
videos, and organize workshop for health workers, traditional healers, TBAs, circumcisers, and youth.
GAMCOTRAP has remained adamantly opposed to alternative rituals, and subscribes to a philosophy
of ultimate total abandonment of FGM, “zero tolerance” and advocates for the passing of national anti-
FGM legislation. Recently the organization has intensified its efforts to build dialogue with emigrant
Gambians in the diaspora, spreading awareness of the legal consequences of sending foreign-born girls
“home” for “holiday circumcisions.”
GAMCOTRAP sees the main factors influencing the practice of FGM in The Gambia as being:
1. Sociocultural.
2. Religious
3. Other factors (including ignorance/poverty of practitioners).
Its methods, therefore, are grounded in varied approaches, including: awareness-raising, grassrootssensitization
regarding HTPs, collaboration with respected religious leaders able to address scriptural
issues, community education about the harmful effects of FGM, and support for circumcisers committed
to ending the practice.
Training workshops are organized by first dividing participants by village, then into groups (such
as young or old women or men, TBAs, circumcisers, traditional healers), then having all participants
come together into a “plenary” discussion. This way, “everyone has to face everyone.” This is especially
important when men and women each claim that it is the other group that requires that FGM be
practiced. Participants are asked to first list the traditional practices they are aware of in their community
and later to rank them as “positive,” “negative” or under “lack of consensus.”
An important component of awareness-raising is the use of visual aids, including anatomical
models and a slide show that presents adverse health effects of genital cutting, but GAMCOTRAP
hopes to develop its own materials based on Gambian cases). While some activists from other groups
expressed disagreement with the method of “shocking” trainees with graphic images of health effects,
GAMCOTRAP staff sees this “awakening” as central to the process of attitude change (and point out
that the goal is not to “shock,” although this is sometimes the effect). The evaluation, as well, found that
most beneficiaries, when asked what had most affected their attitudes to FGM, responded that they
had become aware of the adverse health consequences. When probed to explain more about what
specifically affected their change in attitudes, a majority of beneficiaries interviewed mentioned the
visual aids and pointed out that “health is the most important thing for human beings.” They stressed
that “seeing is believing” and that although many of them had previously been told that FGM is harmful,
they did not believe this to be true until they saw the photos of actual women and girls suffering adverse
consequences (such as retention of urine and/or menstrual blood, and severe keloid scarring). This led
to realizations that the beneficiary herself and/or someone close to her had also suffered these health
effects, while perhaps having attributed them to other causes.
GAMCOTRAP activists argue that there is little resistance to showing these visual materials to groups,
including those of mixed age and gender, although they always preface such viewings with a warning
and make it clear that anyone is free to leave (which religious elders occasionally do), and the images are
only presented at the end of the training session when group discussion and general sensitization have
already been concluded. The evaluator was struck by the nearly universal mention by respondents that
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it was the images that had made them see the truth in the anti-FGM message. In addition, videos are
shown during the training workshops to reinforce the message on the harmful effects of FGM, as well as
the spread awareness of HIV/AIDS.
GAMCOTRAP tailors its educational approach to the target group and each community’s discussions
take on their own character according to local needs and concerns. When a major tumbling block during a
community discussion appears to be religion, clarification is provided by a resource person. In workshops
with traditional healers, information on HIV transmission is disseminated as these practitioners are
often the first point of contact and need training in how to recognize signs and encourage patients to
seek testing. Traditional birth attendants ask for kits and more training and are encouraged to use ICE
on FGM after the birth of any girl. In the Wuli workshop there was a discussion on the definition of
“early” marriage and what sharia has to say about a girl’s preferred age at marriage.
In several communities, women expressed their fear to seek family planning for fear of being accused
of infidelity, while men said they approved of married women spacing births but would not agree to
contraceptives being made available to unmarried young women. In Foni, there was an expressed
concern with domestic violence, which women stated is often justified by religion, which was refuted by
a religious scholar, who argued that men and women need to be partners in marriage.
Youth were engaged in discussions on reproductive health, and health threats such as poverty, drugs,
alcohol, and early pregnancy. Brochures were handed out, as were condoms, and they were encouraged
to, anonymously put their questions about sex in a box, the “Secret Clinic,” to be answered in front
of the group. Youth asked for drama groups, video, and sometimes made statements such as that they
will burn the jujuyo (traditional circumcision hut), conduct Peace Marches, and report the names of
any circumcisers still practicing (GAMCOTRAP clarified that they will only sensitize, not bring legal
action).
One particularly crucial target group consists of the ngangsingbas, traditional circumcisers. As opposed
to elsewhere in Africa, FGM is never performed by male practitioners or by female health professionals.
GAMCOTRAP has taken particular care to reach these women, who retain their important role in
society after abandoning the practice. Eighteen former circumcisers participated in the Dropping the
Knife celebration of May, 2007 (see Results), and GAMCOTRAP states that currently more than sixty
others are committed to abandoning the practice and participate in the next Dropping of the Knife.
Best Practices
GAMCOTRAP’s self-assessment identifies its major strength as lying in its staff of committed
activists. Dr. Touray and Ms. Bojang-Sissoho are both circumcised Mandinka women with a deep
understanding of both the cultural and religious context and Gambian political realities. While acutely
attuned to the need to follow local etiquette, they are resilient and courageous, and consistently display
remarkable flexibility and insight (as well as compassion and humor) when dealing with often rapidly
changing circumstances in the field. They are extremely well-versed in not only international human
rights protocols but also Islamic theology, and can engage in culturally and religiously sensitive dialogue
with a wide range of individuals and groups, always ”taking the pulse” of which approach is most
appropriate with a particular person or community. This ability is something that can not be learned
through formal training, but can only be found in a true ”insider.” Additionally, they are both extremely
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effective public speakers with fluency in several local languages. The TV-project has been especilly
instrumental in freeing up Dr. Touray to work full-time on coordinating the project.
GAMCOTRAP does not employ an approach of stressing charismatic personalities. Although both
Amie and Isatou are indeed well known and respected in the communities in which they work (and their
names at times show up in praise-songs) they stress that ”GAMCOTRAP is not Amie or Isatou.” The
groundwork that they have done over so many years could be continued by other dedicated activists,
and there is evidence of training of junior staff and volunteers and the transfer of competency, as was
particularly demonstrated by the active participation in the dissemination exercise of Musa Jallow and
Omar Dibbah. This philosophy was also evident during the field visit (as was also the case during the
evaluator’s travels with the group in 1997-98) – GAMCOTRAP staff behave in an extremely humble
way when ”on trek.” They use very modest accomodations, eat simple food, and work long hours without
ever complaining about discomfort or fatigue. GAMCOTRAP staff meet community members on their
own terms, joining them in their work and domestic responsibilities. They are acutely aware of farming
cycles and women’s domestic labor burdens and make a genuine and concerted effort to empathize with
the realities of the people they are trying to reach. GAMCOTRAP also has a firm policy of not handing
out cash to praise-singers, kanyelengs, and others. Instead, they budget for a collective contribution to be
given at the end of the visit to a designated group of women.
GAMCOTRAP are veterans in the field of anti-FGM activism and are anchored in long-term
relationships with the communities they serve, and their approach is characterized by frankness and
transparency. While remaining attuned to the need to show respect (especially for elders, dignitaries, and
individuals with particular prestige) the activists never conceal their agenda nor make excuses for their
convictions. Because there has been no attempt throughout the sustained campaign to veil the message
or hide it within other agendas, GAMCOTRAP appears to have ultimately gained the respect of the
populations they have worked so long to sensitize.
While never straying from the agenda that was set out at the inception of the Gambian IAC chapter,
it is evident that GAMCOTRAP staff display flexibility and adaptability in tailoring their message to
specific community realities and are open to making adjustements in campaign approaches over time.
Thus, there has in some communities been a greater emphasis than in others on refuting the allegation
that FGM is a religious injunction and breaking the taboo of men as sole custodians of religion; and
GAMCOTRAP shows great skill in utilizing collaborations with religious scholars. They also display a
great deal of insight into geographic and ethnic variations in the practice of FGM; and presentations
are angled to best resonate with community realities. During the field visit, this was particularly evident
in the advice offered regarding reproductive health care surrounding consummation of marriage in
communities practicing ”sealing,” (an important component of the strengthening of IEC capacity of
the traditional healers who are usually the first to treat these cases), as well as in discussions about Spain’s
anti-FGM law in villages that have seen many of its young people emigrate there.
When asked what changes have emerged in their campaign strategies over time, they pointed to
the increasing use over the last few years of traditional communicators and drawing on the cultural
centrality of dance, song, and music. Also, in the past, there was more of a strategy of training a few
representatives from each of many communities, while they have now realized that this places too much
of a burden on a few people to return to their communities and try to recount all that they learned
in training and alone attempt to effect collective change (this was also expressed in some of the field
interviews as extremely challenging by attendees who pleaded for the support of workshops to be held
in their communities). Now they focus instead on mass meetings and collective change through targeting
a ”cluster” of villages centered around a major community (see Appendix 5 for adiagram) aimed at
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consensus building and values clarification, with the ultimate goal being participation of additional
communities in the next Dropping of the Knives ceremony.
Outside observers noted that GAMCOTRAP activists have ”toned down” their rhetoric over time.
They felt that earlier presentations were often overly emotional and passionate and, while they could
sympathize with this (given the activists’ own personal experiences with the practice), they welcomed
a”cooler” and less emotional manner of delivery. In general, when chatting with ”regular” Gambians,
the evaluator found that the impression of GAMCOTRAP was very positive (”those people are really
working hard to help people”), which differs from often-heard comments in the late 1990s that ”these
people don’t know what they are talking about.
In addition, GAMCOTRAP staff seems particularly savvy when intuiting prevailing trends and
adapting their ongoing message. This was made explicit in their use, at the right moment, of the
visual illustrations of adverse health effects. They have also picked up on the current dialogue between
Gambians at home and those who have emigrated to European countries that have passed strict anti-FGM
legislation that includes clauses on extraterritoriality which makes it a crime to have a girl circumcised
abroad. During the field visit, Amie Bojang consistently discussed (often in a casual manner before
formal meetings commenced) the legal and social consequences were a local circumciser to agree to
circumcise a European-born Gambian girl sent back to her ”home” villlage for holidays (especially those
from Spain, where Isatou and Amie visisted the Gambian community in November 2008, altough this
trip was not funded by the TV Project). As one circumciser in URR responded: ”We tell them we would
have to be insane to take that risk.” It is likely that such a dialogue will be furthered with Gambians in
Norway, where Dr. Touray conducted a workshop in December 2008.
Results
According to GAMCOTRAP’s reporting, the information project was carried out in each of the five
proposed regions (training was held in The Central River Region, Upper River Region, and Western
Region, with networking and organizational headquarters in Kanifing Municipal Area and Banjul Area),
reaching a total of 117 communities. 2 The project directly reached an estimated 2,193 beneficiaries.
GAMCOTRAP estimates that an additional 10,965 indirect beneficiaries were reached (using a multiplier
effect of 5; see Appendix 2).
Representatives were trained from all the proposed target groups, which in the proposal were identified
as (primary beneficiaries): women and girls, and (secondary beneficiaries): women group leaders, village
heads, district chiefs, religious scholars, traditionalists, circumcisers, TBAs, traditional healers, and
people living with HIV/AIDS.
The broader aim of GAMCOTRAP is to sensitize communities with the ultimate goal being a
reduction in FGM prevalence and increased empowerment of women and girls, while the specific focus
of this project was to: train traditional birth attendants, circumcisers, and traditional healers in order
2. What are now called Regions used to be called Divisions. Thus, there was a change from: Lower River Division, Upper
River Division, Central River Division, North Bank Division, Western Division, and Kombo/St.Mary Division and Banjul,
to: Lower River Region, Upper River Region, Central River Region, North Bank Region, Western Region, Kanifing
Municipal Area Council, and Banjul Area Council.
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to upgrade their skills and awareness regarding the harmful effects of FGM; establish networks of
people living with HIV/AIDS; partner with traditional communicators and train youth drama groups;
intensify Family Life Education and HIV counseling; enlist the support of traditional decision-makers;
and enhance the IEC capacity of community health-providers and traditional healers.
While all stakeholders must realize that it is near impossible – especially in the short term – to apply
objective metrics to assess actual reductions in prevalence rates of harmful traditional practices, this
evaluation found that nearly all the secondary sub-goals of the proposal appear to have been achieved to
various degrees, in some cases exceeding them (for a break-down of proposed versus reached objectives,
see section below. See also Appendix 4):
Training sessions were held in the following communities (data from reports):
• (Report, April 2006) Training Workshop for TBAs, Traditional Healers, and Herbalists on
Women’s Sexual and Reproductive Health Rights, in Bansang (250 participants).
• (Report, June 2006) Training Workshop for TBAs, Circumcisers, Traditional Healers (attended by
Norway team), inSuduwol, with participation from 12 cluster villages (113 participants).
• (Report, December 2006) Training Workshop for TBAs, Circumcisers, Parents. Sutukoba, in
Wuli (100 participants).
• (Report, May 2007) Training Workshop for Decisionmakers, in Sangajor, Foni, including 4
villages (162 participants).
• (Report, May 2007) Training Workshop for Youth (ages 16-25), in Basse (99 participants).
• (Report, July 2007) Training Workshop for Senior Secondary School students from CRR, LRR,
NBR, (total reached through peer educators: 841).
• (Report, May 2008), Training Workshop for Traditional Communicators, Women of
Reproductive Age, Circumcisers, Women’s Leaders, and TBAs, in Tambasangsang, URR,
including 13 cluster villages (115 participants).
• (Report 8, May 2008), Training Workshop for Traditional Decision-makers, Imams, in Kulari/
Garawol, URR, including 3 communities (328 participants).
• (Report 9, June 2008) Workshop for Traditional Communicators, in Bantanto CRR, including 6
villages (107 participants).
Network was established of nine groups of PLWHA.
15 youth drama groups were trained.
16 schools were reached for Family Life Education including training on FGM and HIV/
AIDS.
3 videos were produced:
Dropping the Knives Initiative 2006 (3 minutes)
Rhythms against Harmful Traditional Practices 2008 (34 minutes)
Winning the Campaign against FGM 2008 (9 minutes)
Dropping of the Knives celebration by 18 Circumcisers and their Communities planned
and implemented on May 5, 2007, at Independence Stadium, Bakau.
As a result of advocacy and training activities, 18 circumcisers and their communities were motivated
to publicly declare what they have learned about FGM and that they have decided to stop the practice.
These women still maintain their position as leaders in their communities and are a point of reference
on women’s issues. This landmark celebration, in which seven districts took part, was the first of its kind
in The Gambia and has served as an opening for other communities to follow suit.
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Knives and other instruments were dropped and circumcisers, carrying signs saying “I have stopped
FGM,” recited an oath: “We the circumcisers of The Gambia, representing the cluster villages we cover
have solemnly declared to the world and in particular The Gambia that we have stopped the practice
of FGM in our various communities. Over the years we have received information on women’s health
and have acquired knowledge about the effects of FGM on sexual and reproductive rights and the rights
of the child. Having been empowered with the right information, we hereby publicly declare that we
shall never involve ourselves in the practice of FGM. We take leadership responsibility in protecting and
promoting the best interest of the girl child.”
Each one presented with a Certificate of Honor. Alkalos were also given certificates for their support,
and all clusters for their participation. Cultural performances were presented from several ethnic groups
and remarks were made by: Dr. Isatou Touray, Mrs. Amé Atsu David, from Save the Children, Dr. Nestor
Shivute, Resident representative to The Gambia of the WHO, and Dr. Tamsir Mbowe, Secretary of
State for Health and Social Welfare.
An additional 60 circumcisers have declared their intention to participate in the next
Dropping of the Knives ceremony.
Discussion of objectives reached as proposed
General Observations
A major strength of GAMCOTRAP is its sustained efforts over time and the consistency of its approach
and message. While methodology has been adapted over time (as well as from community to community,
depending on need), the basic mandate has remained the same, and no effort is made to conceal the true
agenda of the organization. While in the past GAMCOTRAP has often been the target of criticism,
insults, and even threats, it appears that over time a major shift has taken place in public awareness and
attitudes, and that overall impressions of the organization are positive. Although methodological trends
in anti-FGM interventions come and go, the patient consistency of GAMCOTRAP’s approach appears
to be paying off, as many beneficiaries explained that “change takes time,” but that they are now ready
to consider GAMCOTRAP’s message.
In general, the evaluator sees the the field visit as having provided ample evidence that the targeted
groups have been reached in the communities visited (and it is important to note that GAMCOTRAP
did not restrict these visits, but offered the evaluator the opportunity to choose any community for a
visit). Observations showed very open community discussions, even in groups including mixed age,
gender, and class. One male elder in URR said: ”This may be a women’s issue, but it affects us men as
well. I had one daughter who died after circumcision.”
There was a sense that change was embraced without looking back, and that no blame was cast
on actions past. As one woman in Basse said: ”What is past is past. Now it is the future.” Circumcisers
remain respected members of their communities and continue to advice women (and many of them
still practice as TBAs). People who used to engage in domestic violence are not castigated, although it is
made clear that such behavior is no longer accepted. In one URR village, a man confessed that he used
to beat his wife because he had simply never questioned it. After the training, he said, he realized that
21

