Pre-industrial forests in Central Europe as objects of historico ...

Pre-industrial forests in Central Europe as objects of historico-geographical research
by Winfried Schenk (Tübingen)
Forestal changes in time and space, whether they occur naturally or anthropogenically, influence in
their turn the balance of nature as well as the possibilities and strategies of value-setting by man.
The resulting research problems are complex and manifold and lie between natural science and the
humanities. Starting from their own specific approach a multitude of disciplines deal in varying
intensity with the forests as a historical phenomenon. In this paper an attempt is made in the form of
a research report to put order into the cornucopia of literature in German on the development of
forests in pre-industrial time (i.e. 16 th century till c. 1850) and, based on this, to outline specific possibilities
of a historico-geographical dealing with forests.
The state of historic and geographical research on woods and forests in German speaking
Countries
Dealing with the specific approaches and achievements of disciplines related to historical geography
on research into pre-industrial forests is pre-requisite for comparably paying respect to the previous
contribution of historical geography to this theme and for defining the specific approach to historico-geographical
forest research.
The expression “forest history” describes the comprehensive and most used approach in the
past for scientific dealings with forests. The natural home of forest history is institutionalised forestry
science. Since its formation as scientific discipline the “classics” such as Bernhardt, Schwappach
and Endres 1 were followed by such an abundance of works in sometimes very specific diction
and terminology 2 that it is difficult to gain even an approximately complete survey of literature in
German. Immel 3 has listed for forestry and related fields until 1958 about 20,000 titles for the two
Bundesländer Hessen and Rheinland-Pfalz alone. Year by year the larger silviculture journals (AFZ,
AFJZ, FwCbl etc.; s. annot. for full names) can only be bound into thick volumes. The conventional
bibliography initiated by Mantel 4 for the oldest and not-so-old forestry literature from 1560 can today
only be continued by data processing methods as part of the general forestry science cataloguing;
in 1981 and 1991 Rubner 5 published information on the most important silvicultural relevant
productions on an international scale.

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As orientation in this “confused” 6 literature listing are recently published silvicultural
summaries of the old masters of this branch of research in Germany, the history of silviculture 7 , the
basics of forest history 8 and the teacher's handbook on woods and forests in history 9 . All three
works based on many years of single studies 10 lead knowledgeably and always in logical order into
the various facets of forest history with a secondary literature listing. Each work contains specific
strong points:
• Hausrath's intention was to write a history of silviculture but because of his advanced age he had
to limit himself to the time up till 1850. He gives an easily comprehensible introduction to forms
of forestry and methods of silviculture. From a historico-geographical point of view the compilation
of conditions of forests according to region in two temporal profiles (before the 30 Years'
War and 1650 to about 1800) is of importance (p. 275ff) as well as the listing of relevant words
of wisdom, forestry regulations etc. with their respective location (p. 394ff.). Together with an
extensive bibliography this makes Hausrath's book a treasure trove for all who work in historical
silvicultural science.
• Actually, Hasel's forest history closes the gap in silviculture textbooks 11 evident since 1938 12 .
Hasel's concept to write a manageable (258 pages) and easy-to-read basis for studies and practice
can be seen as a success. Anyone starting out in German forest history should read this book first of
all.
• Of the three works Mantel's handbook offers the most comprehensive picture of forest history. As
the representative of a historic school of forest politics 13 he accords much space to the development
of forest law and forest organisation but approaches comprehension of historical geography and of
this work in particular by setting the economic activities of forest-users in relation to the spatial effects.
Thus he dedicates a whole chapter to the changes of forest areas by man (p.57-76) and summarizes
his illustrations of the history of forest law (p. 150ff), of the importance of wood in
the history of economics (p. 192ff) and of the development of silviculture (p. 321ff) in a section entitled
“Auswirkungen der Forstwirtschaft auf den Wald” (Effects of silviculture on the forest; p.
423). Mantel writes long passages i.e. a historico-economic geography from the special viewpoint
of the silviculturalist. His affinity to geography becomes apparent when he rates settlement geography
as a connection with forest history (p. 28), cites occasionally at least other representatives
of this discipline and uses maps, illustrations and statistics as insight and visual aids.Mantel's representation
is so comprehensive that it can be called a sum total of orthodox forest history writing.
Problematic seems only his conscious separation of a woods from a forest history (p. 27f). In
his opinion the former investigates, primarily with natural scientific methods, the development of postglacial
forests, the latter begins where anthropogenic effects start and thus by using methods of the
humanities, therefore, forest history should be assigned to this field. Apart from the fact that in 1955

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Mantel 14 already founded this separation on linguistic reasons but did not himself keep to it in his forest
history, this differentiation has impeded recent silvi-historic research which has achieved its most
important results in just this overlapping between natural science and the humanities. Such a separation
into forest and woods history, moreover, seems mostly invalid before the background of pre- and
early history research on the permanent influence of man on the cultural landscape of Central Europe.
The terms Forst (forest) and Wald (woods) are therefore used indiscriminately in German research,
knowing full well that varying legal 15 and cultural landscape conditions 16 can be concealed behind the
historic terminology.
For Mantel's forest history there remains to criticise, if to a lesser extent than with the two
other authors, that it quotes literature after 1970 only sporadically and before that almost exclusively
from the inner circle of forest history. This may be explained by the presented confusion of literature
data and the time of its publication - Hausrath's and Mantel's works appeared posthumously - but it
describes also the situation of forest history at the German forestry faculties. It is generally connected
with forestry policy, which is and was more than fully occupied with the handling of current questions
in the framework of forest-law processes. Secondly, because of specific interests - and probably also
educational background - of those dealing with forest history, conventional questions such as biographic-bibliographic,
historico-administrative or general humanities and socio-historic themes 17 predominate.
The historic method is sometimes consciously placed next to the mathematic-economic and
natural science methods to stress the independence of forest history 18 .
Without underestimating the value of such comprehension and its own origins the reason why
forest history occupies a peripheral position 19 in the curricula of silviculture schools in the Germanlanguage
area - although its usefulness for practising forestry experts and the forest administration is
repeated time and again 20 - may be seen in the relative distance to application of this kind of university
forest history research. Accordingly, a knowledge of the forest development is of special importance in
everyday silviculture when, after continuous observation of the phenomena (appearance of conifers,
certain side uses or possession conditions), it produces results which permit the direct judging of current
forest sites and growth conditions. Martin 21 , as respected representative of the Bodenreinertragslehre
(“ground net yield dogma”) 22 of the Tharandter reformer Max Robert Pressler (1815-
1886), stated that because of the slow process of wood production especially regional forest stories,
forest district and stock stories 23 constitute an important aid in planning and execution of silvicultural
measures 24 . From this, Rubner 25 derived his central silvi-historic question: “What can we learn from
the successes and failures of taxatory and silvicultural work in the most important forest districts"
Works which deal with this question have indeed been numerously published in recent decades,
mostly as diploma and doctoral theses, occasionally as the result of many years of studies by active

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foresters about “their” district 26 . Apart from the local studies concerning the research area of this work
many and thorough studies, namely on city forests 27 , have been published so that in 1973 Brandl 28 was
able to attempt a first summary for the area of southern Germany with a view to this type of property.
Gaps are to be found in detailed research of woods in small private and large private possession, of
endowment forests and community forests.
Partly because of their obscure places of publication, partly because of their spatially limited
sphere many of the above works are undeservedly hardly known to a wider public, not to mention to
those outside of forestry science. They are full of regional and relevant details which makes them, on
the one hand, a treasure trove for more general work on forest development; on the other hand, many
of the results are hardly comparable to one another because of the different methods applied, the mode
of presentation and temporal and relevant main emphasis. In order to guarantee at least a certain compatibility
of such works international standards in silvi-historic research for the division and optical
form of small-space forest stories was formulated 29 . As the already numerous studies on single forested
mountains however show, such attempts at standardisation have not been very successful. The
same is true of similar attempts in geography 30 . Regional differences, especially in the sources of information
and concerning the interests of the authors, are much too varied.
Numerous points of contact between geography and forest history are namely to be found
when the forest scientist understands the forest and its development as part of the overall cultural landscape
31 , that is to say, when the position of forestry science is regarded as in competition with space 32 .
Thus, in current questions overlapping occurs in the fields of spatial planning 33 and of forest damage
research 34 , for some of which historic aspects have recently been reflected on 35 . The teachings of forest
functions can be regarded as an attempt with a geographical approach to describe the changes in the
relationship between forests and society as it realizes the competing spatially relevant claims on the
forest as a plan of perception and order. It emphasizes the prominent ecological, social, popular health
and state preservation value of the forest for an industrial society. The opinion that these forest functions
are at least as important as its material results are common knowledge today and co-determine
forestry law 36 . The teaching of forest functions illustrates very clearly the prominent importance of the
forest and might have contributed in its didactic clarity to the present-day scientific occupation with
the forest.
The three-volume textbook by Mitscherlich 37 is a work which regards - using the comprehension
outlined - the importance, functions and effects of the forest on the environment and vice versa
under genetic aspects. Plochmann's 38 historically inclined representation of man and the forest also
achieves this in the context of numerous other contributions on forestry in H. Stern's text and readingbook
“Rettet den Wald” (“Save the forest”). The large “Natur- und Freizeitführer durch die deutschen
Wälder” (“Guide to nature and leisure through the German forests”) 39 is recommended as it describes

