a comparative study of a Roman frontier province. - Historia Antigua

TRIP0LITANIA:
a comparative study of a Roman frontier
province.
VOLUME II:
NOTES, APPENDICES, BIBLIOGRAPHY, ILLUSTRATIONS.

(ii)
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Volume II : Notes, appendices, 'bibliography, 'illustrations
Footnotes 367-472
Notes on Chapter 1 367-370
Notes on Chapter 2 371-381
Notes on Chapter 3 382-389
Notes on Chapter 4 390-400
Notes on Chapter 5 401-416
Notes on Chapter 6 417-429
Notes on Chapter 7 430-442
Notes on Chapter 8 443-452
Notes on Chapter 9
453-462
Appendix 1: Ancient roads and
itineraries 463-471
Appendix 2: Tribal centres in
Tripolitania and Fezzan 472-477
Appendix 3: Military epigraph
y from Tripolitania
478-492
Bibliography
493-526
Figures
527-577
Plates
578-608

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FOOTNOTES
Chapter 1: Introduction
1: 1 Previous work
1. Some of course did not survive, for instance, Major Laing (Bovill 1964),
or Oudeney on the bad tempered 1822 expedition (Denham and Clapperton
1826). See also Pesce 1969,53-65 on the explorers who passed through
Fezzan.
2. Lyon 1821,18-66 and 323-37 deals with Tripolitania and the northern
Fezzan.
3. Denham and Clapperton 1826, XV-XVI, 305-11.
4. Richardson 1848, I, 26-384, on his trip to and sojourn at Chadames;
II, 442-82, on his northward return from Fezzan via Bu Njem. Much to
his disappointment, he was too weak to dismount from his camel by the
time he passed the ruins of Lepcis Magna.
5. Barth 1858, I, 57-147 on his southward journey to Fezzan; 111,448-51,
records his return six years later.
6.. Duveyrier 1864, mainly on his travels in southern Tunisia and Fezzan.
See also his notes on the Gebel Nefusa incorporated in Tissot 1888,
708-710.
7. Nachtigal 1974,38-66, (the first English translation from the 1879
German original).
8. His account was published in Beechey and Beechey 1828,504-512, also
79-80.
9. Beechey and Beechey 1828,72-78. The folly at Virginia Water, Surrey,
represents the fruit of Smythe's treasure hunting.
10. Beechey and Beechey 1828,12-208, deals with the Tripolitanian part of
their journey.
11. The following is a selection of some of the major studies: Tissot 1888;
Goetschy 1894; Lecoy de la Marche 1894; Toutain 1895; 1896; 1903a and
b; 1905; 1906; Gauckler 1897/1901; 1900; 1902; 1904; Blanchet 1898; -1899;
Donau 1904a and b; 1906; 1909a and b; Pericaud 1905; Toussaint 1905; 1906;
1907; 1908; Gueneau 1907; Boizot 1913; Cagnat 1913a; 1914b.
12. Many excavations were never even published. See for instance the
belated publication of Donau's excavation of the extremely
important
fort at Remada, Euzennat and Trousset 1975.
13. Cowper 1897, passim.
14. de Mathuisieulx 1901; 1902; 1904; 1905; 1912, all deal with his three
expeditions into the hinterland from Tripoli.
15. Cowper 1897,131-193. He was corrected swiftly by Myres 1899,
280-93, who had also visited the Tripolitanian Gebel. Barth 1858,63,
72-73, had earlier made the same mistake as Cowper.
16. See, in particular, Aurigeamia 1916; 1926; 1929; 1940c; 1960; 1962;
Bartoccini 1927; 1928a; 1929 a and b; 1931; Guidi 1929; 1930; 1933;
1935; Caputo and Levi della Vida 1935; Romanelli 1925.
17. Bartoccini 1928b, on Bu Njem; Centilucci 1933, on the wadi Sofeggin;
Bauer 1935, on Ghirza; Petragnani 1928 on the pre-desert and Sahara
generally; Coro 1928 on the Gebel Nefusa and Cerrata 1933, on Syrtica.
18. Pace, Sergi and Caputo 1951, is the most detailed of several studies to
have been published.
19. Trousset 1974,36-38, discusses the reasons for this lacuna.
20. Goodchild 1948; 1949 a and b; 1950a, b and c; 1951b; Ward Perkins 1950;
Ward-Perkins and Goodchild 1949, Haynes 1959.
21. Goodchild 1949b; 1950d; Ward-Perkins and Toynbee 1949; Degrassi 1951;
Bianchi-Bandinelli et al 1966.
22. Goodchild 1952 a, b, c and d; 1954 a, b, c and d; 1964; 1971; 1976c;
Ward-Perkins and Goodchild 1953 a and b. Many of his most important
papers were republished together in a memorial volume, Goodchild 1976.

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1: 1/1: 2
23. Brogan 1954; 1955; 1962; 1964; 1965 a and b; 1971 a and b; 1975 a and b;
1980; Brogan and Kendrick 1973; Brogan and Oates 1953; Brogan and
Reynolds 1964; Brogan and Smith 1957,1967.
24. Di Vita 1964 a and b; 1965; 1967; 1968; 1971; 1982. Perhaps his
greatest contribution lies in his recognition of the underlying Punic
and Libyan cultural influences in Tripolitania.
25. Reynolds 1951; 1955; 1958; 1977; Reynolds and Brogan 1960; Reynolds
et al 1958; Reynolds and Ward-Perkins 1952 - IRT. -
26. Daniels 1968; 1969; 1970 a and b; 1971 a and b; 1973; 1975; 1977.
27. Rebuffat 1967a; 1969; 1970a, b, c and d; 1971b; 1972a; 1973a, b and c;
1975 a, b and c; 1977; 1979; 1980a; 1982a, b and c; Rebuffat and Marichal
1973.
28. Hammond et al 1964; Hammond 1967.
29. Euzennat 1972, explains the background to the project.
30. Euzennat 1971,1972,1977 a, b and c; Euzennat and Trousset, 1975 -
1978; Trousset 1974; 1976; 1978; 1980 a and b; 1981; 1982.
31. Jones and Barker 1980; Barker and Jones 1981; 1982; Barker et al 1983;
Jones et al 1983; Rebuffat 1982c.
32. Lawless 1970.
33. Trousset 1974. But note Rebuffat 1980a, a savage review article.
34. Fentress 1978, published as Fentress 1979. See also Shaw 1978.
35. Alfoldy 1974 (Noricum); Baatz 1975 (Germany); Breeze 1982; Breeze
and Dobson 1976; Frere 1978 (Britain); Mitford 1972 (Cappadocia);
Mcsy 1974 (Pannonia and Upper Moesia); Wilkes 1969 (Dalmatia).
36. Over four calendar months were spent in North Africa (Libya, Tunisia
and Algeria) during my tenure of a D. E. S. studentship. I have also
travelled in Germany, Turkey and the Negev desert, as well as taking
part in fieldwork and excavation relating to Hadrian's Wall, the
Stanegate frontier and the Antonine Wall in Britain.
1: 2 The Conceptual framework
1. Gsell 1933, was one of the first papers to propose this theory and
was extremely influential on the course of the debate.
2. Gsell 1933; HAAN V; Guey 1939; Leschi 1942; Gautier 1952; Van Berchem
1952.
3. Courtois 1955; Benabou 1976.
4. The most recent exponents being Rachet 1970 and Benabou 1976.
5. Rachet 1970, particularly 57-258.
6. There is currently a trend away from such extreme views. Lepelley in
his Preface to Gsell 1981,16-17, commented that Gsell's article "La
Tripolitaine au 111e siecle" (1933) was no longer judged to be
historically valid, but had been included in the anthology because of
its historiographical significance. See also Euzennat and Trousset
1975; Garnsey 1978; Whittaker 1978, Fentress 1979; Trousset 1980;
1981; Rebuffat 1982a.
7. Carcopino 1925; 1933.
8. SHA, Severus Alex. LVIII, 4-5. Even if true, the reported land
grant refers to te aftermath of wars in Mauretania, Tingitana,
Illyricum
and Armenia.
9. Cod. Theod. VII ,
15,1.
10. Goodchild 1949a; 1950 a and c; 1951b; 1952 b and c; 1953d; Ward-Perkins
and Goodchild 1949.
11. Ward-Perkins and Goodchild 1949,19-32.
12. A. H. M. Jones 1971
13. Brogan 1964; 1971; di Vita 1964; Jones and Barker 1980; Barker and
Jones 1981; 1982; Jones et al 1983.