he could instead sit down and discuss with her. ”It is like I have a new wife now,” he said; and when we
drove away from the village, he was standing at the side of the road, his arm around his wife, smiling.
When asked about enforcement, responses varied. In one community in URR, respondents said that ”If
people insist on practicing [FGM] we cannot stop them, but it seems that they aren’t.” In other communities
(in URR and CRR), the councils of elders insisted that ”we are policing around” and that no one in the
community could get away with either FGM , domestic violence, or giving their underage daughter away in
forced marriage. Clearly, the concrete reductions in such practices remain to be seen, but the evaluator still
perceives the sentiments expressed during the field visit as radically different from what was said ten years ago.
A number of circumcisers professed that they were relieved to no longer have to practice FGM. One
circumciser’s assistant in Wuli exclaimed: ”This is one burden I no longer have to carry!” Many mentioned
that they were ready to participate in a Dropping of the Knife ceremony, and there was some indication that
if this does not come to pass they may not start practicing again but will feel that they have been marginalized
vis-a-vis their colleagues who participated in the first such event. Likewise, there was a lot of discussion about
the equitable distribution of AEOs (again, not one of the activities funded by this project), which ranges
from seed money (D10,000) for small businesses (such as soap making, tie and dye, or having a freezer to sell
ice blocks and cold drinks) to raising cattle (in communities where it is not seen as appropriate for women to
engage in trade). GAMCOTRAP make it very clear that such support is limited and not ongoing over time,
but it seems to have significant symbolic importance, especially as ngangsingbgas are aware of others who
have ”received something.” All former circumcisers were trained and supported by TANGO staff in planning
and implementing their AEO. Also, male circumcisers were an important target group reached, as they tend
to be the husbands of female circumcisers and it is crucial to gain their support of abandonment.
Objectives Met as Proposed
As is evident from the Data on Activities document (Appendix 4), all sub-goals (with one exception
mentioned below) have been met or exceeded. As the expectation was stated in the original proposal,
there were also of spill-over effects from the training activities. For example, in Damphakunda, on the
evening of the first training day, a council of elders who were not part of the training but had heard
about it, convened on their own and decided to join the project. Also, in several communities (Sutukoba,
Garawol, Suduwol, Arrangel) chiefs took it upon themselves to advocate for the project in their own
networks of chiefs from communities that have not been directly targeted by training. In Garawol, the
council of elders planned their own follow-up meeting after the training and set up a ”community law”
against FGM and early marriage and implemented ”policing” enforcement mechanisms.
Video materials were reviewed during the evaluation and were found to have exceeded what was planned
in the proposal, which was merely documentation for the purposes of institutional memory rather than the
production of actual films. The one sub-goal that was found not to have been met (as funding ended up not
being available after budget revisions) was the video screenings in 12 community halls.
Interviews with staff at Mutapola revealed successful collaboration with the advocay group for women
living with HIV/AIDS, having established nine networks (exceeding the proposed goal of 7). This work
has particularly strengthened a gender-sensitive approach to HIV/AIDS awareness, as Mutapola is an
advocacy organization specifically targeting the unique challenges and needs of women living with the
virus. It was also pointed out by the CBF from Foni during the dissemination partner meeting that this
project has lent a gender perspective to all development projects in the area – ”if anyone comes with a
project, the women will ask how it affects them.”
22