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very vividly with excellent material using an instructive photo series on the most important forest-use
methods the development from woods to forest (p. 212ff). In spite of the afore-mentioned extensive
preparatory works there are still no publications in Germany concerning forest history which compare,
with a similarly synthetic and comprehensive approach as Rackham's 40 , the recent history of forests in
England to their usage.
Anyone searching for comparable works in German has to look around in such natural science
oriented disciplines as also deal with the historic development of forests. This includes ecology, which
stresses the interlocking of all correlations 41 and draws attention to the forest from a historic aspect 42
with a view to the application of this knowledge in nature protection 43 . It is, however, disappointing
that the “Solling-Project” 44 , which was both so costly and time-consuming, only included available
silvicultural results without achieving any of their own. Those disciplines which are, in the widest
sense, botanically-oriented also include, of course, forest developmental questions. The vegetation
sociologist Wilmanns 45 points out in her work on historically caused traits of vegetation in the Black
Forest (1980) the ways to prove and register changes in vegetation working from the present landscape
46 . In such questions the overlapping areas of botany and vegetational geography 47 become apparent.
Ulrich 48 tries by means of chemistry to prove for central European forest eco-systems
anthropogenic changes caused by clearing the forest by fire, for example. Dendrochronology 49 large
remains 50 and pollen analysis as part of paleo-ethnobotanic research 51 produce valuable data also for
genetic cultural landscape research 52 even if the original methods of application are an exception there.
Because of the close connection of settlement genetic aspects to pollen analytical findings before the
background of numerous works on the concept of potential natural vegetation 53 the vegetation historical
summaries 54 for Central Europe have become basic literature for many historico-geographical forest
observations.
On the borderline between natural science and humanities lie didactically motivated approaches
of the anthropologist Herrmann 55 to woods and forest in the sense of environmental education.
Some passages remind one of the “discovery” of the forest by school history 56 which reflects the
increasing interest of historians in the forest as a historic phenomenon. Among the humanities which
concern themselves with the forest the science of history takes first place without so far having formed
its own sub-discipline “forest history”. Only H. Rubner has worked almost exclusively in this field. In
accordance with his above-mentioned main question on forest history he has recently worked increasingly
on current questions 57 of mediaeval and early modern age themes 58 . The contours of independent
silvicultural work approaches in the humanities become ever more apparent following the “discovery
of environment” by historians 59 . Thanks to Lohrmann 60 the problem of energy in the Middle Ages has
been introduced into the historic-scientific discussion 61 . From this resulted a fruitful discussion on the
question of the reality of lack of wood in early modern times 62 . Via the beginnings of the history of

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technology increasingly natural and engineering scientific aspects come into the historians' debate on
the forest. This is evident in the monograph on wood by Radkau and Schäfer 63 published in the nonfiction
series of the German Museum in Munich. They have, in my opinion, written an easy to read
and richly illustrated forest history of Central Europe. Otherwise forest history questions are embedded
in general contexts and form only a section of the total production of a researcher. Kellenbenz, Schubert
and Allmann 64 all start by dealing with the forest. The forest is only marginally touched upon in
the project BERNHIST initiated by the historian Pfister 65 which attempts an analysis of the space/time
changes in population, economy and environment in the canton of Bern with the inclusion of data
processing with quantifying methods to regional energy balances; but Pfister's et al. 66 historic critical
study on the connection of climatic extremes and forest damage in Switzerland shows that in parts of
the debate on the forest motivated by historical science an increasing number of questions and fields
are being dealt with which, until now, were more likely to be found in silvicultural science or in geography.
A similar direction is taken by an anthology published by Bergier 67 which illuminates the importance
of mountains, rivers and forests as possible points of contact and obstacle.
Besides the mentioned disciplines linguistic science also contributes to research on forests in
the past. The basic etymological work by Trier on the simple coppice 68 and on feed foliage 69 should be
mentioned here. Again and again methods of old and more recent research on the forest in the past are
being examined: literature research 70 and music research 71 , art history 72 and ethnology 73 . It is interesting
that it is very often forest officials themselves who pursue such approaches with a view to the importance
of the forest for population and national culture 74 . Another forest official 75 edited the till now
probably most detailed regional documentation of old maps with silvi-historical content.
Before the outlined general, and altogether very rich background of research it is now time to
declare the past and possible contribution of geography in the future in general, and historical geography
in particular, to research on forests.

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The forest as research object for geography in general and historical geography in particular
Because of its space-related research approach geography occupies a central position amongst the
disciplines which deal with changes in forests in historic times. The large proportion of the forest in
cultural landscapes of Central Europe 76 makes it per se an important phenomenon for geographic
research 77 . However, a survey of geographical literature of the past quarter century since the publication
of the so far only textbook on forest and woods geography by Windhorst 78 shows only a
minimally small number of relevant works compared with the total production of this discipline. If
they are regarded as explicitly works from this sub-discipline then they stem mostly from Windhorst
himself or from his immediate surroundings 79 . In spite of Windhorst's actualistic and global conception
forest and woods geography has hardly developed as a sub-discipline since the 1970s. But this
doesn't mean that geography has turned its back on the forest as an object for research. Rather, it is
an integrated part of numerous geographical works and is headed under the label of the geographical
sub-discipline of which the researcher feels himself a part. Thus, social geography used the forest as
a landscape indicator for socio-economic processes 80 , perception of the forest by forest officials and
amateurs is to be relegated to perception geography, Schnelle's 81 research on the vegetation period
of forest trees in German low mountain ranges belongs to geobotany; Egger's 82 suggestions for ecological
alternatives in the face of rapid forest devastation in the tropics are counted as research on
developing countries, Treter's 83 details on wood supply and use of wood in the boreal forest countries,
as well as Kring's research on cultural tree parks in West Africa 84 are more in the nature of a
regional study in the context of vegetation geography. For intensive geographic dealing with Scandinavian
silviculture and its spatial consequences there is Kruse's work 85 on wood-finishing in
Finland since 1850. The repeated inclusion of articles on forests in the journal “Praxis Geographie”
86 shows the interest in the theme for geography in schools. The 30 works published since
1955 by Krausch 87 on woods and forest history of Brandenburg are being gradually registered in
West Germany as also the relevant chapters on the forests in the regional series “Werte unserer
Heimat” (“Values of our home-country”) 88 published in the former GDR and now being continued
by the re-founded Institute of Regional Geography in Leipzig. Thus, the forest has not disappeared
from German-language geographical research.
As for geography in general the same is true for the position of the forest in genetic cultural
landscape research 89 . Explicit research on the forests in their historico-geographical condition 90 has
remained rare in the past two decades in comparison with the total production of the discipline 91 .
Although in many works on regional cultural landscape development 92 there are more or less detailed
passages on the forest Nitz 93 deals with the role of the forest following Charlemagne's colonisation,
within a framework of technology history Eberle 94 describes the remains of log-rafting in the
countryside of the Pfälzer Forest. Such studies continue the long tradition of historic-geographic

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occupation with the forest 95 . The two decades following World War II were very productive in this
respect. Then were published Mager's 96 exemplary historico-geographical study on the forest in Old
Prussia and Jäger's explanation of central European forest development 97 ; other publications were,
from a regional viewpoint the collection about Schönbuch 98 , from a thematic viewpoint the studies
by Hendinger 99 which also made comparisons with the Scandinavian countries, on the other hand
Tichy 100 turned towards Italy. Common to all works is that the forest is never regarded as isolated
from other spatial structures and elements. Geographical occupation with the forest in historically
inclined geography is thus as a rule also integrated into higher research questions 101 . That says
something for geography because the main task of geography is the solution of problems with spatial
relevance, not the dealing with discipline theoretical questions in the sense of “historical forest
geography”. Were the latter path to be followed geography would leave the general scientific debate
and concern itself mainly with itself.
This given look at the scientific history of geography from the special viewpoint of the
treatment of the topic “forest” answers at once the question which Blüthgen and Windhorst 102 asked
in 1970: whether it is indeed necessary to add to the already existing hyphen-geography titles a further
one, namely “forest and woods-geography”. They came to a positive result. Müller-Wille 103 had
already answered in the affirmative in an article in 1938 in which he advocated the - in the meantime
again modern - approach of a closer connection of the natural geographically oriented vegetation
geography with human geography. That Müller-Wille's approach bore little fruit in the
following years was less the lacking conceptual-systematic consequence - as Blüthgen and Windhorst
suggested - than obviously the fact that a geographical sub-discipline “woods and forest geography”
was not and is not considered necessary; more than three decades after Blüthgen's and
Windhorst's methodical considerations for a forest geography (now, in contrast to Müller-Wille,
consequently planned) the research situation has not changed drastically as the above survey
showed. Woods and forests and relevant questions are certainly recognized and dealt with by geography;
they are not bound to one sub-discipline but rather treated in a problem-oriented manner with
stress on the special approach of geography. The object of research is not so much the forest itself -
this the geographers should leave to the forestry sciences as their constitutional discipline object 104 -
but the space, or, knowing the problem of the term 105 the Landschaft (landscape) determined or influenced
by forest-use or ecological effects. Thus the yard-stick of geographical observations of the
forest does not refer mainly to the single forest or even its sub-elements but rather it results according
to the question from the analysis of the ecological and economic reach of the effects emanating
from the forests. These considerations do not exclude calling such an approach to forests for reasons
of convention and linguistic simplification “ forest or wood geographical” and naming the relevant
research “forest and woods geography”, “economic geography of forests and woods” or some such