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1: 2 /1: 3
14. Benabou 1976, for instance argued for strong cultural as well as
military resistance by indigenous Africans. The level of Romanisation
achieved or even aimed at is an highly controversial topic at present.
Benabou 1978; Garnsey 1978; Leveau 1978; Thebert 1978 and below,
Chapter 9.
15. I must acknowledge my debt to Mr. J. R. Burns of Newcastle University
and the Libyan Valleys Project, who as a "minimalist" has freely
discussed his ideas with me.
16. Luttwak 1976.
17. Luttwak 1976,7-50; 51-126; 127-190.
18. See especially Mann 1979, for a critical review article.
19. For various suggested approaches and applications see Birley 1974a;
Dyson 1974; Jones 1978; Mann 1974a; Warmington 1974.
20. Demougeot 1960, Euzennat and Trousset 1975; Euzennat 1977a and b;
Garnsey 1978; Lepelley in Gsell 1981,16-17; Trousset 1974; 1980;
Rebuffat 1982a.
21. Di Vita 1964; Brogan 1964; 1971a; Jones and Barker 1980; Barker and
Jones 1981; 1982; Jones et al 1983.
22. Goodchild's work in particular must not be under-estimated. It is
still the fundamental base for all study of eastern Tripolitania and
the questions he raised still need answers, even though there are more
data available to us today.
1: 3 The Historical Framework
1. As for instance Procopius and Corippus and the Arab sources like
Ibn Abd-el-Hakam. For detailed studies of the sub-Roman period see
Jerary 1976; Pringle 1981; Mattingly 1983.
2. The term Tripolitania is employed throughout this thesis only in
reference to specific Roman usage (limes, financial area or province).
Tripolitania, on the other hand, is used freely with reference to the
geographical region. Until the third century A. D. the region was
treated as part of Africa Proconsularis, with civil authority vested
in the Proconsul and military in the Legionary legate. This split in
authority was perpetuated when the separate province of Numidia was
created under Severus, though the recognition of a regio and a
limes Tripolitanus at about this time forecast further fragmentation.
Provincia Tripolitania, with its own praeses as governor, was constituted
by Diocletian at the end of the third century. See Romanelli 1933,
73-79; Chastagnol 1967,119-22; CIL 8.16542-16543; 11105; 22765;
Ant, It. 73,4; Rebuffat 1977,406.
3. The standard historical works are Merighi 1940; Romanelli 1959 and
Benabou 1976. Other recent studies which merit attention, with some
reservations, are Raven 1969; Rachet 1970; Decret and Fantar 1981;
MacKendrick 1980. There seems little reason to doubt that Lepcis
was pre-eminent among the Emporia, Gascou 1972; 1982; IRT p. 76-78.
4. Although often designated as Leptis in Latin sources and on inscrip-
tions outside Africa, the epigraphic record from the city itself
confirms that Lepcis was the correct African form. Magnus was added
to distinguish the town from Lepti Minus near Sousse, Romanelli 1924a,
253-62; IRT p. 73-76; Pflaum 1959,85-92.
5. This opinion is voiced by Duncan-Jones 1962,57 and Lepelley 1981a, 337.
6. Livy XXIX, 33,8-9.
7. Caesar, BAf, 97,3; see also Gsell 1924,41-46.
8. Livy XXXIV, 62,1-18; Appian, Af. wars, 69, Kotula 1974b, 47-61.
9. Sallust, BJ, LXXVII, 1.
10. Caesar, BAf, 97.3.
11. Lucan IX, 946-49; Plutarch, Cato Y., 56; Caesar BAf 97.

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1: 3
12. Velleius Paterculus II, 16; Pliny, NH, V, 35-37; Florus II, 31;
Dio LV, 28,1-4; ART 301.
13. Ward-Perkins 1971; Thompson 1971; Haynes 1959.
14. IRT 269,273,275,294,300,319,321-324,338.
15. IRT p. 76; Jenkins 1977.
16. Tacitus, Ann., III, 74: Ex quis Cornelius Scipio legatus praefuit
quae praeditio in Leptitanos et suffugia Garamantum...
17. Bartocinni 1958,1-10. The text found in Lepcis in the 1950's seems
to confirm the meaning if not the sense of a reading made in 1685 of
an inscription since lost: Dolabella Rom. Proco/Tacfa. debel. civitas
Oeam rest/pac. conserv pop Aphr prot/. ... et consec.
18. IRT 330-31.
19. Tacitus, Hist, IV, 50; Pliny, NH, V, 38.
20. Pliny, NH, V. 38; Di Vita-Evrard 1979,67-98.
21. IRT 342,346 (muriicipium) ; IRT 347,348 and 349 for sufetes in A. D. 92,
93-94 and 80-96; see also Gascou 1972a, 75-80.
22. Thompson 1971,235-50, noted that the conventus of Italian citizens
within Lepcis seems to have remained remarkably impotent in comparison
to the pattern in many other towns in Proconsularis. See also Benabou
1976,511-550; Birley 1971,293-307 (on the family of Severus).
23. At the end of the first century A. D. two Lepcitanian aristocrats were
accused of bribing the Proconsul to take action against Roman
equestrians in the town, Younger Pliny, Letters II, 11; III, 9.
24. IRT 427,428; Digest, L, 15,8, II; Birley 1971a.
25. SHA, Severus XVIII, 3; Alex. Sev., XXII, 2; Aurelianus XLVIII, 1;
Aurelius victor, de Caes, 41.
26. As, for instance, the unfinished Late Baths, see Goodchild 1965,15-28.
27. Lepelley 1967; 1979; 1981a and b.
28. See below Chapter 3: 3 and 4: 5 and Mattingly 1983.
29. Ammianus Marcellinus XXVIII, 6,1-14.
30. As note 28 above.
31. Procopius, de aed., VI, 4,1-12.
32. Ward-Perkins and Goodchild 1953b; Pringle 1981,208-211; Ibn Abd-el-
Hakam - Gateau 1947,35-37, El-Tijani a Brett 1978,55-58.
33. Courtois 1955,70-79; 93 96, although this book has much else of
fundamental value. For the non-abandonment, see di Vita 1964,90-98.

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CHAPTER 2:
GEOGRAPHY AND CLIMATE-
2: 1 INTRODUCTION
1. Despois 1964,68-72; Despois and Raynal 1967,249-54.
2. Despois 1964,97-111.
3. Despois 1964, x, he excluded the Saharan lands including all of Libya
from his definition of the Maghreb.
4. For example, Barth 1857,51-103; Nachtigal 1974,38-41; Cowper 1897,
224-95.
5. Barker and Jones 1981,20; 1982,7.
6. See below, Chapter 5.
7. Cauneille 1963,101-12; Sarel-Sternberg 1963,124 and Johnson 1973,
39-66; all show that modern nomadic tribes range across several
distinct ecological zones. See also Despois 1964,106 and Lawless
1972,125-37, on the supposed division between Tell and Sahara
further west.
8. Contra Van Berchem 1952,45, for instance.
9. See below Chapter 4: 1.
10. Baradez 1949; Birebent 1962; Barker and Jones 1982; 11-21.
11. See now, Rebuffat 1979; 1982a.
2: 2 PHYSICAL GEOGRAPHY
1. For southern Tunisia, useful introductions are Despois 1964,68-72;
Despois and Raynal 1967,249-54,428-31; Trousset 1974,13-28.
For Libya see Haynes 1955,13-17; Ward 1967; Kanter 1967,76-102;
Goodchild 1950c, 3-16; Nyop et al 1973.
2. For the purposes of this calculation the limits were assumed to be
Ghadames, Gheriat and Bu Njem in the south, a 30 km. wide strip of
the Syrtic coast as far east as Arae Philaenorum and the Great Erg
in the west. The harsh desert zones of the Erg, the Syrtic desert
and the Hamada were, therefore, excluded from this calculation.
3. Kanter 1967,76; Despois and Raynal 1967,252-54,428-30. For
specialist geological and hydrological analysis reference should
be made to Coque 1962; Hey 1962 and Salem and Bushrewil 1980.
4. Kanter 1967,76.
5. Allan 1969,1. Modern studies of the agricultural potential
include
Penrose et al 1970 (Libya) and Poncet, 1963,278-91 (Tunisia).
6. Despois 1964,31-72, described the Tertiary lifting and folding
which produced the Atlas ranges.
7. De Mathuisieulx 1904,48-59; Haynes 1959,13-15; Louis 1973;
1975,18-22,38.
8. For instance, Brehony 1960,60, identified five morphological zones
in the Gebel Tarhuna itself; similarly Cauneille 1963,101-103 in his
study of Libya from the Gebel to Fezzan.
9. Kanter 1967,79-81; Brehony 1960,60.
10. Despois 1964,68-80; Trousset 1974,13-19.
11. Coque 1962; Despois 1964,68-80; Despois and Raynal 1967,252-54;
Louis 1975.
12. Despois 1935,9-45; Franchetti 1914,81-126; de Mathuisieulx 1904,48-
64, Kanter 1967,79-80.
13. Cowper 1897, passim; de Mathuisieulx 1901,139-249; 1904,48-64;
Goodchild 1951b, 72-75; Oates 1953,81-82; Brehony 1960,60; Taylor
1960,96; Kanter 1967,80-81.
14. Kanter 1967,79; Louis 1975,19-20.
15. see below (c) The Dahar
16. Kanter 1967,79; Vita-Finzi 1969,7; Louis 1975.

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2: 2
17. De Mathuisieulx 1905,81-82; Barth 1857,51-63; also pers. obs.
18. Pers. obs. This is of considerable importance to the study of the
limes Tripolitanus road.
19. Trousset 1974,26; Brogan 1980,45-52.
20. Vita Finzi. 1969,7-9; Kanter 1967,80-81.
21. Vita-Finzi 1969,7-9;. Franchetti 1914,155-88; de Mathuisieulx 1904,
60-64; Kanter 1967,80; Polservice 1980, A82-84.
22. Vita-Finzi 1969,9.
23. Herodotus II, 10-12, cf Vita-Finzi 1969,9.
24. Despois and Raynal 1967,252; Clarke 1960,52; Trousset 1974,18.
25. Hey 1962,435-49; Vita-Finzi 1969,7-12.
26. Vita-Finzi and Brogan 1965,65-71, on the wadi Megenin floods which
still carry volumes of silt 60 km. across the Gefara to Tripoli;
Vita-Finzi 1969,391, described cisterns in the wadi Lebda excavated
by the Italians 50 years ago and now reburied under 3m. of alluvium.
27. Richardson 1848,26.
28. IRT p 203; but cf. Vita-Finzi 1965,65-71; Brogan 1965a, 47;
Louis 1975,18-22; Tunisia 1: 200,000 series; »is 1: 50,000 series
for extensive areas of ancient settlement.
29. Rebuffat 1969,190-92, described the Gefara as "once fertile".
The extensive modern irrigation schemes, based on pumped artesian
water give a somewhat false impression of the area's potential.
This irrigation is seriously depleting groundwater reserves, Allan
1969,6; Bronson 1982.
30. De Mathuisieulx 1912,196-200; Franchi 1912; Kanter 1967,77-78;
Beechey and Beechey 1828,33-112.
31. Despois 1964,68-72; Kanter 1967,80-81; Louis 1975,17-21.
32. Lyon 1821,37; Barth 1857,90-103; Nachtigal 1974,39-41;
Lecoy de la Marche 1894; Hilaire 1901; Toussaint 1906; 1907;
Donau 1909; de Mathuisieulx 1912 47-68.
33. See above, note 20.
34. Ward-Perkins and Goodchild 1949,17-20; Vita-Fintzi 1969,41-44;
Barker 1982,2-8; Barker et al 1983; Barker and Jones 1981,14-16;
1982,21-31.
35. Despois 1964,37-40.
36. Despois 1964,37-40; Trousset 1974,16. Chott Djerid is 110 by
170 km; Chott Fedjedj is 90 km east to west.
37. Trousset 1978,164-73; 1982a, 45-59.
38. The British outflanked the Mareth line by forcing a way out of the
Dahar through the Tebaga corridor, which was inadequately protected.
British wartime maps held in SOAS, notably 1: 200,000 series sheet 22,
indicate that this was considered the only practicable route - Chott
Fedjedj is marked "treacherous after rain" and Gebel Tebaga "believed
impassable".
39. On the Nefzaoua, Carton 1914/1915; Moreau 1947.13-21; Despois 1964,428-
31, Poncet 1963,273-91; Sarel-Sternberg 1963,123-33. For the Djerid,
see Gendre 1908,504-17; Guides Bleus 1967,289-96; Trousset 1976,21-
33; 1982a, 45-59.
40. Kanter 1967,81-82.
41. Barth 1857,125-30, described a surprising amount of vegetation on the
Hamada after rare spring rains.
42. Brogan 1965b, 57; Kanter 1967,82-83; Rebuffat 1967,56-61.
43. Kanter 1967,83. For a variety of information and views on the Syrtic
coastal sectors see, Beechey and Beechey 1828,113-208; Cerrata 1933;
Holmboe 1936,95-176; Goodchild 1952d, 155-72; Brogan 1975a, 49-58;
Rebuffat 1982c, 188-99.
44. Strabo XVII, 3,20; Tab. Peut, seg vii, 4.