A group interview with a members of a youth group in south Kombo indicated that these youth
are actively engaged and feel that they are receiving adequate support from GAMCOTRAP. All 15
proposed drama groups were trained, although GAMCOTRAP points out that it is difficult to know
how many are still operating.
TANGO representatives spoke of GAMCOTRAP as a model NGO.
Unanticipated Outcomes
GAMCOTRAP staff and many interviewed beneficiaries expressed that the most surprising
development of this project is how quickly change seems to recently have taken on its own momentum,
and that they had honestly not expected this change to take place during their own lifetimes.
The three videos that ended up being produced were not planned.
When training traditional communicators, there was the unexpected result of original songs and
dances spontaneously being created by women for the campaign.
Many more ngangsingbas than anticipated committed to dropping their knives.
An indirect outcome during the project period was the successful efforts to save foreign-born,
Gambian girls from FGM and other harmful traditional practices when sent home for holidays. From
2006 to 2008, GAMCOTRAP received requests related to cases from the following countries:
Spain 3
Germany 1
United States 3
United Kingdom 3
Norway 2
Netherlands 2
Total 14
Some of the potential victims were brought to The Gambia and others were in Europe and the
United States at the time the request was received. Meanwhile, during the same period, 2006 – 2008,
nine local cases were also reported to GAMCOTRAP, relating to FGM, early and forced marriages,
rights to inheritance, and gender based violence. Women are counselled by GAMCOTRAP staff and
given moral support to stand and say no to violence and any form of abuse. Their stories are used as
case studies and testimonies on violence against women.
In one instance during the training workshop in Damphakunda, there was the unanticipated outcome
of a battered woman reporting the case to GAMCOTRAP staff and then the police, and the community
holding an open discussion about domestic violence.
Challenges and Adaptations
While important gains were being made with former circumcisers abandoning the practice, there
is an emergent threat of foreign circumcisers from the sub-region increasingly taking on the role
23

of practising FGM, especially in the Western Region and the Greater Banjul Area. Clusters and
communities who have decided to stop FGM have formed a strong network against roving circumcisers
in the border areas of URR, LRR, CRR; and GAMCOTRAP is informed of any such attempts in
these communities.
The continued lack of access to state radio and TV are seen as an impediment to effective dissemination
of information. The long-term goal is to address this limitation by creating community radio stations, if
funding becomes available.
Monitoring and Reporting
Project monitoring is done on a regular basis, including surprise visits to target communities.
The area of the timeliness and quality of reporting to the funders was one in which it was difficult
to reach consensus during the collaborative evaluation. FOKUS requires only a yearly program report.
In the view of GAMCOTRAP these were complete and submitted in a timely manner, while FOKUS/
NKTF expressed that reports were late and some information was missing.
In addition to these yearly reports, GAMCOTRAP produced nine narrative reports on training
workshops, which were not required by FOKUS, but are seen by GAMCOTRAP and the evaluator as
useful to share with community members, visitors, and potential funders.
Cost Effectiveness
The evaluation mandate explicitly excluded a financial audit and the evaluator did not examine
financial records (independent audits were conducted for each year of project implementation, and
these reports are available to interested parties). In a general sense, however, this evaluation finds that the
project expenditure was cost-effective, in that all proposed sub-goals were met or exceeded (again, with
the exception of community video screenings) and that, in addition, the project benefited from resources
coming from elsewhere.
Thus, GAMCOTRAP made effective use of previously trained CBF’s, who were not directly funded
by the TV project (with the exception of receiving the same allowances for training sessions as any
other participant), but do continue, without receiving a salary, to monitor and document FGM-related
activities and sensitize their communities.
In addition, GAMCOTRAP was able to obtain other sources of funding (see Appendix 6) for the
staging of the first Dropping the Knives ceremony. Nonetheless, GAMCOTRAP stresses that the
ongoing funding from FOKUS/NKTF for community training and sensitization is what prepared the
ground for this event.
Partnership with Norway
Representatives from both NKTF/FOKUS and GAMCOTRAP reported that a lot has been learned
from the partnership. On the other hand, stakeholders on both sides, as well as the evaluator, experienced
difficulties and delays in communication, and identified this as an area in need of improvement.
24

Conclusions and Recommendations
It appears that at this time GAMCOTRAP stands at an important crossroads. After many years of
sustained effort often involving extreme challenges, a shift appears to have taken place, as many Gambians
are now ready to receive and consider GAMCOTRAP’s consistent message. There is currently a great
sense of urgency in building on the current momentum.
This recently completed three-year project is seen by GAMCOTRAP staff as having been crucial in
effecting change by providing the needed funding and support. Particularly beneficial was allowing Dr.
Touray to devote her time fully to coordinating the project. It also gave GAMCOTRAP the opportunity
to map out large sections of the country and plan clusters to be targeted, especially in planning and
organizing a second, larger Dropping of the Knives ceremony.
Major activities of the project have been consistent with proposed objectives, and almost all sub-goals
have been achieved to various degrees (in some cases having exceeded them), while progress appears to
have been made towards reaching the broader goal of gender empowerment and the abandonment of
harmful traditional practices.
Beneficiaries of the project agree with GAMCOTRAP staff that it is important to continue to focus
on outreach and capacity building, while pursuing the continued commitment of traditional circumcisers
to drop their knives. Community members unanimously stressed the need for consistent follow-up in the
form of additional workshops, improved support for CBF’s, and expanded AEOs for former circumcisers
(this was not originally proposed as part of the FOKUS funding). There is a perceived need to expand
efforts with youth groups, as well as to strengthen and expand work with networks of PLWHA. In
addition, it is crucial to continue the outreach efforts of improving IEC capacity of traditional health
practitioners and to expand the important dialogue currently underway between Gambian emigrants
(particularly in Spain and Norway) and their home communities.
This evaluation recommends that GAMCOTRAP continue its community outreach while
striving to strengthen its administrative capacity, particularly in the area of reporting, auditing, and
effective communication with donors. Specifically, it is recommended that particular care is taken in
proposal writing to set realistic objectives that will be easy to document at the conclusion of a project
implementation. In the current project, the proposal listed a break-down of intended beneficiaries by
sub-group (such as circumcisers, TBAs, traditional healers) with separate projected numbers for each
one. In the final reporting, however, these sub-groups were often combined (having attended the same
workshops), making it difficult to assess the exact numbers reached in each sub-category (the situation is
further complicated by the fact that one individual can have several identities, such as: ngangsingba and
TBA and woman of reproductive age). Likewise, individuals living with disabilities were reached in all
community workshops, rather than as a separate sub-group.
GAMCOTRAP has gained organizational and administrative strength over the years, and staff members
are engaged in an ongoing process of education and skills development. At this time there appears to be
an acceptable level of institutional support in terms of office space, equipment, and vehicles. A major
threat to GAMCOTRAP’s project sustainability is, however, the uncertainty of funding. Staff described
the stress of managing from grant to grant and never knowing whether funding would be available for the
next important step in project implementation (as exemplified by the current need for resources to plan a
second “Dropping the Knife” ceremony). This evaluation urges for more sustained support from funders,
25