9
title. But it makes no sense to me, as stated, to found a sub-discipline “forest and woods geography”
as long as there is no need for it. The relevance and possibilities of geography do not lie in a perfect
division of the subject into highly specialised sub-disciplines but in the conversion - or at least the
attempt at conversion - into synthetic scientific working 106 .
Specific contributions of historical geography to forest history research as a regional structural
analysis and as part of historical environment research in general
These thoughts transferred to historical geography impress on the geographers working in this field
not to orientate their questions to the drafts of a “theory of geography” but to which specific contributions
can bring this research trend to solve spatial problems with its methods. Historicogeographical
research as I understand it can develop its special strength best in a regional reference
system 107 through the interpretation of archival and landscape sources by specification - i.e. verification,
falsification or modification - of general knowledge on the origins of space. This - related to
this kind of historico-geographical occupation with the forest - means that the object of historicogeographical
occupation with the forest is not the forest itself but the space determined by the extent
of ecological and economic forest effects in the course of time. This includes, of course, detailed
observation of the forest's condition and expanse as an element of the cultural landscape; under certain
circumstances historico-geographical analysis includes spaces further away. The reconstruction
of forest-use and forest condition in pre-industrial times is thus primarily a historico-geographical
regional structure analysis from a special point of view, namely the use of forests.
Historical geography thus understood stands in context to general genetic regional research
and is furthermore to be understood as part of general historic environment research. 108 Before the
outlined general research background of genetic forest research the importance of historico-geographical
research of the subject “forest” can be emphasised for the following fields:
• It produces regionalized area balances for the distribution of woodland/open land as shown in Fig.
1. 109 Here we are reminded of the German geographical classic, Schlüter 110 , who first attempted an
areal balance for Central Europe. His achievement cannot be rated high enough in spite of some
criticism. 111 It does, however, require modification to include recent results 112 . Only such calculations
permit founded statements in the relationship forest - man - environment on the influence of
the forest on historic events 113 , the regional water balance, development of soils under forest, 114
ground erosion 115 and accumulation 116 as well as regional climate history 117 . Research of this kind
delivers basic information on regionalized energy 118 and substance balances 119 .

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• Such approaches are to be closely connected with research on the change of the inner condition of
the forests 120 with the aim of obtaining a regional balance of forest conditions in space and time as
composition and condition of the vegetation are likewise parameters for the above-mentioned processes
121 as well as their results. It is thus necessary to include historic forest-use methods in its
whole breadth, among others with a view to the form of stock and the composition of varieties as
H. Rubner 122 did for the coppice-with-standards, in order to develop a most visual representation of
the condition of the forest at that time. Just how necessary this is is clearly shown in the difficulties
of a museum-didactic presentation of old landscape conditions in the form of exhibitions 123 .
• Quantitative and qualitative changes in the structure of the forest should not be treated isolated
from the social, economic and political conditions of their users. The transition to other forest-uses
influenced permanently the economic development potential and thus the social and demographic
development of a region or vice versa 124 . The propagation of forest law 125 and its realisation in silvicultural
practice depends to a great extent on the effectivity of silvicultural administration, the
ownership conditions and the socio-economic conditions in the area of demand around a forest.
Historic forest research must therefore take into consideration the regional geography of a certain
area under the influence of economic and legal prerequisites typical of that time (cf. Fig. 2 as example)
126 .
• The object of current discussion in the era of Waldsterben 127 are questions on game stock, in particular
of hoofed game, as to its importance on forest development. In spite of research for some
years now by Schwenk 128 from the viewpoint of historic geography there are still gaps in our
knowledge on game population especially before 1800. Knowing full well the problems of interpreting
relevant sources (list of shootings, hunting dues etc.) before the background of the fact that
even using modern counting methods the number of deer observed stands in no proportion to the
actual number existing 129 it would nevertheless, for several reasons, be useful to obtain reliable information.
The game population determined to a great extent the economic welfare of a region during
early modern times 130 . It can, moreover, be a co-indicator for the regeneration and ecological
stability of historic forests. Research into historic game populations is thus inseparably connected to
the development of forests and corresponds with conceptions of hunting and forest 131 . In general,
examination should be made as to how much the game population differed regionally, i.e. under
domain/state direction and under the influence of the human population density and structure 132 .
Obviously baroque hunting enthusiasm has often been overestimated in its influence on silviculture
and has been seen too much as a whole 133 . The systematic examination of early modern hunting extent
would, using knowledge of specific demands of the animals on their environment 134 , also create
the possibility of proving that various forms of biocoenobitism are reflected in it, in which case

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indirectly the old landscape conditions and processes of cultural landscape development could be
realized (as illustrated in Fig. 3).
• Moreover, there is a lack of more extensive research 135 to use quantifiable numbers (e.g. acorn
feeding, financial proceeds, felling register) as indicators for historic forest-use and thus for forest
conditions, as Mantel 136 has shown with emphasis on the “statistical period” from the early 19 th
century. Data processing is the key. Firstly, by using this method it is possible to speed up by means
of “long rows” the usual cross-section method of observation and representation. Secondly, such
investigation affords insight into the possible economic underlay for the choice of certain areal uses
as well as use-methods 137 . Thirdly, the quantifying approach gives data for objectified comparisons
of the economic, natural 138 and energetic yields of the forests (cf. Fig. 4).
• A multitude of literature on silviculture deals only with an area of forest which is limited according
to present-day administrative requirements. The areas surveyed are often very small. This gives the
works a regional depth. However, sight of the generality is then lost. Comparing, sectoral works are
rare 139 ; but it is comparative works which achieve especially important results which are not to be
obtained in any other way. Only thus can the causes of certain conditions or processes be determined
in an exclusion or analogue method. Consequently we will see whether regularities and development
tendencies of central European forest history 140 outlined by some authors 141 are also
valid under spatial aspects 142 and can be fitted into a model of distribution and reconstruction of
forests in “non-sustainable times and regions” 143 . Principally it must be remembered that the division
into epochs of forest history is only limitedly transferable to a geographic approach. If geography
were to lean towards all these guidelines then the spatial relationship of geographic questions
and the specific possibilities of historico-geographical work would be neglected at the cost of historico-administrative,
biographical, possession historical and silvi-technical aspects 144 . Helpful as
they are for the first approach by geographers to the theme “Development of forests” they refer
primarily to the advance of silvicultural economy and its teaching 145 and explain from that angle the
condition of the forests if they go into the spatial relationship at all. Thus, periodisation and epoch
formations come about which can be separated from general cultural landscape development, or
even from the actual changes in the forest. The persistence 146 of such areal phenomena, that a forest
represents, leads to rougher periodisation of cultural landscape development 147 as it results from the
analysis of political, social and economic systems or from the development of sciences.
• Moreover, a not insignificant number of silvi-historical works - after a cursory survey of forest history
in early modern times based on a mostly superficial study of sources - start off in detail with
the appearance of the first reliable silvicultural institutions at the turn of the 19 th century or later.
This temporal limitation can be justified partly by district stories from the age structure of many of
today's forests but eliminates traditional lines in many other questions and does not permit impor-

12
tant persistences and breaches in its causes and provocation for the present-day. Better would be to
trace back according to the source silvi-geographical works with a genetic approach in the sense of
a “past-in-the-present” concept 148 to early modern times and to pursue single indicators over as long
a period of time as possible.
If historical geography deals in the outlined manner with forests then it achieves by regional
specification of general knowledge and the availability of regional findings for deducing general
statements indispensable contributions to general geography, namely to genetically inclined economic
geography 149 , to regional geography and also generally for various disciplines of historic environment
history 150 . It would then surpass on the one hand with its theoretical, methodical and representational
standard a simple continuation of forest history as followed by silvi-scientists and surpass manifold
regional historical geographies with a more or less strong consideration of the forest on the other. Then
spatial planning 151 and forest policy taking heritage into consideration would find valuable information
in the findings of historical geography 152 .
Conclusion
Geography undoubtedly lacks a German-language work which regards the forest with methods and
questions in the context of general historical environment research in its manifold economic, social
and ecological intertwining as part of the environment, a work with synthetic intent and using new
modern forms of representation but preceded by analytical working methods. That this work has not
yet been written - and here by the author's post-doctoral thesis 153 - is, as described, less a consequence
of relevant deficits in general knowledge about forest history processes - here any good textbook
on forest history would do - but the result of regional gaps in knowledge and deficits in
methodology and representation.
The consequence of this insight must of necessity be an intensifying of historicogeographical
dealings with forests as outlined here.

13
Annotations
The following abbreviations have been used:
AFZ = Allgemeine Forstzeitschrift, München
AFJZ = Allgemeine Forst- und Jagdzeitung, Frankfurt am Main
FA = Forstarchiv
FwCbl = Forstwissenschaftliches Centralblatt, Berlin
VJSWG = Vierteljahreshefte für Sozial- und Wirtschaftsgeschichte
ZAA = Zeitschrift für Agrargeschichte und Agrarsoziologie