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2: 2/2: 3
45. Capot-Rey 1953,7-35; also Briggs 1960; Bovill 1968,1-16. For a
comparable desert zone, the Negev, see Evenari et al 1971.
46. Briggs 1960,1-2.
47. Richardson 1848,78.
48. Herodotus IV, 181-85; Bates 1914,1-38; Fakry 1973,1-25; Wendorf and
Marks 1975; Ritchie 1980,405-9; Rebuffat 1970c and 1970d; Luni
1979; 1980.
49. See for instance, Lyon 1821,67-84; Barth 1857,134-49; RSG11937,
39-138 (on the geology and hydrology); Kitsch and Baird 1969;
Kanter 1967,84-85.
50. Daniels 1969; 1971 are essential introductory studies.
51. Ptolemy I, 8; I, 10; Herodotus IV, 183; Pliny V, 35-38; Desanges 1964a;
1978; 177-213.
52. See Goodchild 1954a, 56-68; Rebuffat 1982a, 492-506, on the forts and
Nachtigal 1974,38-47; Petragini 1928,93-106; Rebuffat 1975c, 496-500;
Richardson 1848,26-92; Bovill 1968; Law 1967,181-86; Brogan 1965b,
61-64, offer valuable information on the principal routes.
53. As note 48, above.
54. Rebuffat 1970c, 181-87; 1970d, 1-21; Trousset 1982a, 45-59.
55. Bates 1914, passim. The historical importance of this chain of oases
increased in the late Roman Empire with the migration of the Laguatan
tribes, Mattingly 1983 and below, Chapters 3: 3,4: 5.
56. Goodchild 1948; 1971,155-72 and section 2: 7 below.
57. Despois and Raynal 1967,22-30.
58. Haynes 1959,17; BMA 1946,7-9. The seaboard is described as rocky
and shallow with few natural harbours.
59. Yorke et al 1966; Brogan 1975a, 50-55.
2: 3 CLIMATE
1. Despois 1964,3-30.
2. Capot-Rey 1953; Fantoli 1952; Trousset 1974,14; Despois 1964, map A.
3. Despois 1964,99.
4. Polservice 1980, B1-6.
5. As note 4. For the theoretical limit of olive cultivation see Despois
1964,104 (180 mm); Taylor 1960,88-90 (200-150 mm). In reality it lay
much further south in the Zem-Zem basin because of the potential of
run-off agriculture in the Roman period (pers. obs. ) and Bronson 1982,
on the Beni Ulid olive cultivars.
6. Table 2: B is compiled from several sources, all of which give slightly
divergent values for the annual averages. My figures are averaged out
from these figures to give an "order of magnitude" value. See also,
Moreau 1947,22-49; Poncet 1963,278-79; Despois and Raynal 1967,22;
BMA 1947,69-75; Kanter 1967,97-100; Energoproject 1980,7-10;
Polservice 1980, A88; also Fantoli 1952, passim; Despois 1935,56-57.
7. Barker and Jones 1982,8.
8. Despois 1964,15-19; Briggs 1960,3; Kassaur 1973,193-218; Energoproject
1980,7-10; Evenari et al 1971; Brehony 1960,61; Taylor 1960,88-90;
Penrose et al 1970,108; Moreau 1947,31-34.
9. Despois 1964,19, suggested that "inequality" is the key word to
describe rainfall in almost all parts of North Africa.
10. As note 9, above.
11. BMA 1947,9,69-75.
12. Brehony 1960,61; Taylor 1960,90, stated that in the Garian region
only one good crop of olives is anticipated in any five years.

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2: 3/2: 4
13. Nachtigal 1974,41-44 (4 years drought in 1869); Tripolitania II, 1932,
10 (end of a7 year drought); Ward 1967,55 (5 year drought 1959-1964).
14. Despois 1964,9; Kanter 1967,97-98.
15. Moreau 1947,31-34, in April 1939,72 mm fell in a few hours at Kebili
compared to only 20 mm in the entire agricultural year of 1944-45:
For flash-floods see, Lyon 1821,61,322; Nachtigal 1974,44; Tripolitania
II, 1932,10; Barker and Jones 1981,34 (notably floods of up to 2m
in the wadi Beni Ulid); also Vita-Finzi, 1969,38-42; Louis 1975,183-89.
16. Jones and Barker 1980; Barker and Jones 1981,1982. The same technology
is still employed in the Gebel, Despois 1935,97-120; Louis 1975,152-
64; 183-89 and there are ancient parallels from Syria, Palestine and
Jordan, Evenari et al 1971,95-119; Mayerson 1962; Kennedy 1982.
17. Capot-Rey 1953,36-68.
18. Despois and Raynal 1967,422; Trousset 1974,14-15.
19. Kanter 1967,97; Trousset 1974,15.
20. RSGI 1937,105; Despois 1935,55; Despois and Raynal 1967,422,
Polservice 1980, A-89.
21. Trousset 1974,15.
22. Taylor 1960,88-89.
23. Capot Rey 1953,36-37; for the milder effects of heat and fluid loss,
see Blanchet 1899,149-50, who abandoned a field survey when the
temperature had reached 52°C in the shade.
24. Richardson 1848, II, 443, described a heavy dewfall at Bu Njem.
25. Taylor 1960,89; Denham and Clapperton 1826,502, suffered from
Christmas frosts - an experience shared by the Libyan Valleys team in
1980.
26. Pers. comm. M. Bugghar. Despois 1964,14, on snow in the Atlas.
27. Franchetti 1914,66-67; BMA 1947,9; Johnson 1973,14; also
pers. experience (unpleasant! )
28. De Mathuisieulx 1912,69. Such storms do not respect modern vehicles
either, as I know from being stuck for several hours in a sand blizzard.
29. Briggs 1960,7..
2: 4 FLORA AND FAUNA
1. Capot-Rey 1953,91, blamed the action of man for most of the evident
diminution and degradation of vegetation and wildlife. For the
successful re-establishment of an ancient environment
see Evenari et al 1971.
in a desert
zone
2. Clarke 1960,52; Despois 1964,93-95; Kanter 1967,77-79; Trousset
1974,15-16.
3. Franchetti 1914,203-47; Despois 1935,77-91; Brehony 1960,60;
BMA 1947,42,93.
4. Kanter 1967,80-83; Trousset 1974,15-16.
5. Sheik Kilani of Ghirza remembers a time when olive trees still survived
in the wadi Ghirza. The export of charcoal from the pre-desert and
Gebel was the major cottage industry in the early twentieth century,
see Franchetti 1914,371 and fig 210 (a stack of olive wood at least
22 m long by 4m high) and fig 212 (charcoal makers near Garian) ;
Johnson 1973,24-28,
on Cyrenaican parallels.
6. Beechey and Beechey 1828,508.
7. Denham and Clapperton 1826, XVI, describing the wadi Mimoun.
8. Barth 1857,125-30; Kanter 1967,81-82.
9. Trousset 1974,15-16.

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2: 4
10. Penrose et al, 1970; Polservice 1980, B-1.
11. Allan 1969,6" Bronson 1982, gives the current rate of usage at
m
600,000,000 per year, with replenishment of only 140,000,000 m3
per year. Hydrologists predict the exhaustion of the supply and a
massive saline intrusion within forty years.
12. De Mathuisieulx 1912,196-200; Franchi 1912.
13. The re-introduction of olives south of the Lesser Syrtes has proved
successful despite initial doubts, Poncet 1963,284.
14. Despois 1935,97-120; Franchetti 1914,433-55; Taylor 1960,88-99;
Louis 1975,158-75. See also Lyon 1821,30-31; Barth 1857,63-64, for
figs, olives, vines, almonds, pomegranates, grain and saffron being
cultivated in the region in the nineteenth century.
15. Despois 1935,121-25, described cereal cultivation as a lottery.
Modern wheat yields (1974 and 1978) of between 327-344 Kg/ha (Polservice
1980) are well below figures for other Mediterranean countries published
in 1938 in the international Yearbook of Agricultural Statistics 1922-38.
Egypt headed the list (1710 kg/ha), whilst Tunisia (400 kg/ha) and
Algeria (540 kg/ha) were the lowest along with Libya.
16. Franchetti 1914,374-415.
17. Despois 1935,109,116-19.
18. Despois 1935,109-111.
19. Bronson 1982, states that there is a 20% total crop failure rate in this
kind of marginal cultivation.
20. Lyon 1821,35; Nachtigal 1974,42-43; Beechey and Beechey 1828,507,
on the impact made by Beni Ulid on early explorers. Bronson 1982,
urges modern research on the olive cultivar growing at Beni Ulid,
which must be a particularly drought resistant species.
21. Bates 1914,9-12 (Augila oasis, 116,000 palms; Siwa, 163,000;
Dakhla, 200,000); Moreau 1947,125 (the Nefzaoua oases contain over
700,000 trees); RSGI 1931,579 (Fezzan, 900,000).
22. Barth 1857,90; Lyon 1821,270-73; RSGS 1931; 579.
23. As note 22. Also Lyon 1821,72-73; Briggs 1960,8-14. The list
includes turnips, beans, peas, carrots, onions, peppers, garlic,
tomatoes, melons, olives, figs, apples, peaches, apricots, grapes,
mint, tobacco, herbs.
24. BMA 1947,36; Holmboe 1933,27-29 mentions seeing jackals and hyenas
close to the Syrtic coast.
25. Holmboe 1933,29, claimed to have spotted a leopard also. Capot-Rey
1953,91, referred to the extinction of ostriches in Tunisia (1790)
and Algeria (1845) but Daumas 1850/1971, devoted a chapter of his book
on the Saharan nomads to ostrich hunting (50-62).
26. Capot-Rey 1953,9; Bovill 1968,6-9; Kanter 1967,105.
27. Kanter 1967,104. Since 1960 the numbers of camels have decreased
but those of other species have increased, Polservice 1980, B-27.
28. Moreau 1947,166.
29. Briggs 1960,17-33; Johnson 1969,7-10; 1973,40-47; Evenari et al 1971,
301-323.
30. Bronson 1982; Johnson 1973,41-43; see also Franchetti 1914,519-597,
who includes phhtographs of the principal types of livestock.
31. Evenari et al 1971,308-9; Johnson 1973,44,59-66.
32. Barker 1981,131-45 and 1983,1-49, discusses different traditional
pastoral systems in antiquity, without perhaps giving this fact due
weight. cf. Strabo XVII, 3,19, on the importance of horse breeding
in antiquity.

