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Triangulation Framework for Local Service Delivery - Philippine ...

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local and national politicians, creating a low-level equilibrium that benefits them and disadvantages the<br />

people. History of misgovernance, corruption and disempowerment has circumscribed the process of<br />

political, economic, and social underdevelopment. Damaged culture that has been shaped by backward<br />

people’s beliefs, customs and traditions has impacted on the social norms, which in turn, has influenced<br />

their collective consciousness and behaviour. The political and economic elite have not connived to<br />

trans<strong>for</strong>m the country from being the Sick Man of Asia to one of Asian Tigers; instead have enriched<br />

themselves with wealth and power at the expense of poor Filipinos wallowing in human poverty and<br />

deprivation. The poor people, having no power to change the elite-driven status quo, content<br />

themselves with the spoils of patronage unable to demand better services, accountable leaders,<br />

democratic governance, and quality of life. All these constitute in capsule the institutional problems<br />

that have plagued the country, with no prospect <strong>for</strong> institutional change - revolutionary or otherwise –<br />

able to end the logic of self-interest and realpolitik of the powerful few and the tragic optimism of the<br />

suffering multitude. 9<br />

Further, these binding development constraints - ranging from macroeconomic to financial to social –<br />

and compounded by their underlying institutional problems negatively impact on the delivery of quality<br />

of public goods and services. They constrain the ability and willingness of service providers – mainly<br />

the political institutions such as the national government and the LGUs to provide the much-needed<br />

basic social services. For example, some of the usual binding constraints of LGUs are the following:<br />

(i)<br />

(ii)<br />

(iii)<br />

(iv)<br />

(v)<br />

(vi)<br />

(vii)<br />

(viii)<br />

limited financial resources due to low IRA, low tax base, and ineffective revenue<br />

mobilization;<br />

lack of competent and innovative human resources, plus a culture of professional<br />

bureaucrats able to take on policy continuity despite change of political leadership;<br />

lack of effective leadership able to harness political will, resourcefulness, and partnerships;<br />

re<strong>for</strong>m fatigue by re<strong>for</strong>mers such as well-meaning local leaders and civil society<br />

organizations (CSOs);<br />

short supply of effective and efficient incentives;<br />

weak linkages and partnerships with stakeholders such as communities, CSOs, private<br />

sector, international donor;<br />

lack of intergovernmental coordination and cooperation and intersectoral harmonization of<br />

development ef<strong>for</strong>ts;<br />

weak, if not lack, of effective monitoring and evaluation of PAPs; (viii) political wheelingdealing,<br />

political instability and corruption;<br />

9 Clientelism (otherwise known as patronage system), strong oligarchy and weak state, and bossism are three<br />

theories that explain these institutional problems. See <strong>for</strong> example Lande (1965), Rivera (1994), Hutchcroft (1998,<br />

2000), Sidel (1999), Hutchcroft and Rocamora (2003), Coronel, S. et.al., (2007), and de Dios (2007). For the<br />

negative impact of these political economy dysfunctions on the party system in the <strong>Philippine</strong>s, particularly<br />

patronage politics and strong oligarchy and weak state, see Kazuya (2009).<br />

12

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