1. A. Bernhardt, Geschichte des Waldeigenthums, der Waldwirtschaft
und der Forstwissenschaft. 3 vols. (Berlin 1872, 1874, 1875; Repr.
Aalen 1966). A. Schwappach, Handbuch der Forst- und Jagdgeschichte.
3 vols. (Berlin 1883). M. Endres, Die Waldbenutzung vom 13. bis Ende
des 18. Jh.s. (Tübingen 1888).
2. Cf. K. Kehr, Die Fachsprache des Forstwesens im 18. Jh. Beiträge
zur dt. Philologie 32 (1964); A. Bonnemann, Waldbauliche Terminologie
Schriftenreihe der Forstlichen Fakultät der Universität Göttingen
40 (1967), espec. German-English synonyms.
3. R. Immel, Das Schrifttum über Forstwesen, Holzwirtschaft, Jagd,
Fischerei und Naturschutz in Hessen und Rheinland-Pfalz (Mainz
1958).
4. K. Mantel, Deutsche forstliche Bibliographie 1560 bis 1965. Part
I. 1967, Part II. 1970, Part III. 1972. (Freiburg 1967-72).
5. H. Rubner, Sammelbericht Forstgeschichte 1973-1980 Vierteljahreshefte
für Sozial- und Wirtschaftsgeschichte 68 (2) (1981)
232-244; H. Rubner, Neue Bücher zur europäischen Forstgeschichte aus
den achtziger Jahren VJSWG 78 (2) (1991) 200-213.
6. H. Rubner, op. cit. annot. 5. pp. 232-244.
7. H. Hausrath, Geschichte des deutschen Waldbaus. Von seinen Anfängen
bis 1850 (Freiburg i. Br. 1982).
8. K. Hasel, Forstgeschichte (Hamburg, Berlin 1985).
9. K. Mantel, Wald und Forst in der Geschichte. Ein Lehr- und Handbuch
(Hannover 1990).
10. Summ. for Hausrath 1982 pp. 411ff. K. Mantel, Forstgeschichtliche
Beiträge (Hannover 1965); K. Mantel, Forstgeschichte des 16.
Jh.s unter dem Einfluß der Forstordnungen und Noe Meurers (Hamburg,
Berlin 1980); K. Hasel, Zur Geschichte der Forstgesetzgebung in
Preußen. Schriftenreihe Forstliche Fakultät der Univ. Göttingen und
Mitteilungen Niedersächsische Forstliche Versuchsanstalt 47 (1974).
11. Karl Hasel. Forstgeschichte Jahrbuch für Wirtschaftsgeschichte 1
(1988) 123-127; H. Etzold, Ein anregender Grundriß der
Forstgeschichte; cf. Textbook from the former GDR by H. Thomasius,
Wald. Landeskultur und Gesellschaft (Dresden 1973); the achievements
of forest history there is summarized in News of Forest History
16/17 (Wien 1992).
12. R.B. Hilf & F. Röhrig, Wald und Weidwerk in Geschichte und
Gegenwart (Potsdam 1938).

13. Niesslein according to H. Rubner, Die geschichtliche Methode in
der Forstwirtschaft und das Dilemma der Forstgeschichte Forstarchiv
50 (1987) 71-74, espec. p. 73.
14. K. Mantel, Bedeutung und Aufgabe der Forstgeschichte Zt. f.
Agrargeschichte und Agrarsoziologie 3 (1955) 19-30.
15. A. Bonnemann, Waldbauliche Terminologie Schriftenreihe der Forstlichen
Fakultät der Universität Göttingen 40 (1967); especially p.
17.
16. H. Jäger, Raumnamen und Geländenamen als landschaftsgeschichtliche
Zeugnisse Braunschweiger Geogr. Studien 3 (1971)
119-133; H. Jäger, Wie man vor Augen sieht. Mittelalterliche und
frühneuzeitliche Umweltwahrnehmung und -nutzung, vornehmlich nach
Quellen aus Altpreußen Berliner Geogr. Abh. 53 (1991) 243-250; R.
Kiess, Forst-Namen als Spuren frühmittelalterlicher Geschichte in
Württemberg Jahrbuch f. Württembergische Landesgeschichte 51 (1992)
11-116.
17. J. Pacher, Die Auswirkungen der Naturwissenschaften auf die
Forstwirtschaft im 19. Jh. anhand bedeutender Vertreter der
deutschen Forstwissenschaft Allgemeine Forst- und Jagdzeitung (AFJZ)
142 (1971) 265-274; Z. Rozsnyay, Frühe Gedanken zur Waldverschönerung
und Forstästhetik FA 50 (1979) 72-74 and 100-104.
18. H. Rubner, Die geschichtliche Methode in der Forstwirtschaft und
das Dilemma der Forstgeschichte FA 50 (1987) 71-74.
19. W. Sagl, Vom Nutzen und Frommen der forstlichen Forschung in
Vergangenheit, Gegenwart und Zukunft Centralbaltt für das gesamte
Forstwesen 101 (1984) 81-96.
20. F. Hornstein, Theorie und Anwendung der Waldgeschichte FwCbl. 4
(1950) 162-177. F. Hornstein, Wald und Mensch. Waldgeschichte des
Alpenvorlandes Deutschlands, Österreichs und der Schweiz (Ulm, Ochsenhausen
1984); K. Mantel, Aufgaben und Bedeutung von Wald- und
Forstwirtschaft in historisch und geographisch vergleichender Betrachtung
der forstlichen Entwicklungsstufen Schriftenreihe der forstlichen
Abt. der Albert-Ludwigs-Universität Freiburg 1 (1962); E.
Niesslein, Can Historical Research be of help in Forestry policy decisions
pp. 16-20 of H.K. Steen, History of Sustained-Yield Forestry.
A Symposium, Portland, Oregon 1983 (1984).
21. H. Martin, Die geschichtliche Methode in der Forstwirtschaft mit
bes. Rücksicht auf Waldbau und Forsteinrichtung (Berlin 1932); K.
Hasel, Die Beziehungen zwischen Land- und Forstwirtschaft in der
Sicht des Historikers ZAA 16 (1968) 141-159.
22. H. Rubner, op. cit. annot. 18, espec. p. 72; in a nutshell:
Pressler's "Reinertragslehre" says that no branch of the economy,
not even forestry, can produce at a loss, i.e. a forest also should
yield a gain as is usual in commerce. The consequence of these views

was in many places an emphasizing of the fast-growing conifer and a
partial turning away from the principle of welfare of forest production
from the aspect of sustainability; M.M. Pressler, Der Hochwaldbetrieb
der höchsten Bodenkraft bei höchstem Massen- und Reinertrage
(Dresden 1865).
23. U. Rodenwaldt, Reviergeschichte als Grundlage der Waldplanung.
Entwicklung der Gräflich Erbachischen Wälder im Odenwald FwCbl. 8
(1951) 477-478; E. Wohlfahrt, Die Dokumentation der Bestandesgeschichte
und ihre Bedeutung für die praktische Waldbehandlung
Jahresbericht des dt. Forstvereins 1964 197-249.
24. H. Brandl, Zur Bedeutung bestandesgeschichtlicher Untersuchungen
am Beispiel des Tannensterbens im Schwarzwald AFJZ 156 (1985)
142-145.
25. H. Rubner op. cit. annot. 18. espec. p. 73.
26. Exemplary W. Niess, Die Jagd- und Forstgeschichte der Grafschaft
Ysenburg und Büdingen vom ausgehenden Mittelalter bis zur Neuzeit
(Büdingen 1974).
27. L. Brandstetter, Forstgeschichtliche Untersuchungen über den
Stadtwald von Baden Dissertation ms (Freiburg 1963). E. V. Bärthel,
Der Stadtwald Breisach Schriftenreihe der Forstverwaltung Baden-Württemberg
18 (1964); H. Brandl, Der Stadtwald von Freiburg
(Freiburg 1970) from Mantel's Freiburger school, then F.J.
Dingethal, Der Wald der Stadt Weißenburg. Umformung eines Mittelwaldbetriebes
und Aufbau der Folgebestände Forstwiss. Forschungen,
Beihefte zum FWCbl. 31 (1970); F.-F. Koenemann, Der Heidelberger
Stadtwald. Seine Geschichte vom 17.-20. Jh. (Heidelberg 1987).
28. H. Brandl, Entstehung und Bewirtschaftung von städtischem Waldbesitz
in geschichtlicher Entwicklung AFJZ 154 (1973).
29. IUFRO Subject Group 6.07 (Ed.) Leitfaden für die Bewertung von
Regionalwaldgeschichten, Reviergeschichten und Bestandsgeschichten
(Zürich 1973); also H. Rubner, Die Fachgruppe Forstgeschichte von
1963 bis 1988 ZAA 36 (1988) 166-170; Ecole nationale du Genie Rural
des Eaux et des Forêts (Ed.) Actes du Symposium d'histoire forestière,
Nancy 1979 (Nancy 1982); K. H. Steen, History of Sustained-Yield
Forestry. A Symposium, Portland, Oregon 1983 (Portland
1984).
30. H.-W. Windhorst, Methodische Hinweise zur Anfertigung
forstgeographischer Arbeiten Geographisches Taschenbuch 1970/71
(1970) 333-341.
31. H. Leibundgut, Der Wald in der Kulturlandschaft: Bedeutung,
Funktion und Wirkungen des Waldes auf die Umwelt (Bern, Stuttgart
1985); A. Schuler, Der Mensch und der Wald gestern und heute unter
besonderer Berücksichtigung der schweizerischen Forschgeschichte
Schweizerische Zeitschrift für Forstwesen 138 (1987) 1055-1067.