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2: 5 ANCIENT EVIDENCE FOR GEOGRAPHY, CLIMATE, FLORA AND FAUNA
1. Gsell HAAN I, 1-158 (geography, flora and fauna); 159-176 (agriculture
and pastoralism). For Tripolitania, Fantoli 1933 is a useful collec-
tion and Italian translation of most of the relevant texts. See also,
Camps 1960,57-91 on the origins of agriculture in North Africa.
2. Strabo XVII, 3,19.
3. Pliny NN, V, 26: per deserta harenis perque serpentes iter est.
Excipiunt saltus repleti ferarum multitudine et introrsus elephantorum
solitudines, mox deserta vasta ultraque Garamantes.
4. Corippus, loh, II, 78-80; VI, 581; II, 51-62 (Gebel and Gefara);
VI, 104-105 (Syrtica); VI, 270-95 (Dahar).
5. Strabo XVII, 3,17-20, Pliny V. 26- V. 35-38- Livy XXIX, 33,8-9;
Orosius, adv. pag., I, 2,90.
6. Capot-Rey 1953,94-97, discusses the evidence.
7. Corippus, VI, 294-95.
8. Odes, I, XXII.
9. Plutarch, Cato Y., 56; Strabo XVII, 3,20; Lucan, Book IX.
Knud Holmboe almost died in 1930 when he got lost between Nufila and
Argheila (1936,95-176).
10. Herodotus IV, 181-185.
11. Lucan IX, 522-27: silvarum fons causa loco, qui putria terrae alligat
et domitas unda cvnectit harenas. See also Diodorus Siculus III, 49,
2-3; Procopius, de aed, VI, 2,14-20; Strabo XVII, 1,5.
12. Strabo XVII, 3,17-18 (Lesser Syrtes and Cephalae); XVII, 3,20
(Taourgha and Greater Syrtes); Brogan 1975a, 52.
13. Procopius, de aed, VI, 4,1; Haynes 1959,72.
14. Pliny NH V, 26; Lucan IX, 338-44- IX, 432- Silius Halicus I, 408-10;
III9 320 (on the wrecking activities of the Nasamones. They may
simply have pilfered wrecks rather than actually caused them).
15. Strabo XVII, 3,20 (Loeb translation).
16. On the perils of ancient navigation, particularly in small craft
hugging the coastline, see further Synesius, Letters, 4.
17. Sallust XVII, 5-6.
18. SHA, Hadrian XXII, 10; for a crop failure in Byzacium, see Corippus VI, 247.
19. Strabo XVII, 3,18.
20. De controv. agrorum, II.
21. Frontinus, in Blume I, 36; translation by Dilke 1971,65.
22. CIL 8 4440; 18587; de Pachtere 1908,373-400 (full text with some
revisions on CIL); Birebent 1962,402-06; but see now, Shaw 1982,
61-103 for a fundamental new study of its significance.
23. Gauckler 1900/1912; Carton 1896/1897; 1912; Gsell et al 1902; Baradez
1949; Birebent 1962; Crova 1967, Vita-Finzi 1969; Barker and Jones 1982.
24. Strabo XVII, 3,1; Sallust Bi LXXXIX, 4; XCI, 2-3.
25. IRT 918, lines 20-23: tantis ignibus/in istis semper harenacis collibus/
nutantis Austri solis flammas fervidas/ tranquille. Translated in
Haynes 1946,75-76.
26. Corippus VIII, 320-373, on a 10 day ghibli; Herodotus IV, 173, on the
extermination of the Psylli tribe doing battle with the "south wind";
Lucan IX, 447-500.
27. BJ, XVII, 5-6.
28. Pliny V, 6; V. 9.
29. Pliny V, 26; Strabo XVII, 3,18.
30. Pliny XV, 3,8; but cf. contra, Silius Italicus III, 324, who stated
that Athena gave the gift of the olive tree to North Africa before
anywhere else; Caesar BAf, XCVII, 3, on the 3 million pounds olive
oil per annum exacted as a fine by Caesar on Lepcis.
31. Camps-Fabrer 1953; Gsell 1925,41-46.
32. Barker and Jones 1982,8-21.
33. Pliny NH, Book XV.

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2: 5/2: 6
34. On the lotus, see Pliny XIII, 104 (it survived in the Syrtic area
where agricultural development was slower); on the forest of Tripoli
el Tidjani - Rousseau 1853,150-51 a Brett 1978,56-57.
35. De Mathuisieulx 1904,23-27; Romanelli 1930,53-75- Barker and Jones
1981, photos p. 37; Aurigemma 1926; 1960.
36. Strabo XVII, 3,11; even el Bekri in the eleventh century could write
of occasional 100 fold returns from the fertile Sofeggin plain, de
Slane 1913,25.
37. Marichal 1979,448.
38. Van der Veen 1981,45-48; Barker and Jones 1982,17-19.
39. Mayerson 1962,211-69; Evenari et al 1970,122; Bronson 1982 and pers. obs.
40. Herodotus IV, 181-85; Pliny XIII, 33; Lucan IX, 522-27.
41. See below, Chapter 4: 2.
42. Rebuffat 1969,210; 1982c and pers. obs.
43. For general discussion see Bovill 1968,6-9,15.
44. Allan (ed) 1981, contains a series of up to date articles on the
prehistory of the Sahara.
45. For instance, Paradisi 1963,259-79, presented engravings from Sinaouen
of ostriches, long horned cattle, goats and giraffe; Bovey 1979,10-12,
on the wadi Mattendous in Fezzan long
- giraffes, elephants, rhinoceri,
horned cattle, hartebeest, buffalo; Churcher 1980,386 on faunal remains
in a Neolithic context at the Dakhleh oasis including elephant, rhino-
ceros, gazelle, auroch and ostrich..
46. Bovill 1968,6-9; Pliny VIII, 62.
47. Herodotus IV, 181; Pliny V, 26; VIII, 32.
48. Romanelli 1920,376-83; Aurigemma 1940a, 67-86.
49. Diodorus Siculus IV, 17,4-5; Strabo XVII, 3.15.
50. Franchetti 1914, figs 272-73,275-78 (horses); 280-86 (donkeys);
287-98 (camels); 318-35 (sheet); 336-45 (goats). Sheep goat, camel
and donkey bones have been recovered in midden samples from the predesert,
Barker and Jones 1982,17-19.
2: 6 CLIMATIC CHANGE
1. For full and up to date bibliographies on the subject see Allan (ed)
1981; Gourdie 1977; Shaw 1976.
2. Shaw 1976; 133-49; Gourdie 1977,82; Churcher 1980,286-93; Ritchie
1980,414-17; Barker and Jones 1981,20; Allan (ed) 1981, passim.
3. Shaw 1981b; Barker and Jones 1982,7; Barker et al 1983.
4. Goodchild 1950c, 6-7, still inclined towards a theory of slight
climatic change, but see now, Birebent 1962,491-93; Bovill 1968,2-9,
Fentress, 1979,9; Barker and Jones 1981,16; 1982,7.
5. Barker and Jones 1982,25-30; Barker et al 1983.
6. Vita-Finzi 1969,7-44, on Tripolitania; 92-120, on his theories about
climatic change. See also Vita-Finzi 1960,46-51; 1978,40-42 (where
he seems to have modified his views somewhat).
7. Vita-Finzi 1969,103-11.
8. Compare Vita-Finzi 1969,43-44, with the analysis of D. Jones in
Barker and Jones 1982,25-26, of the important geomorphological section
in the wadi Migdal. The burial of wadi walls under half a metre of
alluvium is extremely localised and not repeated across the survey
area, as would certainly have been the case were it the result of a
general climatic change.
9. Trousset 1974,19-20; Rebuffat 1969,196. In these marginal zones a
slight increase in the irregularity of rainfall could have led to a
greater incidence of drought, even if the average rainfall totals
have remained the same.