while calling for improved dialogue between GAMCOTRAP and their supporters, as well as continued
efforts to improve communication among Gambian organizations working on similar issues.
Sources Cited
Asemota, S. (2002a) “Women on Rampage over FGM Case At Magistrate Court.”
Daily Observer, posted to the Web October 18. http://allafrica.com/stories/200210180124.html
• (2002b) “Court Discharges Alleged Female Genital Mutilators.” Daily Observer, November 3.
Daffeh, Jarai, Sheriff Dumbuya, Adelaide Sosseh-Gaye (1999) Listening to the Voice of the People:
A Situational Analysis of Female Genital Mutilation in The Gambia. Banjul, The Gambia: A Study
Commissioned by WHO, UNFPA, UNICEF.
Forward with the Gambia, newsletter July 7, 1997.
Gambian Department of State for Education. Policy Documents, Vol 1.
GAMCOTRAP (April, 2006) Report on Bansang Training Workshop.
• (June, 2006) Report on Suduwol Training Workshop.
• (December, 2006) Report on Sutukoba Training Workshop.
• (May, 2007) Report on Sangajor Training Workshop.
• (May, 2007) Report on Basse Training Workshop.
• (July, 2007) Report on Secondary School Training Workshop.
• (July, 2007) Report on Tamasangsang Training Workshop.
• (May, 2008) Report on Kulari Training Workshop.
• (June, 2008) Report on Bantanto Training Workshop.
Government of The Gambia/UNICEF (1998) Situational Analysis for Women and Children in The Gambia. Banjul.
Government of The Gambia (1993) Housing and Household Characteristics: Population and Housing Census.
Banjul: Central Statistics Department, Dept of State for Finance and Economic Affairs.
Hosken, Fran (1978) “The Epidemiology of Female Genital Mutilations.” Tropical Doctor 8:150-156.
Mackie, Gerry (2000) “Female Genital Cutting: The Beginning of the End.” In Shell-Duncan, Bettina
and Ylva Hernlund, (eds.) Female ‘Circumcision’ in Africa: Culture, Controversy, and Change. Boulder, CO:
Lynn Rienner Publishers.
Singateh, Saffiatou (1985) Female Circumcision: The Gambian Experience. Banjul, The Gambia: Gambia
Women’s Bureau.
Touray, Isatou (1993) “Reconceptualising Traditional Practices in the Gambia: The Case of Female
Genital Mutilation.” The Hague, Netherlands: Unpublished Master’s Thesis.
UNICEF (2009) Monitoring the Situation of Women and Children.
http://.childinfo.org/misc3.surveys.html
www.gamcotrap.gm
26

Appendix 1:
EVALUATION OF GAMCOTRAP
(The Gambia Committee on Traditional Practices
Affecting the Health of Women and Children)
“Training and Information campaign on the Eradication of FGM.”
The Gambia, 2006-2008
Terms of Reference
Background and Problem Analysis:
In Gambian society, a majority of women are poor, relatively powerless, and lack decisionmaking
power over their sexuality and reproductive health. As a result, women are subjected to
various forms of physical, sexual, and psychological violence. The non-governmental organization
(NGO) GAMCOTRAP, the Gambian chapter of the Inter Africa Committee (IAC), has for several
decades been engaged in campaigns to promote positive traditional practices, while discouraging
those that negatively affect the well-being of women and the girl child, focusing in particular
on abolishing Female Genital Mutilation (FGM) and early marriage, as well as on promoting
education and empowerment for women and girls. GAMCOTRAP has identified FGM as a form
of sexual violence against women that is often erroneously justified as a religious injunction.
The broader aims of the organization include working towards a situation in which Gambian
women’s voices and decisions are not taken for granted in development plans, but are considered
as central issues.
Objectives:
The current project, funded for three years by NKTF/FOKUS Norway, is based on empowering
people with the information to make informed decision and choices, with the underlying principle of
citizens’ participation in their own development.
The project comprised three stages, with Years 1 and 2 having consisted of campaign programs
directed at various target groups. Year 3 is intended to work towards sustainability where the participants
who have been identified as Community Based Facilitators will be allowed to engage in training under the
supervision of GAMCOTRAP and its partners. There is an additional goal of building and sustaining
collaborations with Norwegian scholars and practitioners.
Geographically the project is being carried out in The Central River Region, Upper River Region,
and Western Region.
The overall development goal stated by GAMCOTRAP is: to reach a wide audience of all age
groups to realize the belief that all individuals have the right and responsibility to promote and protect
their human rights and to develop and implement relevant and effective gender-related activities that
promote and protect the human rights of not only Gambian women and children, but also people living
with HIV/AIDS and those living with disabilities.
27

The specific goal of this project was to: upgrade the skills and knowledge of participants on the
effects of FGM (including HIV/AIDS) and other harmful traditional practices.
The primary beneficiaries were identified as women and girls. For the purposes of advocacy, secondary
project beneficiaries included women group leaders, village heads, district chiefs, and religious scholars
as influencers of decisions. The proposal states that traditionalists, circumcisers, traditional healers, and
people living with HIV/AIDS will also be targeted.
Specifically the project aimed to: train traditional birth attendants, circumciser s, and traditional
healers; establish networks of people living with HIV/AIDS; partner with traditional communicators
and train youth drama groups; intensify Family Life Education and HIV counselling; enlist the support
of traditional decision-makers; enhance IEC capacity of community health providers and traditional
healers; and sensitize the targeted communities, with the ultimate goal being a reduction in FGM
prevalence and increased empowerment of women and girls.
Purpose of the Review:
After three years of funding, the project is up for evaluation. 3 This is a summative evaluation. The
review will look at the impact of GAMCOTRAP’s project to educate and effect change in the area of
harmful traditional practices in The Gambia. It will examine the extent that project objectives were
achieved, challenges, lessons learned from the experiences, use of resources, and organization. Lessons
learned about best practices will be shared for others to replicate.
The evaluation will look at the process by which GAMCOTRAP staff implemented the programs
and the involvement of youth, survivors, and other stakeholders, insights from the implementation, and
opportunities opened up by the project.
Specifically, the evaluation will focus on and assess the following aspects:
Background
The evaluation will describe the project as such, its background, how it came into being, how it is
organized and managed, what input there has been in the form of funding and personnel and activities,
and what the funding from FOKUS/NKTF has been used for. 4
• What other donors have been involved, and in what networks do GAMCOTRAP and the project
take part nationally
Achievement of objectives and results and implementation of the project
• To what extent have the project’s objectives been achieved or are expected to be achieved
• What are the results of the project, and has the project generated unexpected results
3. After 2008 FOKUS will not have any funding available to secure further funding of the project.
4. Evaluator is not responsible for auditing or detailed financial information.
28