32. E. Gerhard, Der Standort der Forstwirtschaft im Wettbewerb um
den Raum Meisenheim a. d. Glan (Meisenheim 1971).
33. F. Bichelmaier, Die Erholungsfunktion des Waldes in der Raumplanung
(Hamburg 1969); K. Ruppert, Zur Beurteilung der Erholungsfunktion
siedlungsnaher Wälder Mitteilung d. Hess. Landesforstverwaltung
8 (1971); also K. Mantel, Die Entwicklung von Wald- und
Forstwirtschaft in Deutschland und ihre Auswirkungen auf die Raumplanung
der Gegenwart Forschungs- und Sitzungsberichte der Akad. für
Raumforschung und Landesplanung 39, Histor. Forschungen 6, Raumordnung
im 19. Jh., 2 (1967) 1-34; Ch. Holländer, Forstliche Raumplanung:
Konzeption einer raumbezogenen forstlichen Fachplanung
(Freiburg 1981).
34. With historic introduction G. Meister and C. Schütze and G.
Sperber, Die Lage des Waldes (Hamburg 1984); E. Niesslein and D.
Hauff, Forstgeschichtliche Untersuchungen zum Waldsterben FwCbl. 103
(1984) 153-163.
35. K. Löffler, Immissions-Schäden am Wald im 19. Jh. Literaturübersicht
AFZ 38 (1983) 1383-1385; D. Hauff, Rauchschäden und Tannensterben
in forstgeschichtlicher Sicht, pp. 148-159 of E.
Niesslein und G. Voss (Ed), Was wir über das Baumsterben wissen
(Köln 1985); for climate research B. Becker and R. Glaser, Baumringsignaturen
und Wetteranomalien (Eichenbestand Guttenberger Forst,
Klimastation Würzburg) FwCbl. 110 (1991) 66-83; also a reprint of
essays from the last century edited by H. Wislicinus (Ed.), Waldsterben
im 19. Jh. (Düsseldorf 1985); for the instrumentalization of
such research for current discussion: E. Schramm, Die historische
Umweltforschung und die heutige Ökologie - Diskussion Siedlungsforschung
6 (1988) 147-163.
36. W. Schöpfer, Der Wald in der hoheitlichen Raumplanung Schriftenreihe
des Instituts für Landwirtschaftsrecht der Universität Göttingen
14 (1977); "forest functions" is the key word in modern forest
policy in Germany. The term was coined in 1935 by Viktor Dieterich,
Professor of Forest Policy and Forest Economics at the University of
Munich. It describes the manifold tasks of the forest in their relationships
and dependencies for the various groups of modern-day society.
37. G. Mitscherlich, Wald, Wachstum und Umwelt 3 vols. (Frankfurt am
Main 1970, 1971, 1975).
38. R. Plochmann, Mensch und Umwelt Rettet den Wald 1979 (1979)
157-197.
39. ADAC, Der große Natur- und Freizeitführer durch die deutschen
Wälder (Ostfildern 1986).
40. O. Rackham, Trees and woodland in the British landscape (London
1976); 0. Rackham, Ancient woodland, its history, vegetation and
uses in England (London 1980).

41. H. Remmert, Ökologie. Ein Lehrbuch (Berlin 1978); W. Tischler,
Biologie der Kulturlandschaft (Stuttgart, New York 1980).
42. H. Ellenberg, Vegetation Mitteleuropas mit den Alpen in
kausaler, dynamischer und historischer Sicht (Stuttgart 1982). 3rd
ed.
43. A. Bartelmess, Wald - Umwelt des Menschen. Dokumente zu einer
Problemgeschichte von Naturschutz, Landschaftspflege und Humanökologie
Orbis Sonderbd. 2 (1972); K. Buchwald, Ökosystemlehre und
Mensch-Umwelt-Verhältnis - Wandlungen und Projektionen in die Zukunft,
pp. 9-34 of J. Calliess (Ed.) Mensch und Umwelt in der
Geschichte (Pfaffenweiler 1989).
44. H. Ellenberg and R. Mayer and J. Schauermann, Ökosystemforschung
- Ergebnisse des Sollingsprojektes 1966-1986 (Stuttgart 1986).
45. O. Wilmanns, Ökologische Pflanzensoziologie (Heidelberg 1984)
3rd ed.
46. Similarly E. Burrichter and R. Pott, Verbreitung und Geschichte
der Schneitelwirtschaft mit ihren Zeugnissen in Nordwestdeutschland
Tuexenia 3 (1983) 443-453; R. Pott, Die Formierung von Buchenwaldgesellschaften
im Umfeld der Mittelgebirge Nordwestdeutschlands unter
dem Einfluß des Menschen Berichte Geobotanisches Institut d. Univ.
Hannover 1 (1989) 30-44; R. Pott, The Effects of Wood Pasture on
Vegetation Plants Today, Sept/Oct. (1989) 170-175; also E. Burrichter,
Baumformen als Relikte ehemaliger Extensivwirtschaft in Nordwestdeutschland
Drosera 1984 1-18; as well as G. Jahn and G. Raben,
Über den Einfluß der Bewirtschaftung auf Struktur und Dynamik der
Wälder pp. 717-734 of International Society for Plant Geography and
Ecology (ed), Bericht über das Internationale Symposion Vegetationskunde
1981.
47. L. Tschermak, Waldbau auf pflanzengeographischer Grundlage (Wien
1950); H. Rubner, Die Hainbuche in Mitteleuropa. Untersuchungen über
ihre ursprünglichen Standorte und ihre Förderung durch die Mittelwaldwirtschaft
Forschungen zur deutschen Landeskunde 121 (1960).
48. B. Ulrich, Anthropogene Veränderungen von Waldökosystemen.
Geschichte - Gegenwart - Zukunft pp. 1-33 of G. Glatzel (Ed.),
Möglichkeiten und Grenzen der Sanierung immissionsgeschädigter
Waldökosysteme (Wien 1987); F. Salbitano (Ed.), Human Influence on
Forest Eco-systems Development in Europe (Bologna 1988).
49. F.-H. Schweingruber, Der Jahrring. Standort, Methodik, Zeit und
Klima in der Dendrochronologie (Bern, Stuttgart 1983).
50. M.-L. Hillebrecht, Die Relikte der Holzkohlewirtschaft als Indikatoren
für Waldnutzung und Waldentwicklung Göttinger Geogr. Abhandlungen
79 (1982); cf. map as regional example for the one-time
importance of this use in B. Kauder, Relikte der Waldköhlerei im

Winkelhofer Forst bei Ebrach (Steigerwald) Heimat Bamberger Land 4
(1992) 23-28.
51. U. Willerding, Bibliographie zur Paläo-Ethnobotanik des Mittelalters
in Mitteleuropa 1945-1977 Zt. für Archäologie des Mittelalters
1 (1978/78) 173-223; 2 (1979/81) 207-225; B. Huntley, An atlas
of past and present pollen maps for Europe (Cambridge 1983); with
examples for application to archaeology also U. Willerding, Zur Rekonstruktion
der Vegetation im Umkreis früher Siedlungen pp. 97-129
of F.M. Andraschko and W.-R. Teegen (Eds), Gedenkschrift für Jürgen
Driehaus (Mainz 1990).
52. H. Jäger, Entwicklungsprobleme europäischer Kulturlandschaften
(Darmstadt 1987), espec. pp. 59ff.
53. C.f. J. Kowarik, Kritische Anmerkungen zum theoretischen Konzept
der potentiellen natürlichen Vegetation mit einer Anregung einer
zeitgemäßen Modifikation Tüxenia 7 (1987) 53-67.
54. F. Firbas, Spät- und nacheiszeitliche Waldgeschichte Mitteleuropas
nördlich der Alpen. 2 vols. (Jena 1949/1952); H. Ellenberg,
op. cit. annot. 42.
55. B. Herrmann (Ed.), Mensch und Umwelt im Mittelalter (Frankfurt
a. Main 1986); B. Herrmann, Nutzung und Gestaltung von Umwelt im
Spätmittelalter und in der frühen Neuzeit (Göttingen 1989).
56. L. Tornow, Wald im Mittelalter Geschichte lernen 1, 4 (1988)
48-54; H. Wunder, Waldverwüstung, Waldvernichtung, Journal für
Geschichte 4 (1988) 6-11.
57. H. Rubner, Forstgeschichte im Zeitalter der industriellen Revolution
Schriften zur Wirtschafts- und Sozialgeschichte 8 (1967); H.
Rubner, Technisch-industrielle Entwicklung, Waldzerstörung und Waldwirtschaft
von der Aufklärung bis zur Gründung des Deutschen Reiches
Technikgeschichte 51, 2 (1984) 94-103; H. Rubner, Deutsche
Forstgeschichte 1933-1945 (Regensburg 1985).
58. Basically H. Rubner, op. cit. annot. 47; H. Rubner, Die französische
Forstwirtschaft am Vorabend der Großen Revolution ZAA 12
(1964) 184-192.
59. F.-J. Brüggemeier and Th. Rommelspacher, Besiegte Natur.
Geschichte der Umwelt im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert (München 1987);
F.-J. Brüggemeier, Zusammenstellung abgeschlossener und laufender
Projekte zur Historischen Umweltforschung (Hagen 1989); P. Brimblecombe
and C. Pfister (Eds), The silent countdown (Berlin).
60. D. Lohrmann, Energieprobleme im Mittelalter: Zur Verknappung von
Wasserkraft und Holz in Westeuropa bis zum Ende des 12. Jh.s. VJSWG
66 (1979) 297-316.