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2: 6/2: 7
10. Vita-Finzi 1969,26-34; 1978,34-35.
11. Barker and Jones 1982,26; Johnson 1973,37-28,58.
12. Despois 1964,83-86.
13. Franchetti 1914,371- Johnson 1973,24-28.
14. Vita-Finzi 1969,26-34.
15. Barth 1857,63-64.
16. Oates 1953,96,115-117 and pers. obs. of Fergian region in 1981.
17. BMA 1947,39-42; Brehony 1960,63-67; Taylor 1960,88-99; Poncet 1963,
284-90.
18. Barker et al 1983, note that a high saline content in some of the soils
analysed may have resulted from the establishment of run-off agriculture.
19. Nachtigal 1974,40-44; the same observation was made by de Mathuisieulx
1912,64-65.
20. Barker and Jones 1982,7.
21. Bronson 1982; Despois 1935,97-136; Louis 1975,145-80.
2: 7 THE ROMAN GEOGRAPHY OF TRIPOLITANIA
1. On municipal development in Africa, see Broughton 1929; Gascou 1972a;
1982,136-320; P. A. Febrier 1982,321-96; Kotula 1974,111-31; Lepelley
1979; 1981a. For Tacapae see, Ant. Itin. 59.6; Tab. Peut. VI, 5;
Ravenna V, 5; Procopius de aed VI, 4,14. The date of elevation to
colonia rank is uncertain, Gascou 1982,307-308. For the archaeological
evidence see Toussaint 1908,401-02; Toutain 1903,274-76.
2. Ant. Itin. 61,3; IRT 6,104,111, Colonia by A. D. 180 at the latest,
Gascou 1972a, 82; 1982,171,307-310; Lepelley 1981a, 372-80.
Also Haynes 1959,107-34; Ward 1970; Stillwell 1976,779-80.
3. Ant. Itin. 62,2; Tab. Peut. VII, 3; IRT 230,232, no clear evidence of
higher status before A. D. 163-164, Gascou 1972a, 82-83; 1982,171;
Lepelley 1981a, 371-72. Also Haynes 1959,101-06; Aurigemma 1916.
217-300; 1967,65-78; 1970; Stillwell 1976,639,
4. Ant. Itin. 63,2; Tab. Peut. VII, 4; IRT 282,283,284,353,467,563;
AE 1950,206,208. Colony c. A. D. 109-110, Gascou 1972a, 75-80; 1982,
165-171; Lepelley 1981a, 335-67. Lepcis later held the Ius Itali cum
status also, Gascou 1972a, 197; Lepelley 1981a, 336. Also Haynes 1959,
71-100; Bianchi-Bandinelli et al 1966; Stillwell 1976,499-500; Di Vita
1982,515-95.
5. CIL 8.83,84; Ant. Itin. 74,3, municipium under Hadrian, Tissot 1888,
701-03; Cagnat 1909,277-81; Carton 1914/1915,207-216,354-68; 35-
47; Gascou 1972a, 134-135; 1982,189; Trousset 1974,43-46.
6. Ant. Itin. 60,1; CIL 8.11031,33707,22737 = ILT 41, municipium under
Antoninus Pius, Gascou 1982,192-93; Lepelley 1981a, 368-71. Also
Constans 1916,1-116; Stillwell 1976,353-54.
7. Ant. Itin. 60,2; Tab. Peut. VI, 5/VII, ].; Ravenna V, 5; CIL 8.11008,11002,
date unknown, Gascou 1982,308. Also Tissot 1888,204-07, excavations
in 1884 revealed a "forum analogue ä celui de Gigthi, entourd de portiques
dont la construction remonte ä la regne de Claude. " The ruins were
extensive and marble statues and three or four large buildings including
a basilica and a "castrum" were found, CIL 8.11002-11016.
8. Tab. Peet. VII, 1; cf Ant. Itin. 61,1; Fisidia vices; Gascou 1982,308-
310, date of elevation in status unknown. Tissot 1888,208-09, identified
the site with the small harbour of Bourka.
9. Tab. Peut. VII. 4/5; cf. Ant. Itin. 64,3 (Thebunte) and Ravenna III, 5;
V, 6 (Thubacis, Thubactis), date uncertain, Gascou 1982,307-10. The
exact location of the site is disputed; for long assumed to be in the
Misurata
oasis, Tissot 1888,224-27, though there are no certain
remains, Brogan 1975a, 52-55. Rebuffat 1973c, 139-43 has suggested on

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2: 7
the basis of the mileages that it lay further south, but there are
no known sites of sufficient size or importance to have been a
uruni cipi um.
10. Tab. Peut. VIII, 1-2 Vigdida or Digdida Municipium Selorum; cf. Ant. Ztin.
65.4 (Digdica). The full title in the Tabula suggests that the town
was originally designated as a civitas of the Sell tribe. The date
of its promotion is unknown, Cascou 1982,309-10. Also Cerrata 1933,
220-23; Goodchild 1954c.
11. The position of 2bubactis is uncertain but is most likely in the area
west of the Sebkha Taourgha, see note 9, above. Zita and Digdida are
also a few kilometres from the sea.
12. Toussaint 1908,405-06.
13. Tab. Pout. VIZ, 4; Stillwell 1976,1000-1001. The famous villa of Dar
Buk-Amaarah with its mosaics and wall paintings may, however, suggest
a false importance for the settlement of Sugolin which was almost
certainly still within the territorium of Lepcis.
14. Tab. Peut. VIII, 1 (Marcomades Selorum); Ant. Ztin. 64,8(Macomadibus
Sirtis) ; Not. Dig. Oc., XXXI, 23. Also Cerrata 1933,205,212-13;
Bartoccini 1929b, 187-200.
15. Tab. Peut. VIII, 1-2 (Scina Ioc. Iudaeor. Augti. ) ; Ant. Ztin. 65,1
(lscina). Also Cerrata 1933,209-12; Coodchild 1964,99-106, with
plan and air-photos. The Islamic town of Sort on the same site has
been the subject of recent study, Abdulhamid Abdussaid et al, 9-12.
16. Tab. Peut. V, 3-4 (ad aquis Tacapa, sic) ; Ant. Itin. 74,1. Tissot 1888,
698-99; Toussaint 1905,63; Toutain 1903a, 292; Trousset 1974,
surprisingly gives no information on this important site.
17. Tab. Peut. VII, 1; Auge=xi is normally associated with the quite
extensive ruins at Ksar Koutine, Tissot 1888,694, who reported the
discovery by Sainte-Marie of a walled settlement, with a large
mausoleum and a theatre (this last detail almost certainly incorrect).
Recent maps, Salama 1959, Harteman 1975 suggest that Auge i lay at
Hedenine or further southeast. The ruins at Routine with its
associated water diversion system (Carton 1897,373-85) still merit
consideration.
19. Tab. Peut. VII, 1, Girba, Tipasa, Hartbus, Uchios; Pliny V, 41,
Meninx and Thora; Strabo XVII, 3,17. For the bridge Ant. Itin. 60,2.
20. For instance, Putea Pallene, Ad Amonem, Assaria, Ad Algam, Getullu,
Quintiliana, Ad Palmam (Tab. Peut. VII, 1-4) between Gigthis and
Lepcis. See Tissot 1888,207-16.
21. Rebuffat 1972,329-30; 1975b, 191; 1975c, 502-3.
22. See Appendix 2, below.
23. Euzennat and Trousset 1975,31-33; Trousset 1974,114-118.
24. Ward-Perkins and Goodchild 1949,81-95; Mattingly 1982,73-80.
25. Lecoy de la Marche 1894,299-402; Boizot 1913,260-66.
26. Lecoy de la Marche 1894,407-8; Trousset 1974,109-10.
27. Donau 1909,35-38; Toutain 1903a, 324-25; Poinssot 1940,9,259;
Trousset 1974,75-78.
28. As may be the case with Turris Tamalleni, Aquae Tacapitanae and
Marcomades.
29. Carter 1965,123-32; Miro and Fiorenti 1977,5; 75; Yorke et al 1966;
Yorke 1967,18-24.
30. CIL 8.11002-11003 (Claudian), 11004 (Nervan) from Zian.
31. See below, notes 60 to 62.
32. For the Roman roads of Tripolitania, see especially Goodchild 1948,
1-28; 1971,155-62,164-69.
33. Tab. Peut. VI5 5- VIII, 2; Ant. Itin. 59,6 - 65,6; CIL 8.10016
(Nervan) 10017; ILAf652-653; ILT 1719; ZRT 923-929; Goodchild 1948,
9-10; 1952b, c and d; 1971,158.
34. Di Vita-Evrard 1979,91, unpublished text found in 1977 near Sabratha.

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2: 7
35. Goodchild 1948,30, showed that 22 out of 41 milestones then known
were erected in A. D. 216 under Caracalla and 34 out of 35 which could
be positively identified were of third century date.
36. Goodchild 1948,7; 1971,160-61, cf. the work of Salama (1951b, 213-72;
1980,101-33) on the Algerian roads.
37. Coodchild 1954b; Brogan 1975a, 58.
38. Rebuffat 1973c. 137-44.
39. Rebuffat 1973c, 134-45; Tissot 1888,223-33, gave a confused account
of this sector, see also Cerrata 1933.
40. Rebuffat 1982c, 196, unpublished milestone of Caracalla.
41. Tissot 1888,697-709; Coodchild 1948,11-13; 1971,158-59,1976c. 107-
13; Hammond 1964; 1967,1-18; Trousset 1974,29-38; di Vita-Evrard
67-77. The western sector comprised two roads marked by milestones
in the first century already: (1) Tacapae to Aquae Tacapitanae, Le Boeuf
1905,346-50; CIL 8.10018-10019; ILAf 654; (2) Aquae Tacapitanae to
Turris Tamalleni, Donau 1907,52-67,173-90; ILAf 656. For the eastern
sector see note 45, below.
42. See, for instance, the conflicting views of Lecoy de la Marche 1894;
Blanchet 1898,1899; Hilaire 1901; Toutain 1903a; Toussaint 1905/1907;
Cagnat 1913,1914b. See now Euzennat and Trousset 1975,53-54. For a
discussion of a problematic section; Hammond 1967; Ward-Perkins and
Goodchild, 1949,17-20; Goodchild 1951b, 75-88; 1976c, 107-13;
di Vita-Evrard 1979,67-77.
43. Tab. Peut. V, 5- VI, 5; Ravenna III, 5; Tissot 1888,684-91.
44. Tab. Reut. VI, 5- VII, 2; Ravenna III, 5; Tissot 1888,691-97;
ILAf 657 - BCTN 1914,614 and BCTH 1915, CXXVII, reported a single
milestone of Constantius Chlorus from the 27th or 17th mile.
45. Goodchild 1948,25; 1951b, 75-88; Oates 1953,89-92.
46. ZRT 930-939; Ronanelli 1939,92-98; di Vita-Evrard, 1979,67-77.
47. Donau 1904b, 354-59; 1909b, 277-81; Toutain 1906,242-50; Trousset
1978,165-68; rLAf 655; rLT 1722.
48. Goodchild 1948,14-20; 1971,159,168-69; ILAf 651; ZRT 940-962.
49. Coodchild 1948,21-23; 1971,160; ZRT 963-969.
50. Goodchild 1948,7; 1971,157; Salana 1951a, 57-97. A recent article
by Trousset 1982,45-59, deals with a seasonal route across the Chott
Djerid linking the Nefzaoua and Djerid oases.
51. These often take the form of dendritic fans centred on the major
cities. For a modern parallel, see Blake 1968, a study of the
Misurata
market.
52. Goodchild 1954a, 46-58; Brogan 1965,57-64; Rebuffat 1970c, 181-87;
1970d, 1-20; 1982a, 508-9; Euzennat and Trousset 1975,53-66.
53. Marichal 1979; Rebuffat 1982a, 474-99,502-9.
54. Rebuffat 1979,225-35; 1982a; Luttwak 1976.
55. Rebuffat 1982a, 508-9, also noted the high level of information
gathering and self-dependency of the Roman army in Africa.
56. Dilke 1971,151-58; Trousset 1978, passim; CIL 8.22786,22789;
ILT 171,173-174; Trousset 1978,176-77.
57. ZRT 854 - AE 1940, no. 70, tribal delimitation 3 km. east of Sirte
A. D. 87; Ronanelli 1939,99-106; ILAf 130 - CIL 8.22763, tribal
division under Trajan at Bir Soltane; see also note 60, below.
58. For these aspects of Flavian policy, see Leglay 1968,222-29.
59. Contra the opinion of Courtois 1955,65-91,325-50. See also notes
54-55 above.
60. ART 930; di Vita-Evrard 1979,67-96.
61. Apuleius, Apol, XLIV, 6; Pavis d'Escurac 1974,90-91.
62. Trousset 1978,135-38.
63. Cagnat and Merlin 1914/1932,1: 100,000 series and Service Geographiquo
de l'arw6e (SGA) 1: 200,000 series.