In order to discuss the achievement of objectives and results, the evaluation will analyze and discuss
these achievements vis-à-vis how the project has been planned, organized, implemented, monitored,
and reported on.
• How have difficulties and problems been identified, and how have they been met What
adaptations and adjustments have taken place
• How is the reporting on results and achievements of objectives done and what is the quality of
this reporting
• Which factors have promoted or impeded the implementation of the project
• How have youth, survivors, and other stakeholder been involved in the project
• Has the use of resources been cost-effective
Relevance of the project
• Which best practices can be identified and documented from GAMCOTRAP’s work in the
project
• Is the project relevant when it comes to successfully addressing the combating of FGM in The
Gambia
• Are the work methods relevant
• What does the international literature say about best practices compared with the intervention
and work methods used in this project (The evaluator should get a critical outsider’s perspective
through consulting other stakeholders in The Gambia such as other organizations working within
this field, authorities, and others).
Lessons learned
• What are the lessons learned in the project, and to what extent are these lessons relevant to
projects that work within other contexts
Extended effects of the project
• Which extended effects of the project can be identified
Methodology and Scope:
The goals of the evaluation that have previously been identified by the organization are: to assess
the training and information campaigns at the community level, and to review the organizational
absorptive capacity and resources available for sustainability, as well as the overall impact of the
project on the target groups. In addition, GAMCOTRAP staff prioritizes communication between
the partners, and seek to answer the question: Has it been a mutual exchange of experience in working
for women’s rights
The evaluator will review organizational documents and program/project outputs, including video
documentation, as one basis for evaluation and as a source of data on the project. Media coverage of
the project will also be part of information source.
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Participatory observation of project activities and related GAMCOTRAP activities will be
conducted as far as is possible during the country visit (and will complement the evaluator’s previous
participant observation with GAMCOTRAP). Interviews will be conducted (using a Gambian translator
independently engaged by the evaluator) among key informants - GAMCOTRAP staff and volunteers;
leading decision-makers in targeted communities; Community Based Facilitators; Traditional Birth
Attendants, traditional healers, and circumcisers trained by GAMCOTRAP; members of established
networks of people living with HIV/AIDS; traditional communicators and representatives of youth
drama groups; and students in Family Life Education classes.
The review will include conceptualization of the project, planning processes, implementation,
monitoring, and evaluation mechanisms. The aspects of project content, organization, sustainability,
communication with partners, and administration will all be reviewed.
Outputs:
1. The evaluator will interview GAMCOTRAP staff and volunteers, representatives of the
primary and secondary beneficiaries in a participatory manner with the assistance of
GAMCOTRAP staff, and independently representatives of other agencies and organizations.
2. A report of approximately 30 pages, exclusive of annexes showing the raw data from the
project, will be the final output.
The report is to contain:
• Executive Summary with main conclusions on findings, lessons learned, and recommendations.
• Background, description of project and its activities.
• Answers to the questions in the ToR.
• Recommendations.
• Attachments.
Timetable:
The evaluator will spend two weeks in The Gambia during the first half of December, 2008, gathering
data, and will then spend one week (in Seattle, U.S.) preparing the report. The evaluator in collaboration
with the various stakeholders will then plan a dissemination workshop to be hosted by GAMCOTRAP
in The Gambia during the last week of February, which will be attended by GAMCOTRAP staff,
beneficiaries and local partners, the evaluator, and representatives from NKTF/FOKUS.
A proposal for the evaluation report with associated guiding principles should be completed by
January 1, 2009. FOKUS, NKTF, and GAMCOTRAP should give input to the report by January 15,
2009. An updated version of the report, where the input from the organizations previously mentioned is
taken into consideration, will be submitted to FOKUS before the seminar to be held in February 2009
where input to the final version of the report will be given. The final report will be submitted to FOKUS
by March 15, 2009.
30

Appendix 2
Sources of Information Gathered in The Gambia,
November 30-December 11, 2008
1. [November 30] Interview with Chair of the Board, Sidia Jatta, Bakau.
2. [December 1] Introductory meeting at GamcoTRAP office, Bakau New Town, with:
Amie Bojang-Cissoko, Programme Coordinator
Musa Jallow, Finance Officer
Haddy Saidy, Field Coordinator for Women
Omar Dibba, Youth Coordinator
Discussion of background of project, itinerary for trek, review of campaign videos and project reports.
3. [December 2] Interview with Isatou Touray, GamcoTRAP office, Bakau New Town.
4. [December 2] Interview with Amie Bojang-Cissoko, in vehicle from Bakau to Basse.
5. [December 2] Meeting in Mannekunda, Basse, URR (a primarily Mandinka community in
original settlement of the town), with 15 beneficiaries, including the alkalo, leaders of the men’s
and women’s societies, and two former circumcisers.
6. [December 2] Interview with religious leader Oustass Fayinke in his compound in Basse.
7. [December 2] Meeting in Kaba Kama, URR, with a dozen beneficiaries, including Community
Based Facilitator, female alkalo, leaders of women’s society, and two former circumcisers (one
Mandinka, one Fula).
8. [December 2] Interview with Amie-Bojang and Malick Baldeh, the CBF, at Basse guesthouse.
9. [December 3] Interview with Amie Bojang-Cissoko and Malick Baldeh, in the vehicle going to
Wuli.
10. [December 3] Meeting in Boro Kanda Kasse (with participants also coming from Boro Manjang
Kunda), Wuli. Discussion held in Serahule with about twenty beneficiaries, including CBF, alkalo,
leaders of men’s and women’s societies, religious leaders, two former circumcisers.
11. [December 3] Interview with alkalo of Sutukoba, Wuli.
12. [December 3] Meeting in Sutukoba, Wuli with around ten beneficiaries, including TBA, leaders
of men’s and women’s societies, youth leader.
13. [December 3] Interviews in Makka Masireh, Wuli, with alkalo, former circumciser and her
husband, and one youth leader.
31

14. [December 3] Meeting in Mansayangkunda (a Fula compound) in Basse with Omar Baldeh
(VDC Chair and GamcoTRAP mobilize), three women’s leaders, one men’s leader, and a group
of young girls.
15. [December 3] Interview with still practicing Mandinka circumciser and her two adult sons in
their compound in Basse.
16. [December 3] Meeting in Giroba, Fula compound of Maleck Baldeh in Basse, with around
twenty women in their 20s and 30s.
17. [December 4] Meeting with Governor at his office in Basse.
18. [December 4] Meeting at alkalos compound in Garawol (a large, predominantly Serahule
community), URR, including men’s leaders, Chief of Police, three former circumcisers, and two
youth leaders.
19. [December 4] Meeting in alkalo’s compound in Suduwol (a mostly Serahule community) URR,
with alkalo and his (co-alkalo) brother, senior men’s council leader, a male youth leader, three
women’s leaders, and a young former circumciser.
20. [December 4] Meeting in Kulari (a large village, mostly Serahule and Bambara), URR, in
compound of women’s council president, with one men’s leader and five women, including one
former circumciser.
21. [December 4] Meeting in Tambasangsang (a community of Jahankas, who are ethnically
Mandinka but culturally Serahule), URR, with over a hundred community members, dominated
by the local kanyeleng society, including several former circumcisers, male and female traditional
leaders, and youth leaders.
22. [December 4] Meeting in Damphakunda (large Jahanka community near Tambasangsang),
URR, in compound of women’s leader, with kanyelengs, CBFs, TBA/ former circumciser, and a
number of individuals who have participated in GamcoTRAP training.
23. [December 4] Interview in vehicle with Amie Bojang-Cissoko, Malick Baldeh, and Wandefa
Saidhykhan.
24. [December 4] Meeting in Tinkinjo (Mandinka village), URR, with alkalo and his brother, former
circumciser and her assistant, young man previously unaware of the issue.
25. [December 4] Interview with Amie Bojang-Cissoko and Malick Baldeh at guesthouse in Basse.
26. [December 5] Interview in Bansang, CRR, with CBF, Fatou Tarawally.
27. [December 5] Meeting in Bantanto (a Mandinka community near Bansang), CRR, at bantaba
with male elders (including alkalo and his two older brothers who make decisions alongside him)
and former circumciser.
28. [December 5] Meeting in Sareh Gideh (a Fula community near Bansang), CRR, with first the
alkalo and elder men, then a group of young married women.
32

29. [December 5] Meeting in Mabally Kuta (Mandinka/Jahanka community), CRR, in alkalo’s compound,
with alkalo and his brother, male elders (including former circumciser’s husband), a male youth leader.
30. [December 5] Meeting in Mabally Kuta in blacksmith/circumcisers’compound with members of
former circumciser’s family.
31. [December 5] Interview with Mabally Kuta’s former circumciser on the road as she was returning
from rice fields and we passed in vehicle on the way back to Bansang.
32. [December 5] Meeting in alkalo’s compound in Bansang, with alkalo (son of former circumciser)
and former alkalo and other male leaders, women’s leaders, including former circumciser, and a
group of young men and women.
33. [December 5] Interview with TBA/former circumciser in Dobong Kunda, CRR (the planned
meeting could not be held as someone just died and the entire community was in mourning).
34. [December 5] Meeting in Sabally Koto, CRR, in alkalo’s compound, with male and female
leaders, including former circumciser, and group of young women.
35. [December 5] Interview with Amie Bojang-Cissoko in vehicle.
36. [December 5] Interview in Kerewan Samba Sireh, CRR, with former circumciser in her house
(also present was alkalo’s wife).
37. [December 5] Interview in Kerewan Samba Sireh with religious leader in his compound.
38. [December 5] Interview with Amie Bojang-Cissoko in vehicle on the way to Soma.
39. [December 6] Interview in Bwiam, Foni, with Wolof religious leader who had attended workshop
(planned meeting not possible as many people had left for Tabaski shopping).
40. [December 6] Meeting in Arrangel, Foni, in alkalo’s compound with male and female members
of his family who had attended Sibanor workshop.
41. [December 6] Meeting in Batabutu Kantora, Foni, with two women (including a TBA) who had
attended Sibanor workshop.
42. [December 6] Meeting in Sibanor, Foni, in women’s leader’s compound, with five women.
43. [December 7] Meeting in Brikama with more than twenty young women members of the Jabbi
Sisters society.
44. [December 7] Interview with Amie Bojang-Cissoko in Isatou Touray’s compound, Brikama.
(Planned meeting in Ebo Town with traditional communicators cancelled as everyone had gone shopping
for Tabaski).
45. [December 7] Interview at community center in Jambanjelly with five youth activists trained as
community based facilitators (representing a group of 50 youths).
33