61. Cf. recently H. Etzold, Einige Ergebnisse einer quantitativen
Untersuchung der wärmeenergetischen Basis Preußens während der Industriellen
Revolution Saeculum 42 (1991) 277-280.
62. Especially R.J. Gleitsmann, Rohstoffmangel und Lösungsstrategien.
Das Problem vorindustrieller Holzknappheit Technologie und
Politik 16 (1980) 104-154; R.-J. Gleitsmann, Aspekte der Ressourcenproblematik
in historischer Sicht Scriptura Mercaturae 15 (1981)
33-89; R.-J. Gleitsmann, Die Haubergswirtschaft des Siegerlandes als
Beispiel für ressourcenschonende Kreislaufwirtschaft Scriptura Mercaturae
16 (1982) 21-54; J. Radkau, Zur angeblichen Energiekrise des
18. Jh.s. VJSWG 73 (1986) 1-73; H. Etzold, Probleme bei der Wärmeenergiegewinnung
am Vorabend der industriellen Revolution in Preußen
Jahrbuch f. Wirtschaftsgeschichte 4 (1989) 77-118; R. Sandgruber,
Die Energieversorgung Österreichs vom 18. Jh. bis zur Gegenwart Beiträge
zur historischen Sozialkunde 12 (1982) 79-85; I. Schäfer, Ressourcenmanagement
an der Schwelle zur Neuzeit Saeculum 42 (1991)
271-276; R.P. Sieferle, Der unterirdische Wald. Energiekrise und Industrielle
Revolution (München 1982).
63. J. Radkau and I. Schäfer, Holz. Ein Naturstoff in der Technikgeschichte
(Reinbek 1987).
64. As economic historian H. Kellenbenz (Ed.), Wirtschaftsentwicklung
und Umweltbeeinflussung (14. Jh.-20. Jh.) (Wiesbaden 1982);
from the viewpoint of a social historian E. Schubert, Der Wald im
Mittelalter Journal für Geschichte 4 (1982) 58-55; E. Schubert, Der
Wald: Wirtschaftliche Grundlage der spätmittelalterlichen Stadt pp.
257-274 of B. Herrmann (Ed.), op. cit. annot. 55; and with a mentality
historic approach J. Allmann, Der Wald in der frühen Neuzeit.
Eine mentalitäts- und sozialgeschichtliche Untersuchung am Beispiel
des Pfälzer Raumes 1500-1800 (Berlin 1989).
65. Ch. Pfister and H. Schüle, BERNHIST - eine Quellen- und Datenbank
wird zum Ausgangspunkt einer neuen Landesgeschichte für den
Kanton Bern pp. 229-269 of K.H. Kaufhold and J. Schneider (Ed.):
Geschichtswissenschaft und elektronische Datenverarbeitung. Beiträge
zur Wirtschafts- und Sozialgeschichte 36 (1988).
66. Ch. Pfister, Ansätze und Ergebnisse historischer Umweltforschung:
Ökologische und soziale Dimensionen der Tragfähigkeit am
Beispiel von Solarenergie-Gesellschaften des schweizerischen 18. und
19. Jh.s. pp. 25-39 of Schweizerische Gesellschaft für Wirtschaftsund
Sozialgeschichte, Jahreskongreß 6, Umwelt als Problem der
Wirtschafts- und Geschichtswissenschaften (1987).
67. J.-F. Bergier (Ed.), Berge, Flüsse, Wälder in der Geschichte,
Hindernisse oder Begegnungsräume (St. Katharinen 1989).
68. J. Trier, Holz. Etymologien aus dem Niederwald (Münster 1952).
69. J. Trier, Venus. Etymologien aus dem Futterlaub (Graz 1963).

70. Cf. spec. issue AFZ 1963, no. 18; also A. Hauser, Die
Forstwirtschaft der Hausväter Schweizerische Zt. Forstwesen 117
(1966) 29-47; A. Hauser, Die Entdeckung des Waldes. Zur Darstellung
des Waldes in der Literatur des 18. Jh.s. Schweiz. Z. Forstw. 117
(1966) 429-250; S. Becker, Wald als Sagenwort. Die Suche nach nationaler
und kultureller Identität in deutschen Sammlungen zur
Volkspoesie (Marburg 1989).
71. H. Schmidt, Das Waldthema in der Musik FwCbl. 74 (1955) 219-235.
72. A. Hennig, Wald und Landschaft in der Bildkunst des Abendlandes
AFZ 18 (1963) 557-558; very stimulating B. Buderath and H. Makowski,
Die Natur dem Menschen untertan. Ökologie im Spiegel der Landschaftsmalerei
(München 1983).
73. L. Röhrich, Der Baum in der Volksliteratur, Mythen und Riten pp.
9-26 of Festschrift für G.-L. Fink (Strasbourg 1988).
74. H.-J. Weimann, Hartigiana. Georg Ludwig Hartig inmitten von fünf
Generationen einer Försterfamilie (Biebertal 1990); K. Mantel, Wald
und Forst in der Geschichte. Ein Lehr- und Handbuch (Hannover 1990)
pp. 111f. summarizes these aspects.
75. E. Bauer, Unsere Wälder im historischen Kartenbild. Beiträge zur
Geschichte der Forstkartenwesens im Rheinland-Pfalz (Grünstadt
1981).
76. C. Troll, Die Stellung des Waldes in den deutschen Kultur- und
Wirtschaftslandschaften Schriften des deutschen Forstwirtschaftsrates
1962 (1962) 3-30.
77. K. Rubner, Der Wald als geographische Erscheinung Tharandter
Forstl. Jahrbuch 1928 (1928) 399-411.
78. H.-W. Windhorst, Geographie der Wald- und Forstwirtschaft
(Stuttgart 1978); with chosen bibliography also H.-W. Windhorst
(Ed.), Beiträge zur Geographie der Forst- und Waldwirtschaft Wege
der Forschung 517 (Darmstadt 1978).
79. W. Klohn and H.-W. Windhorst, Die Entwicklung der Forstwirtschaft
in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland Zt. f. Agrargeographie
2 (1984) 71-93; W. Klohn, Verbreitung, Struktur und Funktion der
Kleinstwälder und Gehölze in der Dümmerniederung und ihren
Randbereichen - eine forstgeographische Untersuchung Vechtaer Arbeiten
zur Geographie und Regionalwissenschaft 3 (1986).
80. R. Frankenberger, Die Aufforstung landwirtschaftlich genutzter
Grundstücke als Index für sozialgeographische Strukturwandlungen in
Oberfranken Münchner Geogr. Hefte 18 (1960); G. Hard, Wald gegen
Driesch. Das Vorrücken des Waldes auf Flächen junger "Sozialbrache"
Berichte zur deutschen Landeskunde 46 (1972) 49-80; G. Hard, Waldwahrnehmung
bei Forstleuten und bei Laien. Am Beispiel einiger umstrittener
Waldbilder im Siebengebirge bei Bonn pp. 33-87 of P.

Jüngst and O. Meder (Ed.), Raum als Imagination und Realität, Urbs
et regio 43 (Kassel 1988).
81. F. Schnelle, Die Vegetationszeit von Waldbäumen in deutschen
Mittelgebirgen Erlanger Geogr. Arbeiten 32 (1973).
82. K. Egger, Ökologischer Landbau in den Tropen - Alternativen zur
Waldvernichtung Kieler Geogr. Arbeiten 73 (1989) 137-148.
83. U. Treter, Holzvorrat und Holznutzung in den borealen
Waldländern Geogr. Rundschau 42 (1990) 382-385.
84. T. Krings, Kulturbaumparke in den Agrarlandschaften Westafrikas
- eine Form autochthoner Agrowirtschaft Die Erde 122 (1991) 117-129;
the achievements of German vegetation geography are contained in K.
Müller-Hohenstein, Plant Geography pp. 71-97 of E. Ehlers (Ed.), 40
years after German geography (Bonn, Tübingen 1992).
85. E. Kruse, Die Holzveredlungsindustrie in Finnland. Struktur- und
Standortmerkmale von 1850 bis zur Gegenwart Kieler Geogr. Schriften
72 (1989).
86. E.g. Praxis Geographie 8 (1983); Praxis Geographie 5 (1989).
87. As example of approx. 40 works H.-D. Krausch, Aus der Geschichte
der Wälder um Potsdam Potsdamer Land 1 (1990) 43-51.
88. L. Grundmann, Die Buchreihe "Werte der deutschen Heimat" - Ergebnisse
der heimatkundlichen Bestandsaufnahme, dargestellt am
Beispiel der Siedlungsstruktur Kulturlandschaft 1 (1991) 123-127.
89. H. Jäger, op. cit. annot. 52, espec. p. 180f.
90. H. Jäger, Der Wald im nördlichen Süddeutschland in seiner historisch-geographischen
Bedingtheit Mélanges de Géographie. Vol. I
(1968) 597-613.
91. Cf. yearly bibliographies in "Siedlungsforschung" with central
European production.
92. Historico-geographical works are H. Brückner, Die Entwicklung
der Wälder des Schwarzwaldes durch die Nutzung vergangener Jahrhunderte
und ihre heutige Bedeutung pp. 155-180 of E. Liehl and W.D.
Sick (Eds.), Der Schwarzwald Veröffentlichungen des Alemannischen
Instituts 47 (1980); H. Jäger, Wüstungen, Forstbildung und
Forstnutzung auf der Mainfränkischen Platte westlich von Würzburg
pp. 11-78 of Jäger and Scherzer op. cit. (1984); A. Kempf, Waldveränderungen
als Kulturlandschaftswandel (Walliser Rhonetal) Basler
Beiträge zur Geographie 31 (1985); M.-L. Hillebrecht, Die Relikte
der Holzkohlewirtschaft als Indikatoren für Waldnutzung und Waldentwicklung
Göttinger Geogr. Abhandlungen 79 (1982); M. Döppert, Die
Waldentwicklung im Spiegel der frühneuzeitlichen Gesetzgebung,
dargestellt am Beispiel des Schlitzer Landes pp. 231-241 of H.-J.