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2: 7
64. Goodchild 1954 b and c. The Amy Map Service (AMS) 1: 250,000 and
1: 50,000 series contain some archaeological data, but the content
varies greatly between one sheet and another.
65. Oates 1953; 1954; Libyan Valleys Survey - see Jones and Barker 1980;
Barker and Jones 1981; 1982; Jones et al 1983.
66. For Nefusa, see de Mathuisieulx 1902,272-73; Coro 1928; Brogan 1971b,
10-11; Allan 1973,147-69; for Syrtica, Beechey and Beechey 1828;
Cerrata 1933; Rebuffat 1982c, 188-99; for the Gefara, Brogan 1965a;
Cowper 1897,278-82; AKS -: 250,000 and 1: 50,000 series for all
areas
indispensable.

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CHAPTER 3:
THE TRIBAL BACKGROUND I
3: 1 INTRODUCTION
1. Dyson 1974,277-83; Warmington 1972,291-96.
2. Csell HAAN V; 1928b; Bates 1914; Camps 1960; 1980; Desanges 1962; Rachet
1970,29-53; Brogan 1975,267-89; Fentress 1979,18-60, are a represen-
tative selection of the chief general works.
3. Fentress 1979,4-5. For comparison the works listed in note 5, below
are loaded with modern political conceptions.
4. Louis 1975, is an excellent example of a relevant ethnographic work.
His study of the agricultural communities of the western Tripolitanian
Cebel in the recent past is the essential complement to Trousset 1974,
which presented solely the Roman period material.
5. For instance, Csell n ux V; 1926,149-166; Guey 1939,178-248;
Leschi 1942,47-62; Rachet 1970; Benabou 1976, passim,. but particularly
pp. 71-72.
6. The chief difference between the most recent work and that written in
the days of French colonial rule, is that the balance of sympathy has
shifted in favour of the African "freedom fighters" and away from the
"long suffering and beneficent" Roman imperialists'. The continuing
influence of the "conflict" theories is evident in the account of
MacKendrick 1980.
7. Desanges 1962.
8. Bates 1914, particularly 51-71 for the analysis of the primary sources
and maps.
9. Brogan 1975,267-289; Daniels 1970a; 1971a. See also 3: 3 note 53.
10. Gsell, HAAN V, passim; Bates 1914, passim; Fentress 1979,18-60 are the
chief relevant works.
11. Although the Libyan language was common to all the Berber tribes, there
were at least forty distinct dialects. Writing seems to have been
restricted to funerary and dedicatory uses and little is consequently
known about the language. There are at least four distinct Libyan
alphabets; Chabot 1940, i-vii; Brogan 1975,268-76; Marichal 1979,
436-37; Rebuffat 1975a, 165-87; Daniels, 1975 249-65.
12. Bates 1914,67-69, on the problems with the late sources.
13. Pliny, V, 43-46, echoes Mela's account (I, 8,41-48) which in turn
draws some of its material from Herodotus (IV, 174; 'IV, 183; IV, 186).
Fentress 1979,18-42 and Appendix 1,191-200, has collected and
discussed the various source references on economic and social matters
for Numidia. Her discussion of the problems of the sources is
particularly
valuable.
14. See notes 19-21 below relating to Balbus' campaign of c. 20-19 B. C.
In the same section (V, 38) Pliny mentioned the campaign made by
Valerius Festus in A. D. 70. See now a new edition of the North African
section (Book V) of the Natural History, edited with commentary by
Desanges.
15. Pliny, V, 34 and Strabo. I, 5,33, both misplaced the Asbytae known in
Cyrenaica from other sources; Desanges, 1962,147-49. In the same way,
Ptolemy, IV, 6,3, located the Cinyphii too far west of their known
position in the Cinyps (Caam) valley.
16. In the passages quoted in note 13, above, Pliny and Mela used fantastical
information to give the impression that tribes became increasingly
barbaric
and degenerate the further one progressed away from the coast.
This is particularly misleading in the case of the Garamantes.
See also Chapter 3: 3.

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3: 1/3: 2
17. An example of military bias is evident in Tacitus' account of the
Tacfarinan War of A. D. 17-24. The rebellious tribes were represented
as renegades, vagrants, nomads and brigands (Ann., II, 52; III, 20-21;
III, 73-74). This denigration of the participating tribes obscured the
true reason for the revolt which was the encroachment onto traditional
tribal lands by Romans. The Musulames, who instigated the revolt,
contained substantial sedentary populations. On the revolt see Syme 1951,
113-131; Rachet 1970,84-125; Fentress 1979,66.
18. See note 16 above. The same is true of their attitude towards "nomads",
see now Trousset 1982b, 97-105; Fentress 1979,18-21.
19. Pliny, V, 35-37; Desanges 1957,5-43 is the best study of a problemati-
cal
text.
20. Desanges 1957,12-13.
21. Compare inter alia the suggestions of Desanges 1957,5-43; Duveyrier
1864,445-88; Tissot 1888,711-20; Lhote 1954,41-81; Romanelli 1950,
472-92; 1977,429-438.
22. Desanges 1957,21-23; Fentress 1979,23-24; Daniels 1982,119, in his
review of Fentress admits that he has now come to favour this interpretation
23. Bates 1914,60-65. His maps VIII and IX present the basic plot and a
substantially revised version devised by Bates. Many tribal names had to
be omitted from the latter for lack of data.
24. The solutions proposed by Rachet. 1970,29-53 and Map IV, Bates 1914, Map 7
and Desanges 1962, Map 5, all deal with Pliny as a source and are divergent
on many points.
25. Desanges 1962, Maps 4-8,10.
3: 2 TRIBAL HIERARCHY: GENERAL
1. Pliny, V, 29-30.
2. Desanges 1962,75-143.
3. Gsell, HAAN I, 275-326, remains the classic statement of the anthropological
and linguistic arguments. Fentress 1979,4, voiced reservations about the
validity of seeking parallels between ancient and modern Berber societies.
On the origins of the eastern Libyans, see Bates 1914,39-51; Chamoux 1953,
35-68.
4. Gsell, HAAN I, 409-10. Also see above 3: 1, note 11.
5. Sallust, BJ, XVIII, 1-12, gives a detailed account of how Medes, Persians
and Armenians intermarried with Libyans to produce different ethnic groups.
6. Gsell, HAAN V, VI and VII; Camps 1960, passim; Berthier 1981, argues
for a much smaller extent to the Numidian kingdom - hegemonic or otherwise.
7. Sallust, BJ, V, 4.
8. Lucan, IV, 669-690.
9. Caesar, B. Af., XXXII, 3; XXXV, 4; LXVI, 4; LV; Dio, LV, 28,3-4; Florus,
II, 31, on the Gaetulian revolt of c. A. D. 6, which involved fighting from
Mauretania to the Greater Syrtes. See also Fentress 1982,325-34,
Trousset 1982b, 98.
10. Tacitus, Ann, II, 52; III9 20-21; 32; 73-74- IV, 23-25. Rachet 1970,
84-125.
11. Desanges 1962,117-121; Fentress 1979,74-77 and Map 5, p. 63.
12. Camps, 1960 72-75; Fentress 1979,66 and 3: 1, note 17 above.
13. AE, 1917-18, no. 39.
14. ILA1g I, 2836.
15. CIL 8,270 - 11451; Des n ges 1962,83 for the Begguenses.
16. Desanges 1962,115-116; ILA1g I, 138,174 and 156 - CIL 8.5217-5218.
17. Desanges 1962,271 Addendum; Camps 1960,248-50.
18. Camps 1960,248-50 and Figure 26.
19. Fentress 1979,45-46.
20. Seston and Euzennat 1971,468-90; Sherwin-White 1973,86-98.
21. Seston and Euzennat 1971,478-79.