46. [December 7] Interview with Amie Bojang-Cissoko and Isatou Touray at Dr. Touray’s compound
in Brikama.
47. [December 7] Interview with European activist working on another anti-FGM campaign, Bakau.
48. [December 7] Meeting at GamcoTRAP office, Bakau New Town, with Amie Bojang-Cissoko and
Isatou Touray. Viewed additional videos and slide show on medical consequences of FGM.
49. [December 10] Interview in Barra with Chair of the Board, Sidia Jatta.
50. [December 10] Interview with activist from Norway, Bakau.
51. [December 11] Meeting at office of Mutapola, Talinding, with four staff members/ Persons
Living with HIV/AIDS.
52. [December 11] Interview at GamcoTRAP office with Bakary Badjie from the Child Protection
Alliance.
(Interviews had to be canceled at other agencies, as people had traveled for Tabaski).
53. [December 11] Concluding meeting at GamcoTRAP office with Amie Bojang-Cissoko, Isatou
Touray, and Omar Dibbah, gathering of materials.
54. [December 13] Interview with Isatou Touray at Yundum airport and on flight to Dakar.
55. [December 13] Interview with Amie Joof-Cole, co-founder and former President of
GamcoTRAP at her home in Dakar.
Additional sources of information:
E-mail interviews in November with representatives of Tostan and UNICEF.
E-mail survey in January with stakeholders in Norway.
34

GAMCOTRAP Evaluation December 2008
Photos by Ylva Hernlund
Bulletin board in GAMCOTRAP’s New Town
office showing photos from past programs.
The “Secret Clinic” (see box on upper right) is used
during workshops on reproductive health with
youth – any young person can submit a candid
question about sex in the box and later have it
answered anonymously in front of the group.
Poster in GAMCOTRAP office.
Dr. Isatou Touray in the GAMCOTRAP office, having just returned
from a meeting in Bamako and before that a visit to Spain, a week
before going to the First Ladies’ meeting in Cairo.
35

After the group meeting in Mannekunda, Basse
(Amie and Ylva on the left, alkalo on far right).
The elder man in white in the front row told me:
“This may be a women’s affair, but it affects us
men, as well. One of my wives took our daughter
back to her mother’s house to be circumcised. The
girl died. We didn’t use to know the bad effects.”
Former circumciser (next to Ylva) was given seed
money to start a soap business; she says people have
stopped even trying to bring girls to her to cut.
Amie Bojang-Sissoho and Oustass Fayinke in his
compound in Basse.
Amie explained about the unique support Fayinke
has been giving them: “He is not only knowledgeable
in the Qu’ran, but has a deep understanding about
social psychology.”
Oustass Fayinke, Basse.
“Things have changed a lot in the last ten years. When the real truth
is revealed, there can be no argument. There is no religious scholar
in the URR who will sit down and argue this issue with me.”
Oustass Fayinke, Basse.
“Things have changed a lot in the last ten years. When the real truth
is revealed, there can be no argument. There is no religious scholar
in the URR who will sit down and argue this issue with me.”
Trekk lodging (a government guesthouse in Basse).
36

Breakfast of canned chicken AND sardines with
mayonnaise on bread...
Road conditions in Wuli (bush-fires in the background),
temperature 42 degrees Celsius.
Ylva’s translator Wandefa Saidykhan and Amie
Bojang-Sissoho debating issues over breakfast at
the guesthouse in Basse.
Waiting to cross the river from Basse to Wuli (the
ferry operators were having their breakfast...).
37

The Gambia River between Basse and Wuli.
Boro Kanda Kasse (URR) group that participated
in a large meeting held in Serahule. Chief Juwara,
before he passed away, was a GAMCOTRAP Board
member and his legacy lives on in the strong support
GAMCOTRAP enjoys in this community.
Amie talked a lot in this community about the Spanish
anti-FGM law, as many villagers have emigrated there.
One of the women said: “Human beings will follow
that which there is benefit in.”
Former circumciser (in white in front row) said that she was given cattle as an AEO but the animals died. “Still,”
she said, “I am not going to start circumcising again.”
She added: “For me, a heavy load has been lifted. One so heavy that not even a vehicle could carry it.”
Boro Kanda Kasse males. Translator Wandefa
Saidykhan on far right, third from right is Malick
Baldeh, the CBF from Basse, who traveled with us
for a few days.
There was a very frank discussion between Amie
and the community members about to what extent
circumcisers should continue to receive alternative
support.
When I asked what other issues have changed,
other than FGM, I was told: “We have observed that between husbands and wives there is better
communication now. Love is important.”
Sutukoba alkalo showing the certificate he received
in GAMCOTRAP training. He got one for himself
and one for the community. He has been doing
outreach to ten villages; he wishes the nearby Fula
communities would also get training.
“We are behind Amie and Isatou. We would
mobilize 10,000 people if we had to. People have
stopped here. I can let you talk to 100 people here
and they will all tell you they have stopped.”
“Sutukoba has been given the gift from God to be
able to spread the message to other places. When I was younger I was youth leader, now I am a leader
of elders. People listen to me, and in any community where they will listen, I talk to them.”
38

Sutukoba meeting in alkalo’s compound.
When asked what changes they have seen: “Kids
used to collapse because of loss of blood.”
What if someone in this community disagrees and
wants to circumcise their daughter
“No, we have community law, a community court.
We will win as a majority.”
But, what if they disobey…what would be the
consequences
“They would be isolated by the community.”
Woman is a circumciser’s daughter and was supposed to take over, but her mother told her she had
stopped and she is relieved she does not have to take over.
Sutukoba meeting.
Young man on far right said: “When you don’t
understand something, it is so difficult. It has
stopped now.” He had renamed FGM: Females
Gently Moving. “Also it was nice to go to Kombo
[for the training] to see the electricity.”
Woman 1: “There was bad communication before.
Now husband and wife can sit together and discuss
FGM.”
Woman 2: “If someone says ‘Let me better your
life’—then that’s it! The benefit will even carry to the next generation. Every human being wants a
benefit. We know they [Amie and Isatou] love us and that they love our future.”
Former circumciser ‘s assistant [left]: “I am the one who is now free. I don’t have to go around collecting
these girl. It was a great burden.”
Young man: “The man in Norway who was arrested for circumcising his daughter is from this village,
but had been gone for 25 years. He should have communicated with us at home and he would have
realized that we have stopped.”
Amie pounding with women before a meeting.
39

Makka Masireh meeting in alkalo’s compound.
Kumba, the former circumciser, is wearing a GAMCO-
TRAP headscarf. “Women can start something, but
men have to support them.”
Alkalo: “I have sympathy for the women. See how
hard they work! So anything that can be done to help
them, you have to support it.”
Have there been other changes than FGM stopping
“Yes, wife beating has stopped. The mentality has
changed. It has been over a year since anyone tried to beat his wife.”
But it used to happen
“Yes, there would be fighting. And then you would not be friends with your wife for a week.”
Elder woman: “Yes, it has changed. Quarreling has reduced.”
Makka Masireh compound.
There was a lot of talk about wanting a milling
machine in order to reduce the workload of the
women. Amie was very clear about how this is not
part of their funding, but said she will try to help
them write a small grant to the German Embassy,
although it probably won’t be until next year
because the money has already been given out for
this year.
Makka Masireh well. It is 55 meters deep and it takes
two or three women to pull up a bucket of water.
Garawol former circumcisers.
“When you first hear something, if you don’t know
it, then you think about it.”
“We decided to stop after we learned that our
relatives in Basse have also stopped.”
“We received help with cattle, since women here
don’t do business.”
40