Nitz (Ed.), The Medieval and Early-Modern Rural Landscape (1985); W.
Schenk, Nutzung und Zustand der Gemeinschaftlichen Waldungen in der
Grafschaft Wertheim am Ende des 18. Jahrhunderts - ein Beitrag zur
Kulturlandschaftsgeschichte Frankens Wertheimer Jahrbuch (1991/92)
97-119; W. Schenk, Fundamental changes in the forest landscapes of
Lower Franconia (Germany) in the 19th century pp. 249-258 of A. Verhoeve
and J.A.J. Vervloet, The Transformation of the European Rural
Landscape (Brussels 1992); A. Kempf, Waldveränderungen als Kulturlandschaftswandel
(Walliser Rhônetal) Basler Beiträge zur Geographie
31 (1985);
cultural landscape history works with a strong stress on forests: W.
Röll, Die kulturlandschaftliche Entwicklung des Fuldaer Landes seit
der Frühneuzeit Giessener Geogr. Schriften 9 (1966); K. Engelhard,
Die Entwicklung der Kulturlandschaft des nördlichen Waldeck seit dem
Mittelalter Giessener Geogr. Schriften 10 (1967); M. Döppert, Die
Entwicklung der ländlichen Kulturlandschaft in der ehemaligen Grafschaft
Schlitz unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der Landnutzungsformen
Mainzer Geogr. Studien 29 (1987); W. Schenk,
Mainfränkische Kulturlandschaft unter klösterlicher Herrschaft. Die
Zisterzienserabtei Ebrach als raumwirksame Institution vom 16. Jh.
bis 1803 Würzburger Geogr. Arbeiten 71 (1988).
93. H.-J. Nitz, Feudal woodland colonization as a strategy of the
Carolingian Empire in the Conquest of Saxony pp. 171-184 of B.K.
Roberts and R.E. Glasscock (Eds.): Villages, fields and frontiers
BAR Int. Ser. 185 (1983).
94. I. Eberle, Holztrift im Pfälzer Wald. Der Finster-Breitenbach
bei Elmstein pp. 141-143 of P.-G. Custodis (Ed.), Technische Denkmäler
in Rheinland-Pfalz. Spuren der Industrie- und Technikgeschichte
(Koblenz 1990); for rafting in Central Europe with
secondary bibliographies in summary H.W. Keweloh, Auf den Spuren der
Flößer Wirtschafts- und Sozialgeschichte eines Gewerbes (Stuttgart
1988).
95. R. Gradmann, Das mitteleuropäische Landschaftsbild nach seiner
geschichtlichen Entwicklung Geogr. Zt. 7 (1901) 361ff and 435ff; W.
Ziehen, Wald und Steppe in Rheinhessen. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte
der Naturlandschaft Forschungen zur deutschen Landeskunde 196
(1970).
96. F. Mager, Der Wald in Altpreußen (Köln, Graz 1960).
97. H. Jäger, Die Entstehung der heutigen großen Forsten in Deutschland
Berichte zur deutschen Landeskunde 13 (1954) 156-171; H. Jäger,
Entwicklungsperioden agrarer Siedlungsgebiete im mittleren Westdeutschland
seit dem frühen 13. Jh. Würzburger Geogr. Arbeiten 6
(1958); H. Jäger, Der Wald im nördlichen Süddeutschland in seiner
historisch-geographischen Bedingtheit Mélanges de Géographie I
(1968) 597-613.

98. H. Grees (Ed.), Der Schönbuch. Beiträge zu seiner landeskundlichen
Erforschung (Bühl/Baden 1969).
99. H. Hendinger, Wandlungen der Waldbesitzstruktur und der
Forstwirtschaft Frankens durch machtpolitische und wirtschaftsliberale
Einflüsse in napoleonischer Zeit FwCblt 85 (1966) 98-107;
H. Hendinger, Niederwaldwirtschaft und Lohrindengewinnung in Franken
im 18. und 19. Jh., pp. 168-179 of Veröff. XIV. IUFRO-Kongreß, Section
02, (München 1967); for the Scandinavian countries H. Hendinger,
Der Wandel der mittel- und nordeuropäischen Waldlandschaft
durch die Entwicklung der Forstwirtschaft im industriellen Zeitalter
Geografiska Annaler 42 (1960) 294-305.
100. F. Tichy, Die Wälder der Basilicata und die Entwaldung im 19.
Jh. Vorgänge, Ursachen und Folgen Heidelberger Geographische Arbeiten
8 (1962).
101. K. Fehn, Wirtschaftsentwicklung und Umweltbeeinflussung in Mitteleuropa
aus historisch-geographischer Sicht pp. 277-292 of H. Kellenbenz
(1982) op. cit. annot. 64; the current state of historical
geography in Germany has been summarized recently by H.-J. Nitz,
Historical Geography pp. 145-172 of E. Ehlers (ed) op. cit. annot
84.
102. J. Blüthgen and H.-W. Windhorst, Methodische Betrachtungen zur
Forstgeographie Berichte zur deutschen Landeskunde 44 (1970) 267-292
(also in Windhorst op. cit. annot. 30 pp. 269-302).
103. W. Müller-Wille, Methoden und Aufgaben der waldgeographischen
Forschung Westfälische Forschungen 1 (1938) 95-114.
104. H. Leibundgut, Über die Waldforschung FwCbl. 85 (1966) 321-329.
105. G. Hard, Zu den Landschaftsbegriffen der Geographie pp. 13-25
of Landschaft als interdisziplinäres Forschungsproblem Veröffentlichung.
d. Provinzialinstituts für Westfälische Landeskunde und
Volksforschung des Landschaftsverbandes Westfalen-Lippe 1 (1977);
also from a historico-geographical aspect W. Wöhlke, Die Kulturlandschaft
als Funktion von Veränderlichen Geogr. Rundschau 21 (1969)
298-308; H. Jäger, op. cit. annot. 52 p. 6f.
106. G. Henkel, Geographie: nur eine analytische und rationale Wissenschaft
Geogr. Rundschau 37 (1985) 201-202.
107. W. Hütteroth complains about the too regional approach of
German historical geography and demands a less European-centred
view: W. Hütteroth, Quellen und Methoden historisch-siedlungsgeographischer
Forschung außerhalb Europas pp. 23-37 of D. Denecke and
K. Fehn (eds), Geographie in der Geschichte (Stuttgart 1989).
108. Ch. Pfister (1987) op. cit. annot. 66.

109. E.g. R. Glaser and H. Saurer and W. Schenk, Abschätzung von
Albedoänderungen in historischer Zeit und ihre Auswirkungen auf den
Strahlungshaushalt im mainfränkischen Raum Meteorologische Rundschau
44 (1991) 152-156; R.J. Bender, Die Entwicklung von Wald und
Offenland im südlichen Pfälzer Wald Südwestdeutsche Schriften 1
(1984) 93-103; U. Busch and G. Löffler et al., Bodennutzung um 1820
und 1980, Geschichtlicher Atlas der Rheinlande Beih. IV/4.1 - IV/4.3
(Köln 1985); in total central European view H.C. Darby, The clearing
of the woodland in Europe pp. 183-216 of W.C. Thomas (Ed), Man's
role in changing the face of the earth (Chicago 1956).
110. O. Schlüter and O. August, Atlas des Saale- und mittleren
Elbegebietes. Parts 1-3 (Leipzig 1959/61).
111. H. Jäger, Zur Geschichte der deutschen Kulturlandschaften
Geogr. Zt. 51 (1963) 90-143.
112. K. Mantel (1990) op. cit. annot. 9, pp. 71ff.
113. H.-J. Liebscher and P. Krahé and W. Witte, Rekonstruktion der
Witterungsverhältnisse im Mittelrheingebiet von 1000 n. Chr. bis
heute anhand historisch hydrologischer Ergebnisse Abschlußbericht
zum BMFT-Forschungsvorhaben LOF 10/85 (1988); R. Gerlach,
Flußdynamik des Mains unter dem Einfluß des Menschen seit dem
Spätmittelalter Forschungen zur Deutschen Landeskunde 234 (1990).
114. W. Ziehen, 350 Millionen Jahre Waldböden AFJZ 162 (1991) 154-
156.
115. H.-R. Bork, Bodenerosion und Umwelt. Verlauf, Ursachen und
Folgen der mittelalterlichen und neuzeitlichen Bodenerosion.
Bodenerosionsprozesse, Modelle und Simulationen Landschaftsgenese
und Landschaftsökologie 13 (1988); H.-U. Hahn, Die morphogenetische
Wirksamkeit historischer Niederschläge. Die Besselbergäcker und die
Grünbachau - ein Beispiel aus dem Taubereinzugsgebiet Würzburger
Geogr. Arbeiten 2 (1992); S. Müller, Waldböden als Maßstab der
Bodenerosion in Baden-Württemberg Jahrbuch Geologisches Landesamt
Baden-Württemberg 19 (1977) 129-141.
116. H.-J. Nitz, Strukturen der historischen Kulturlandschaft in
ökologischer Perspektive pp. 189-198 of B. Herrmann and A. Budde
(Eds.), Naturwissenschaftliche und historische Beiträge zu einer
ökologischen Grundbildung (Hannover 1989).
117. R. Glaser and H. Hagedorn, The Climate of Lower Franconia since
1500 Theoretical and Applied Climatology 43 (1991) 101-104; C.
Pfister et al., Witterungsextreme und Waldschäden in der Schweiz
(Bern 1988).
118. A. Baumgartner and M. Kirchner, Impacts due to deforestation
pp. 305-316 of W. Bach et al. (Eds), Interactions of energy and
climate (1980); A. Mizgajski, Entwicklung von Agrarlandschaften im
Mitteleuropäischen Tiefland seit dem 19. Jh. in energetischer Sicht