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3: 2
22. Gellner 1969,35-68 and figure b, p. 38; Dunn 1973,85-107; 1977;
Johnson 1973,33-39; Vinogradov 1973,67-84.
23. My account draws heavily on the accounts of Gsell HAAN V, 27-81;
Bates 1914,113-17; Rachet 1970,22-23; Gellner 1969, passim;
Gellner and Micaud 1973, passim.
24. Gsell, HAAN V, 62-63; Rachet 1970,22.
25. Gsell, HAAN V, 75-81; Rachet 1970,20.
26. Gellner 1969,81-93.
27. Bates 1914; 114-15.
28. Gellner 1969,69; see also Hart 1973,25-58 and the comments on
Gellner's work in Fentress 1979,45.
29. Gellner 1969,40-46, expressed surprise at the failure of the Moroccan
Atlas tribes to provide a united front to the French invasion of the
1920's and 19'0's. It was from the Atlas region that most of the new
Moroccan dynasties had arisen -as a result of coalescence of tribal
confederations behind charismatic leaders (pp. 4-9).
30. On the Quinquegentiani (or Quinquegentanei) see Desanges 1962,67;
Courtois 1955,120 and Galand 1971,277-79, who observed that five has
been a significant number in many more recent berber alliances.
Fentress 1982,330-34, argues that the Gaetuli were a "super-tribe"
comparable with the Zenata.
31. Mann 1974b, 34-42; 1979b, 144-51; A. R. Birley 1974,13-25, on the
problems faced from Antonine times on the Rhine and Danube.
32. Fentress 1979,43-44, also discusses this aspect, observing that "it
is not certain that the limits of the applications of gens and natio
were any more apparent to the Romans than they are to us. " Tacitus,
Ann, II, 52, referred to Tacfarinas as both natione Numida and dux
Musulamiorum (a gens). The Gaetuli were confederated from various
tribes. CIL V, 526.7 = ILS, 2721 refers to a praefectus (.... ]
nationum Gaetulicarum sex quae sent. The Cinithi appear on inscriptions
as both a gens and a natio, CIL 8.10500 and 22729. See also Berque
1953,20-80; Fentress 1982,325-34.
33. See above, note 19.
34. Pliny, V, 29-30.
35. I am indebted to Mr. D. R. Evans for discussing the comparative
evidence which he had collected in the course of his own research on
frontier people in Roman Britain.
36. Pliny, V, 1.
37. Sallust BJ, V, 4, rex Numidarum; Pliny, VIII, 40 rex Garamanticae.
38. Tacitus, Ann., II, 52, dux Musulamiorum, dux Maurorum.
39. Corippus, loh, IV, 597, princeps ...
lerna. Also below, notes 46 to
58 for the principes of the Baquates tribe.
40. Corippus, I, 463; 465; II, 343; 358, Antalas described as tyrannus.
41. CIL V, 5267 - ILS, 2721 and note 32 above. See also Leaveau 1973.
42, CIL 8.17327 (Diocletianic) records a temple restored by universi seniores
Mas[... ]rensium... anno Fortunatiani mag(istratus).
43. Note 42 above; CIL8.15667 seniores Ucubitani; CIL 8.15721-2.
Seston and Euzennat, 1971,478-79 for the populares of the Zegrenses.
44. Corippus, roh, II, 109; IV, 597; 631, etc. (Ierna); IV, 639; VI, 104;
143; 170 etc. (Carcasan). Compare Tacitus, Ann, II, 52; III 20-21;
73-74 (Tacfarinas); CIL 8,9047 - ILS 2767, Faraxen rebellis cum
satellitibus suis'. Amm Marcellinus, XXIX, 5,1-56 (Firmus).
45. On the Baquates generally, see Desanges 1962,28-31; Frezouls 1957,65-
116; 1980,65-93; Carcopino 1943 258-75; Sigman 1977,415-39. On the
Bavares, see Desanges 1962,46-48; Camps 1955,241-88; Courtois 1955,
96-97. On the Macennites see Desanges 1962,33-34. Frezouls 1957,65-
116 and 1980,65-93 are the best accounts of the altars, but see also
Frezouls 1952; 1953; 1956 and Romanelli 1962,1347-366.

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3: 2/3: 3
46. Frezouls 1957,67, no. 2- MAX, 1931,295; Carcopino 1943,267. See
now the definitive versions of these inscriptions in IAM.
47. Frezouls 1957,67, no. 3 MEFR, 1956,110f, no. 47; Rachet 1970,204.
48. Frezouls 1957,73, no. 13 a CIL 8.21826; Carcopino 1943,628.
49. Frezouls 1957,68, no. 4= MEFR, 1957,114f, no. 48, Rachet 1970,211.
50. Frezouls 1957,68, no. 5 CIL VI, 1800, E(iJli(i) amended to Fili.
51. Frezouls 1957,69, no. 6= Rachet 1970,213.
52. Frezouls 1957,69, no. 7 AE, 1942-43, no. 54 = AE, 1956, no. 52
Carcopino 1943,301.
53. Frezouls 1957,69-70, no. 8- MEFR, 1953,155f, no. 26.
54. Frezouls 1957,74, no. 15 - MEFR, 1953,155fýno. 27.
55. Frezouls 1957,73-74, no. 14 a MEFR, 1956,107f, no. 46.
56. Frezouls 1957,70, no. 9= Hesperis LX, 1953,244f a Rachet 1970,236.
57. Frezouls 1957,70-71, no. 10 - ILM 46 - AE, 1920, no. 44 - ILAf 609.
58. Frezouls 1957,71-72, no. 11 a ILM 47 = AE, 1921, no. 23 - ILAf 610.
59. Bates 1914,114-115.
60. Gellner 1969,81-93.
61. Romane. lli 1962,212 contra Frezouls, 1957,77 and inscriptions 3 and 13,
who thought that Ucmetio and f..... Jo were the same man. Rachet 1970,
believed that the altars were erected after periods of war between the
tribe and Rome, but this is contradicted by Frezouls inscription 11,
which remarks on the long observed peace. The most likely context for
the erection of the altars is on the change-over of tribal leader.
3: 3 TRIBAL HIERARCHY : TRIPOLITANIA
1. For Ptolemy, see the discussion in Bates 1914,60-65; Pliny, V, 26-28;
33-34.
2. Herodotus, IV, 173; Bates 1914,58.
3. As is shown in the section on the Lotophages.
4. Mela, I, 8,41-48; Pliny, V, 43-46. Fentress 1979,21-22, also spotted
this artificial framework.
5. Mela, I, 8,41-48, "quamquam in familias passim et sine lege dispersi
nihil in commune consultant, tarnen quia singulis aliquot simul coniuges
et plures ob id liberi adgnatique sunt nusquam. "
6. See above, 3: 2, notes 22-29.
7. Diodorus Siculus, III, 49,1-3, Loeb translation.
8. Sarel-Sternberg 1963,126; Louis 1975,91-94.
9. Bates 1914,51-71; Desanges 1962, passim, Brogan 1975,267-68,277-86.
10. Brogan 1975,278.
11. Carter 1965,123-132; Picard and Picard 1969,23-24,41-45.
12. The fines imposed by Caesar of Libyphoenician cities indicate the scale
of wealth; B. Af, XCVII, 2, Thapsus and Hadrumetum were obliged to pay
13,000,000 sestertes between them (with contributions from their foreign
communities), "Leptis" was fined 3,000,000 pounds of olive oil annually.
There has been a good deal of inconclusive discussion as to which "Leptis"
was involved, Minor or Magna, Pflaum 1959,85-92; Romanelli 1924a, 253-62;
IRT, pp. 73-76; Di Vita-Evrard 1979,85-88. However, archaeological
evidence from both areas suggests an early development of large scale
olive oil production, Gsell 1925,41-46; Romanelli 1960,185-202 and both
probably had the productive capacity to meet the fine. The fact that
Cato wintered in Lepcis Magna after crossing the Sirtic desert, favours
the identification of that city as the one penalised, Lucan, de Bello
civilo, IX, 948-949.
13. See below, Chapter 8: 1, for a more detailed analysis of this.

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3: 3
14. Di Vita 1964,67-71; Brogan 1964,47-56; 1971,121-30. Also personal
observation (ULVP) of the opus Africanum farms and. nausolea.
15. On the Neo-Punic language and inscriptions, Levi Della Vida 1927; 1949;
1951; 1963; 1964a and b; 1965, passim. Many of the people mentioned on
inscriptions bore Libyan names.
16. Abd al-Hakam, (trans. Gateau 1947), 35-37. Translated into English and
commented on by Oates 1953,113.
17. For a full discussion, see Chapter 6: 3.
18. Thompson 1971,235-50, discusses the strength of the peregrine aristo-
cracy in the Tripolitanian cities in the first century A. D. He concludes
that Italians made little headway towards achieving a dominant social
position.
19. Desanges 1964b, 33-47; Fentress 1979,47; 56-57, places the Gaetuli in
the Aures and attributes the Medracen tomb to a Gaetulian chieftain,
which is unlikely unless the Gaetuli were much more strongly confederated
than it is argued here. The Medracen was more than likely a monument
connected with the Punic or heavily-Punicised community of Cirta
(Constantine), Berthier 1981,159-77. But see now Fentress 1982,325-
34; Trousset 1982b, 98.
20. Gsell, HAAN V, 111; Desanges 1957,34-40; Fentress 1979,111, identify
the Wadi Djedi as the Nigris, which divided Africa from Aethiopia.
Picard 1944,22-31, took the alternative view that the Nigris was in
fact the Niger, but most scholars still favour the Djedi/Nigris
identification.
21. AMS, 1: 2500,000,. Edition 1, Mizda, sheet NH 33.1, Grid Ref. TQ3048.
22. Euzennat and Trousset 1975,57-58,66. The addition of initial "t" and
final "i" is the normal berber method of denoting the feminine case,
Gsell, HAAN I, 309-26; Bates 1914/1970,73-90.
23. Rebuffat 1969,194-95 on Ghadames; 1972,322-24 on the oases of Sinaouen
and Chawan to the north-east
of Ghadames.
24. Euzennat and Trousset 1975,57 and Fig. 15, p. 62; Sarel-Sternberg
1963,123-33. Nineteenth century transhumance extended from the Nefzaoua
to Bir el-Guecira, south-west of Remada (Tillibari). Touareg Ifoghas
raided similarly long distances up this route from Ghadames. The map
drawn up by Euzennat and Trousset indicates the northward transhumance
patterns between Ghadames and Gebel.
25. Desanges 1962,130-31,138; Brogan 1975,279-80.
26. Desanges 1962,91-92 (Gamphasantes); 91 (Gadabitani); 138 (Theriodes).
27. Louis 1975, is an excellent geographic and ethnographic study of the
region, although he concentrates mainly on the Gebel zone which is the
most populous.
28. Sarel-Sternberg 1963,123-33; Louis 1975,145-51; Bataillon 1963,113-
21, has shown that a third transhumance route operates between tribes
of the Rebaia region (El Oued) and the Nefzaoua around the south side
of the Chott Djerid.
29. Desanges 1962,80-81.
30. BCTH, 1906,249-50; BCTH, 1909,278-79; ILAf 655. A milestone 29 milia
from the Civitas Nybgeniorum, which can be confidently identified with
Telmine, see Cagnat 1909; Carton 1914/1915.
31. Trousset 1974,41-50, site no's 1-14,16. Personal observation in the
oases of Telmine and Mansoura revealed the existence of tells or massive
occupation build-up in the centre of the oases.
32. The figures are taken from Sarel-Sternberg 1963,124; see also Bataillon
1963,113; Poncet 1963,278-91, gives information on the hydraulic supply
of the oases and their agriculture.
33. As another example, the Astakoures were placed between the Garamantian
fauces and the Dolopes by Ptolemy, which must indicate a pre-desert
location. The realities of apparent long distance transhumance in
modern times has tended to be shorter range movement by several sub-