Garawol elders. Man in white: “I am the community
police here. I make sure no one is circumcising.”
Garawol meeting in alkalo’s compound.
“Religious leaders made it clear to us that health is
more important than anything else.”
There are 16,000 Gambian Serahules in Spain.
“They used to send their daughters home here to be
circumcised, but now they know they can go to jail.”
Amie discussed how two weeks before a girl is
married she needs to go to a health professional to
be safely unsealed.
Garawol alkalo.
“It used to be that men were in charge of boys, women of girls. No
one circumcises here anymore. This community is like a family. The
heads of household have all agreed and any guest that comes to stay
with them has to follow the law of the village.”
Amie and alkalo in Suduwol.
“Wa have learned a lot. The practice is useless and it
causes harm. When someone is used to something,
when you tell them to stop, it won’t happen right away.
But knowledge can bring change. You can’t just force
people, then they accuse you of just eating money.”
“There has to be dialogue rather than a law. But it will
take a lot of work and resources. Look at Kantora!
47 villages…. But no more than 3 or so have had
a training workshop. So it is up to those people to
spread the word. The CBFs need motorcycles...”
41

Suduwol meeting, young former circumciser on the
right. She had just been trained, had only circumcised
one girl when GAMCOTRAP came.
“Thank God. We were lost before.”
Other issues
“There is a lot of awareness now about HIV
transmission. Gum tattooing is dying out, people
never share the same razors, or even nail cutters.”
Suduwol men.
Reminded Amie of how it took days of discussion
before everyone finally agreed after Oustass Fayinke
spoke to them: “You have to respect those who know
the religion.”
“The workshop brought awareness. When you bring
a lot of people together at the same time, you get it.”
“The pictures [of health consequences] were
important, they impress a human being. You
understand the harm.”
Kulari women’s leader, Isatou who was the first one
to mobilize this community (she broke her leg in a
road accident and it has just been set by a traditional
healer).
We waited in her house while a group of women,
including the former circumciser, walked very far
from their rice fields to come talk to us.
Ngangsingba said that her first reaction was: “I hear
you. But it’s my source of income.” She explained: “It
is just like with a child. If you take something away
from her you have to give her something else.”
Then the women had training at the hospital and they stopped bringing their daughters to be cut.
“I can’t say much. If the women don’t want this, there is nothing I can do. So, I put my knife down. Now I
won’t even unseal brides, I tell them to go to the hospital.”
Amie reinforced the message that it is very important to plan weddings in such a way that the new bride has
several weeks to heal before consummation after being opened by health care professionals; this message
really seemed to resonate with the women. They expressed that they are really concerned about the interim
generation of young women who have already been sealed.
The circumciser now raises cattle for a living, but she is still an important advisor to the women.
They also see that early marriage is ending, which is positive because it reduces the harm during childbirth
that happens when “a child is having a child.”
42

Tambasangsang mass meeting. This is a village of
Jahankas, who are ethnically Mandinka but whose
cultural practices are closer to Serahule.
Tambasangsang kanyeleng kaafo. These women
play an important role in traditional circumcision,
so are crucial to have on board for abandonment.
Fanta in Tambasangsang. Amie described her as one of the
most astonishing women they have ever encountered in their
campaign. She heard ant-FGM messages on the radio and from
talking to people in other communities who had participated
in training. She paid her own transport to go all the way to
Brikama, where she walked around asking people for directions
to Dr. Touray’s compound. She told Isatou she wants to stop
FGM in her community. GAMCOTRAP happened to be doing
an education workshop that day and they invited her to come
and listen, although she speaks no English. Later, she again paid
for herself and three other Tambasangsang women to attend the
Handing over the Knives ceremony – they didn’t tell anyone
they were coming, but just showed up.
She told me her own story of early forced marriage – she was married
at age 13 to a man she hated. They tied her up and beat her until she
submitted and “I lived like that until he died.”
She is now remarried and a respected leader in her community.
43

Tambasangsang kanyelengs.
Fanta went to the alkalo and the circumciser and
convinced GAMCOTRAP to come do training.
After several preliminary meetings, the community
decided at a village-wide meeting (at which they saw
the visual materials on health effects) to stop FGM.
Now they try to talk about it in other communities.
Alkalo said: “It was Fanta who brought this. She
understood something and did not keep it for herself.
She was not looking for anything for herself [she has
never received any payment from GAMCOTRAP].
Now everyone is part of the decision and we welcome you back.”
Woman: “If you identify a problem, then you have to act.”
“Fanta is very effective in this community, she is the one who can enter with the women and talk about
what used to be a secret between them and the circumciser.”
Fatou Tarawally (on the right), a school teacher from
Bansang, one of the first CBFs trained in 1997 (I
met her during her training in Basse). She has been
consistently involved with GAMCOTRAP since then
although she does not receive any salary from them.
Man and child in Bantanto. We waited as an old man
on a bicycle zoomed around the village collecting
people for a meeting. Then everyone spoke, from
elders, down to the youngest. They told of Amie
coming to hold a meeting, and how they felt when
they saw the videos about health effects.
“We can’t say about other places, but here we are not
practicing.”
“Kids are the future leaders. Anything that harms
them, development will not accept. The elders do
not want there to be darkness over the next generation.”
There was an elder circumciser here who had just passed away and her daughter had not yet taken over
because she was sick in the hospital. GAMCOTRAP happened to arrive during that time for training, so the
new circumciser never did start practicing.
“There have been big changes in this community. Today and yesterday, they are not the same.”
An older man confessed that he used to beat his wife, but that he has gained understanding and has stopped.
On the way driving out, we passed him, with his arm around her, smiling.
“She is free now,” Amie said.
44

Amie pounding with the women in Sareh Gideh, a
Fula community.
While we waited for people to walk from their farms,
Amie explained to me more about site selection.
Larger towns are easy to identify; then smaller villages
surrounding them are selected based on size, ethnic
make-up, and how they intermarry and share a
circumciser.
I asked if they ever approach communities that do
not practice FGM and she said that yes, they did
workshops in Wollof communities in northern CRR, talking about domestic violence, early marriage, family
planning, and HIV prevention. In one of those villages, the issue of post-menopausal sexuality (traditionally seen
as inappropriate) came up. The alkalo was pondering out loud why it is that middle-aged women suddenly stop
taking care of their appearance. His wife exclaimed: “Eh! You don’t even give us soap to wash with – how are
we supposed to take care of ourselves!” At a later meeting, Amie said villagers were openly laughing about how
men have started having sex with their postmenopausal wives again and how happy everyone was about it.
In another one of these villages, during the discussion on family planning, an older man accused young women
of “just wanting to be married but not wanting to have kids.” A young woman spoke up and said that it is not
that they don’t want children, but “We can’t even afford a naming ceremony for the first one, so how can we
keep having one every year”
Sareh Gideh, “the children’s bantaba.”
Sareh Gideh. A group of young married women
gathered to speak with us. They are against FGM,
but the main issue they wanted to talk about was
early and forced marriage and the lack of educational
opportunities for women. They began sharing with
us their tragic stories of sub-fertility. Most of them
have been unable to get pregnant, or have suffered
multiple miscarriages and/or losing their infants.
When asked if they know what could improve their
reproductive health, they said they don’t know, all
they can do is pray. The woman in the striped top cried and said: “Everyday, I just pray to God to give me a
child that will live.”
I asked about the ages at which each one of them had married, and the answers were: 17,16, 15, 16, 16, 18,
16, 18, and 17.
I asked, when they think about the next generation of girls, what would they hope for them They gave very
animated answers: They should have schooling. And stay in school until they finish and not drop out to get
married. They should prosper and have children to help them in old age. They should marry for love, but not
until they are at least 19 or 20. And never should they go to circumcision.
45

Mabally Kuta (a Mandinka/Jahanka community).
This is the kind of milling machine that so many
communities are requesting.
We interviewed the husband of the former
circumciser (she was out in her rice field) and he
said that she has stopped and that he supports her
100% in her decision. “She did listen. Since last year
it is like this: when people [from other communities,
primarily from across the border in Senegal where
the practice is illegal] she sends them away.” Or, if
she is on the farm, he himself sends them away.
I asked if he knows what they do next but he said he neither knows nor cares.
I asked him if he is surprised that this change has come so rapidly and he exclaimed: “Actually, I am!”
He did not think he would see the end of FGM in this community in his lifetime. What exactly, I asked, was
it that convinced people, and he replied: “Seeing the images of health effects.”
Mabally Kuta, kids using the milling machine to make groundnut butter.
Amie and Fatou Tarawally.
46