Münstersche Geogr. Arbeiten 33 (1990); Ch. Pfister, Klimageschichte
der Schweiz 1525-1860 (Bern, Stuttgart 1985) 2nd ed.; and again R.
Glaser and H. Hagedorn (1991) op. cit. annot. 117; O. Kandler,
Historical declines and diebacks of central European and present
conditions Environmental toxicology and chemistry 11 (1992) 1077-
1093.
119. B. Ulrich, Die historische Entwicklung des Beziehungsgefüges
Wald - Mensch - Umwelt pp. 95-106 of B. Herrmann and A. Budde op.
cit. annot. 116.
120. W. Schenk, Waldnutzung, Waldzustand und regionale Entwicklung
in vorindustrieller Zeit im mittleren Deutschland (Würzburg 1992).
Post-doctoral thesis, ms.
121. O. Wilmanns and A. Bogenrieder, Zur Nachweisbarkeit und
Interpretation von Vegetationsveränderungen Verhandlungen, Ges. für
Ökologie XVI (1987) 35-44; H. Zeidler, Edaphisch und anthropogen
bedingtes Vegetationsmosaik in Wäldern Gesellschaftsmorphologie (Den
Haag 1970) 322-333 as regional example.
122. H. Rubner (1960) op. cit. annot. 57.
123. W. Schenk, Vom Kloster zum Dorf: Kulturlandschaftswandel auf
der Gemarkung des ehemaligen Zisterzienserinnenklosters Frauental.
Exemplarisches und Besonderheiten zur Landschaftsgeschichte Frankens
seit 1500 Württembergisch Franken 74 (1990) 121-161.
124. Exemplary G. Kampfmann, Die Bevölkerungsentwicklung des
Spessarts im Spiegel Kurmainzischer Forstordnungen FwCbl. 106 (1987)
294-299; G. Kampfmann, Verkehrsgeographische und landeskundliche
Aspekte der vorindustriellen Glasproduktion im Spessart pp. 9-109 of
G. Kampfmann and S. Krimm, Verkehrsgeographie und Standorttypologie
der Glashütten im Spessart Studien zur Geschichte des Spessartglases
2 (1988); W. Schenk op. cit. annot. 92 1991/92 and 1992; also A.
Timm, Die Waldnutzung in Nordwestdeutschland im Spiegel der
Weistümer (Köln 1960); O. Eichhorn, Der waldbauliche Gehalt der
südwestdeutschen Forsterdgenese (Freiburg i. Br. 1952); K. Mantel,
Die Anfänge der Waldpflege und Forstkultur im Mittelalter unter der
Einwirkung der lokalen Waldungen in Deutschland FwCbl 87 (1987) 75-
100.
125. J. Radkau, Holzverknappung und Krisenbewußtsein im 18. Jh.
Geschichte und Gesellschaft 9 (1983) 513-543 and again op. cit.
annot. 62.
126. Cf. R. Glaser and W. Schenk and H.-U. Hahn, Einflußgrößen auf
die Anbau- und Ertragsverhältnisse des Ackerlandes im frühneuzeitlichen
Mainfranken - Forschungsstand, Ergebnisse und offene Fragen
Mainfränkisches Jahrbuch 40 (1988) 43-69.

127. Cf. G. Meister and C. Schütze and G. Sperber (1984) op. cit.
annot. 34; H. Mayer, Der Wald, das Waldsterben und die deutsche
Seele (Wien 1987).
128. S. Schwenk, Jagd in Deutschland und Österreich. Geschichtliche
Entwicklung im Spiegel der amtlichen Zahlen des 19. und 20. Jh.s.
Schriften Forstliche Fakultät Univ. Göttingen und der Forstlichen
Versuchsanstalt 89 (1987).
129. Cf. the well-known attempt by J. Anderson, Analysis of a Danish
Roe-Deer population Danish Revue of game biology 1953 (1953)
127-155.
130. W. Schenk (1988) op. cit. annot. 92, pp. 287ff.
131. Cf. J. Reisch, Waldschutz und Umwelt (Berlin, Heidelberg, New
York 1974), espec. pp. 495ff.
132. W. Schenk (1988) op. cit. annot. 92, here pp. 289f.; for
Franconia also H. Textor, Die Amorbacher Zent. Eine wald-, forstund
wirtschaftsgeschichtliche Untersuchung des Klosterwaldes, des
Mitmärkerwaldes, des Herrschafts- bzw. landesherrlichen Waldes vom
frühen Mittelalter bis zur Säkularisation Mitt. des Naturwissenschaftlichen
Museums der Stadt Aschaffenburg 15 (1991).
133. H. Jäger and W. Scherzer, Territorienbildung, Forsthoheit und
Wüstungsbewegung im Waldgebiet westlich von Würzburg Mainfränkische
Studien 29 (1984); also H.W. Eckhardt, Herrschaftliche Jagd,
bäuerliche Not und bürgerliche Kritik (Göttingen 1976).
134. D. Müller-Using, Großtier und Kulturlandschaft (Göttingen
1960).
135. H. Brandl, Zur Geschichte der Wirtschaftlichkeit in der
Forstwirtschaft Allgemeine Forstzeitung 42 (1987) 1019-1023.
136. K. Mantel (1990) op. cit. annot. 9.
137. H. Hausrath (1982) op. cit. annot. 7.
138. Already in 1907 H. Hausrath, Holzpreise, Holzhandelspolitik und
Walderträge früher Zeiten AFJZ (1907) 333-339 and 369-375.
139. One of the few examples: Hessisches Ministerium für Landwirtschaft,
Forsten und Naturschutz (Ed.): Wald in Hessen, gestern -
heute - morgen. Mitteilungen der Hessischen Landesforstverwaltung 22
(1988).
140. Cf. development phases by K. Mantel, Entwicklungslinien der
Forstwirtschaftslehre vom Mittelalter bis zum 19. Jh. pp. 201-240 of
S. Schwenk (Ed.): et multum et multa. FS für K. Lindner (Berlin, New
York 1971); K. Mantel, Perioden der deutschen Forstgeschichte AFJZ

146 (1975) 229; K. Mantel (1990) op. cit. annot. 9; IUFRO Subject
Group 6.07 (1973) op. cit. annot 29.
141. J. Pacher, Entwicklungstendenzen der Forstwirtschaft in
Deutschland in der ersten Hälfte des 19. Jh.s unter dem Einfluß
allgemeiner Zeitströmungen AFJZ 146 (1975) 111-120.
142. G. Schröder-Lembke, Waldzerstörung und Walderneuerung in der
vorindustriellen Zeit ZAA 35 (1987) 120-137.
143. Stimulating is W. Ritter (1982) pp. 89-103 of H. Kellenbenz op.
cit. annot. 64.
144. A typical example for this biographic-administrative forest
history is W. Kremser, Niedersächsische Forstgeschichte (Rotenburg
a.d. Wümme 1990), 965 pp.!; a survey of development of the German
forest organization is to be found in R. Zundel, Die Entwicklung der
Forstorganisation der deutschen Länder in den letzten 150 Jahren
AFJZ 150 (1979) 9-22.
145. K. Mantel (1971) op. cit. annot. 140.
146. F. de Vries Reilingh, Gedanken über die Konsistenz in der
Sozialgeographie Münchener Studien zur Sozial- und Wirtschaftsgeographie
4 (1968) 109-117.
147. H. Jäger, op. cit. annot. 98; M. Born, Die Entwicklung der
deutschen Agrarlandschaft (Darmstadt 1974); B. Wiese and N. Zils,
Deutsche Kulturlandschaften. Wandel und Bewahrung deutscher
Kulturlandschaften (Herford 1986).
148. H. Jäger (1987) op. cit. annot. 89.
149. H.-G. Wagner, Wirtschaftsgeographie (Braunschweig 1981).
150. F. Ebel and I. Ebert, Bibliographie zur Umweltgeschichte
Umweltbundesamt Texte 4 (1988).
151. This is shown by the fact that findings of my earlier works on
the forest have been included in the "Landscape cultural concept for
the Steigerwald Forest" (W. Schenk, op. cit. annot. 92) commissioned
by the Bavarian Ministry for the Environment, the
Landesarbeitsgemeinschaft of the Akademie für Raumforschung und
Landesplanung (Working group, Academy for Spatial Research and
Regional Planning; W. Schenk, Strukturverbessernde Maßnahmen für die
Bayerische Rhön im 19. und 20. Jh. - zur Kontinuität von
Planungsideen pp. 49-62 of Arbeitsmaterialien Akademie für
Raumforschung und Landesplanung 199 (Hannover 1993) i.e. "Structureimproving
measures for the Bavarian Rhön (Mountains) in the 19th and
20th centuries taking silviculture into special consideration"). The
importance of the historico-geographical approach for applied
research is illustrated by my cooperation in an interdisciplinary
working group for climate history on the basis of dendrodata led by

29
Prof. Becker, Hohenheim. My contribution is to give advice on how to
determine the anthropogenic share in the structure of tree rings on
the basis of detailed examination of the development of the forests
in Franconia; on the importance of research in development countries
see F. Klose, A brief history of the German forest achievements and
mistakes down the ages (Eschborn 1985).
152. E. Niesslein (1984) op. cit. annot. 20.
153. W. Schenk, op. cit. annot. 120; a forest history for all of the
German speaking countries is highly desirable. Up till now only
surveys for northern Germany and for the Alpine region exist: J.
Buis, Historia Forestis. Nederlandse bosgeschiedenis 2 vols.
(Utrecht 1985); H. Hesmer and F.G. Schröder, Waldzusammensetzung,
Waldbehandlung im Niedersächsischen Tiefland westlich der Weser und
in der münsterschen Bucht bis zum Ende des 18. Jh.s (Bonn 1963); H.
Neuschäffer, Geschichte von Wald und Forst in Schleswig-Holstein
(Rendsburg 1986); F. Hafner (ed), Österreichs Wald in Vergangenheit
und Gegenwart (Wien 1983); E. Koller, Forstgeschichte des Landes
Salzburg (Salzburg 1970); A. Schuler, Wald- und Holzwirtschaft in
der alten Eidgenossenschaft (Zürich 1980); F. Hornstein op. cit.
annot 20; for the low range mountain areas the research situation is
so complex that no-one has yet dared to write a summary for them.