Jainaba, the circumciser from Mabally Kuta.
After we left the meeting with her husband we ran into
her on the road where she was walking from her rice
field. She reiterated that she has stopped practicing
and that she sends people away if they ask.
But she also very strongly expressed that she felt
that, like other circumcisers, she should be allowed to
participate in a Handing over the Knives ceremony,
and that she wants access to AEOs. Amie spoke with
her very frankly about how the current funding is
finished and there won’t be another ceremony unless
they find more support, and how the AEO money was not part of this project budget but drawn from other
sources here and there. She was very careful not to make big promises, but asked Jainaba to be patient.
Jainaba listened and stressed that, no matter what, she is not going to start cuttign again because the decision
has been made. But she wants to be part of the next ceremony.
Bansang, meeting in the compound of the alkalo
(whose mother used to be the circumciser). He said:
“All is quiet here. We are keeping an ear out [for
people practicing FGM].”
Woman’s leader said: “What we are looking for is
health. Especially for the children. That is why we
are behind GAMCOTRAP.”
Former alkalo (on the left) explained that this has
been going on for three years and that “there has
been more of a benefit than I expected.”
One woman looked at Amie and said: “Amie, they used to insult you when you were talking on the radio. But
now they are fully stopping. This practice is dying a natural death.”
One very old woman jumped up from her seat and said “I can’t sit down when I talk about this!” She
expressed how happy she is about the program. “Everyone is happy about this, but I am the most happy. Just
like a driver has an apprentice, we have learned from GAMCOTRAP.”
Bansang, meeting with women’s leaders. There
were some tense moments here which Amie and I
discussed later in the car. One of the women said
that she had also been approached by BAFROW
who had promised to give cell phones to all
community outreach people. Amie said: “We don’t
have a program that gives out mobiles.”
She was very direct in saying that “this is not a
competition between groups. If you want to work
with BAFROW, please do so. Ultimately we are all
working for the same thing.”
47

Kerewan
Samba
Sirreh
in
the
house
of
former
circumciser
Sunkangba
Damba,
one
of
the
original
18
Kerewan Samba Sirreh in the house of former
circumciser Sunkangba Damba, one of the
original 18 “Sheroines” (posters on the wall and
sign in the corner).
Even though she is very old, she is still working in
her rice fields. “I would rather farm for myself than
sit in the compound all day, babysitting, screaming
myself hoarse at these kids and then at the end of
the day their mothers barely give me a handful of
rice,” she laughed.
She “Sheroines”
(posters
on
the
wall
and
sign
in
the
corner).
said: “Ever since our great-grandmothers we used to practice, even though there was harm in it. Life
Even
though
she
is
very
old,
she
is
still
working
in
her
rice
fields.
“I
would
rather
farm
for
myself
than
sit
has a yesterday, a today, and a tomorrow.”
in
the
compound
all
day,
babysitting,
screaming
myself
hoarse
at
these
kids
and
then
at
the
end
of
the
day
their
mothers
barely
give
me
a
handful
of
rice,”
she
laughed.
She
said:
“Ever
since
our
great‐grandmothers
we
used
to
practice,
even
though
there
was
harm
in
it.
Life
has
a
yesterday,
a
today,
and
a
tomorrow.”
Interview.
Jabbi Sisters in Brikama. This is a voluntary women’s
organization of about 30 women, 20 or so of whom
showed up for a meeting.
They started leadership training with GAMCO-
TRAP in 2006 and participated in Zero Tolerance
celebrations.
“Before, we didn’t know much about FGM. But the
harm is more than the benefit.”
“Even in Islam it says that if you have to circumcise,
only take very little.”
They told of a set of women twins, one a friend of theirs. This sister was always complaining that she did not
enjoy sex and only submitted to it because it was her marital duty. She thought this was because of FGM,
because her twin sister who was not circumcised professed to enjoy sex a lot. I was a bit confused about why
one twin would be circumcised and not the other, but they explained that one had been fostered out and was
raised in Senegal.
48

Bansang, meeting in the compound of the alkalo
(whose mother used to be the circumciser). He
said: “All is quiet here. We are keeping an ear out
[for people practicing FGM].”
Woman’s leader said: “What we are looking for is
health. Especially for the children. That is why we
are behind GAMCOTRAP.”
Former alkalo (on the left) explained that this has
been going on for three years and that “there has
been more of a benefit than I expected.”
One woman looked at Amie and said: “Amie, they used to insult you when you were talking on the radio.
But now they are fully stopping. This practice is dying a natural death.”
One very old woman jumped up from her seat and said “I can’t sit down when I talk about this!” She
expressed how happy she is about the program. “Everyone is happy about this, but I am the most happy.
Just like a driver has an apprentice, we have learned from GAMCOTRAP.”
Jabbi Sisters. “We pray for GAMCOTRAP.”
49

February 24-26, 2009:
Dissemination exercise, working meetings with:
GAMCOTRAP:
Dr. Isatou Touray - Executive Director
Amie Bojang-Sissoho - Programme Coordinator
Omar Dibba - Assistant Youth Coordinator
Musa Jallow - Finance Officer
Muhammed Singhateh - Intern
NKTF:
Mette Bråthen Njie
Hanne Slatten
February 25, Partner Meeting with:
Sidia Jatta - Chairperson of the Board
Olimatou Jarju - Coordinator of Mutapola
Aja Nano Touray - CBF from Sibanor
Yaya Jallow - Community Health Nurse from Foni
Kumba Kora - CBF from Basse
Fatou Bojang - CBF and former circumciser from Brikama
Imam Baba Leigh - Religious Adviser, GAMCOTRAP
Alh. Malick Nyang - Islamic Teacher
Kebba Barrow - TANGO
Interview with Ousman Jabbo, Director of TANGO
50

Appendix 3
Networks in which GAMCOTRAP participates
International Level:
Inter African Committee
AMANITARE
Women Living Under Muslim Laws
MUSAWAH for Equality and Justice in the Muslim Family
African Feminist Forum
National Level:
Gender Action Team
Women’s Bureau
GAMNASS (Gambia Network of AIDS Support Societies
Mutapola (adopted from Uganda, this means Network of Positive Women Living with HIV/AIDS)
Child Protection Alliance
Grassroots Level:
Allatentu Kafo of Ebo Town
Kartong Women’s Kafo
51

Appendix 4
Activities completed from Under the FOKUS funded Project from 2006 to 2008
Activities
Training with TBAs, Circumcisers,
Community Health Providers,
Traditional healers, and herbalist
Training with TBAs, Circumcisers,
and Parents
Training with Traditional Birth
Attendant, Circumcisers, traditional
healers and herbalists
Year
2006
2006
2006
Host Community
and Region
Suduwol, Upper River
Region
Sutukoba, Upper River
Region
Bansang, Central River
Region
Number
of Communities
Number
of Beneficiaries
Male
12 Communities 113 55 58
6 Communities 100 30 70
40 Communities 250 50 200
Networking 2006 Sibanor, Western Region 2 communities 50 - 50
Total trained 2006 513 135 378
Female
Training with Traditional
Communicators, women of
reproductive age, Circumcisers,
women leaders and TBAs
2007
Tambasangang, Upper
River Region
11 Communities 115 26 89
Training with Decision Makers 2007 Sangajor, Western Region 4 Communities 162 54 108
Training information campaign with
youths Drama Group
Training with Schools on FLE,
Reproductive Health and Traditional
Practices
2007 URR 20 Communities 99 42 57
2007 5 Schools
Central River Region
Kaur Senior Secondary
School
200 100 100
Central River Region
North Bank Region
Bansang Senior
Secondary School
Farafenni Senior
Secondary School
169 93 76
145 64 81
Lower River Region
Tahir Ahmadiyya Senior
Secondary School
161 58 103
North Bank Region
Kerewan Upper Basic
and Senior Secondary 166 77 89
School
Total trained 2007 1,217 514 703
Training with Local decision Makers 2008
Kulari,Garawol, Tinkinjo-
URR
4 communities 328 88 240
Training with Traditional
Communicators
Training on FGM, HIV and other
Traditional Practices with Women
Living with HIV/AIDS
2008 Bantanto – CRR 4 communities 107 35 72
2008
Mutapola,
URR,CRR,NBR, WR &
GBA
9 Support Groups 28 - 28
Total trained 2008 463 123 340
Total trained in 3 years
Estimated Indirect Beneficiaries
(Total multiplied by 5)
Based on the Average Family size
in the Gambia 6.5
2006
-2008
117 2,193 772 1,421
10,965 3,860 7,105
52

New Circumcisers for the Dropping of the Knife
Number of Circumciser
Regions
60 Circumcisers URR, CRR and LRR
Appendix 5
Cluster Diagram
Bansang Cluster
53

Appendix 6: Contributions from other donors.
DONOR NAME
CONTRIBUTIONS FROM OTHER DONORS
Donor Activity / Area of Operations
Equality Now
Community Out Reach Activities
Institutional Support to GAMCOTRAP
Global Fund for Women Community Out Reach Activities / Training
-
Inter African Committee (IAC) Youths Programmes
Operational Research
P.O.Salaries
AEO Materials and Feasibility Study of AEO
Media Training
Save the Children Fund Dakar Dropping of the Knife Celebration
Community Training Activities
Institutional Support to Gamcotrap
Training Activities / Out Reach Activities
NIYO Sweden Training Activities / Out Reach Activities
Future in Our Hands (FIOH)
Support to Dropping of the Knife Celebration
54

International Womens committee in NKTF together with Isatou Touray
at a seminar with MKBK, Oslo November 2008.
Photographer: Trine Bråthen
from left: Mette Bråthen Njie, Isatou Touray, Caroline Revling Erichsen,
Tone Marie Falch, Hanne Slåtten.