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3: 3
tribes which cumulatively cover the whole of the tribal territory. On
this sort of transhumance between Gebel and Fezzan, Canneille 1963,
101-12.
34. See below, chapter 6: 2,6: 3.
35. C1L8 22786e; 22787; 22788; 38 - 11051 - 1LT55. Trousset 1978,135- 38.
36. Louis 1975,17-22 defined three ecological zones, the Gefara, Gebel
and Dahar, across which tribes from the Gebel practise a mixed economy.
The Dahar plateau is used for winter grazing, the Gefara plain for
scratch cultivation of cereals and summer grazing and the Gebel for
the main agricultural and arboricultural activity.
37. Desanges 1962, is the most convenient modern reference work. For
detailed pagination consult Table 3B; but see also Trousset 1974,21-24.
38. Desanges 1962,86,135, equates the Cinithi with the Sintae of Strabo
and places them both south and west of the Lesser Syrtes. The Roman
pattern of tribal delimitation would suggest on the contrary that they
were mainly centred south-east of Gabes (Tacape). The association
with Gigthis is established by the following inscription, CIL 8,22729.
L. Memmio Messio/L. F. Quir. Pacata. F1am. Perpetuo divi Traia/ni
Chinithio in Quin/que decurias a divo Hadriano adlecto Chinithi ob
merita/eius et singula/rem pietatem. Qua nationisuae Praefstat sua
pecuni/a
posuerunt.
39. CIL 8.10500. L. Egnatuleio P. f. Gal. Sabino. Pontific/Palatuali
Proc. Aug. XXXX Galliarum/Proc Aug ad Epistrategian Thebaidos/Proc.
Aug ad census accipendos/Macedoniae. Praef Gentis Cinithiorum/Trab
Leg IIII Scythicae L j.... )....
.
It is likely that Egnatuleius was
given the position of praefectus, at this stage a Roman administrative
position, simply because he was a native African and not because he
had any prior connection with the tribe.
40. Trousset 1976,21-33; 1980b 135-54; Euzennat 1971,229-39; 1972,7-27,
have updated the archaeological evidence to show that there were
increasingly regularised military contacts between Rome and the Djerid
and Nefzaoua regions in the Flavian period. Rebuffat 1969,194-95;
1972,322-24, interprets a large quantity of first century pottery found
at Ghadames as evidence that the Phazanii had accepted Roman hegemony.
41. The pacification of the Gaetuli tribes of the pre-desert was therefore
a necessary step for the process of agricultural expansion and economic
development on the Gebel to proceed unimpeded.
42. Bates 1914,51-71 and Desanges 1962,106-07 fail to give a satisfactory
account for the apparently shifting position of the Macae.
43. Cauneille 1963,105 (Eastern Gebel, Beni Ulid, Giofra and Syrtica)
Rebuffat 1982c, 196-99.
44. Personal commhnication, Dr. P. Holder. The unit may have been raised
following a revolt, but more likely from a pacified but un-Romanised
group. The best parallels are in the raising of Musulames auxiliary
units, Desanges 1962,119-20; AE, 1939, no. 126; CIL XVI, 35 and 56.
45. Desanges 1962,107.
46. Desanges 1962,132-33.
47. Bates 1914,67. Desanges 1962,133 unnecessarily amended the text to
read limes Samucencis or Zamucensis.
48. Lib Gen, 145; Chr anni p. Chr, 354,85 and 427,164; Chr Alex, 117.
Commentary in Bates 1914,65-66 and Desanges 1962,137.
49. As note 48 above.
50. There is no certain evidence that the Nasamones had kings. A misreading
of Dio LXVII, 5,3, has sometimes been used as evidence for
a Nasamonian king, Ayoub 1968b, 48-52, but see the conclusive arguments
of Gsell 1894,234, n. 6.
51. Corippus, loh, VI, 189; 552; 589; 593; 691; VII, 465,510; VIII, 95; 177;
234; 248; 274; 423; 428; 446; 639.

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3: 3
52. See below, the section headed Laguatan. Corippus, I, 480-82; V, 178-80;
VII9 530-33; Mattingly
1983, forthcoming.
53. For the primary sources, see Pace, Sergi and Caputo 1951,151-200;
Desanges 1962,93-96; Daniels 1969; 1970a. For recent archaeological
work, see Pace, Sergi and Caputo 1951,201-442; Ayoub 1962; 1967a and b,
passim; Daniels 1968; 1969; 1970a, 1970b; 1971a; 1971b; 1973; 1975; 1977;
all passim. For the limited but important anthropological work, see
Pace, Sergi and Caputo 1951,443-542.
54. Daniels 1970a, 36-37.
55. Daniels 1970a, 17-18; 1971a, 269-70; 1973,36-37.
56. Daniels 1968,113-194. An abridged version of this report appeared as
Daniels 1970b, 37-66; also Daniels 1973,37.
57. Daniels 1973,35-40.
58. Daniels 1969,34.
59. " Daniels 1970a, 17. The suggestion that the fauces metaphor may be
best applied to the Hun-Waddan gap I owe to my supervisor, Prof. G. D. B.
Jones.
60. Marichal 1979,448-51. Rebuffat 1975a, 165-87 showed that the Libyan
alphabet found in the vices at Bu Njem is not the same as the Caramantian
one; also 1982c, 196-99.
61. See above Chapter 3: 1, notes 19-22. Note also Romanelli 1977,429-38,
who still favoured seeking the majority of Pliny's locations in the
Fezzan; Daniels 1970a, 13-16,20-21,37.
62. Daniels 1970a, 27-35; Ayoub 1962,20; 1967a, 21-22; Compare section
4: 3 below. Classical references also associate the Garamantes with
the Amten cult, Lucan, IX, 511f; Silius Italicus I, 414-17, II 56-67;
III 6-11, III, 647-714.
63. Ayoub 1967a, 1-11,27-48; 1967b, 213-19.
64. Desanges 1962,94-95; Pace, Sergi and Caputo 1951,443-542; Daniels
1970a, 27-35. Gsell and Bovill 1968,31 believed they were a negroid
people.
65. Bates 1914,67-68,71; Desanges 1962,82,101-02; Courtois 1955,
102-04,344-50; Brogan 1975,282-84; Jerary 1976.
66. A thesis originated by Gsell 1926,149-66.
67. Abd al Hakam, 35-37, Ibn Khaldun, 168,226,273; Courtois 1955,77-78,
104-05,348-49; Brogan 1975,282-84; Camps 1980,127-28 describes the
Botr berbers as "neoberbares" and were distinct from the "paleoberberes"
of the earlier migrations and who appear in the Arab sources as Beranes.
See now Mattingly 1983.
68. Procopius, BV, IV, 21,2-22; IV, 22,13-20; IV928,47; de Aed. VI, 4;
Corippus, loh, passim. See also Jerary 1976,26-129 for translations
of some of the relevant sources.
69. Pringle 1981,13-16,29-40 provides the best recent analysis of the
Byzantine campaigns. See also Jerary 1976,130-178.
70. The election of Carcasan as Ierna's successor is described in the
following way (VI, 142-44) "cuncti clamore sequuntur Carcasan fremenunt,
Carcasan omnibus unum gentibus esse ducem linguis animisque fatentur. "
71 Synesius described the ravages caused by these raiders in some detail,
Letters, 104,108,125,130 and in his Catastasis I, col. 1568-69; 1572.
See also the excellent discussion by Tomlin 1979,259-70 and the paper
by Goodchild 1976b, 239-54.
72. The confederation included both semi-nomadic and sedentary people, a
fact which coupled with the geographic spread of the Laguatan perplexed
Courtois 1955,102-104,344-50, who saw them as a fully nomadic tribe
and could not account for the apparent contradiction.
73. Other references to the Ifuraces support this impression, Corippus, II,
113; III, 412; VIII, 490,648.
74. Mazax: roh, I, 549; V, 80; 376; VI, 44; 167; 450. Urceliana: II, 75;
VI, 390.

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3: 3
75. There were at least four separate tribes with the ethnic Nazices.,
Desanges 1962,34,63,112-113,271 (the M. S. K. R. H. were presumably
of similar nature. ) References to Mazices in eastern Libya include
Nestorius, Hist eccl, I, 7 (in the Great Khargeh oasis of the
western Egyptian desert); Liber. Gen. p. 167 (near the Garamantes);
Philostorgius, Hist ecc1, XI, 8. (near the Austuriani).
76. Corippus mentions the Nasamon many times in the Iohannid. - sometimes
as a synonym for Laguatan, VI, 198; 552; 589; 593; 692; VII, 465; 510;
VIII, 95 etc.
77. Corippus, II, 117-18, refers to warriors from Digdida the Digdida municipium
Selorum of the Peutinger Table, Seg VIII.
78. Corippus, II 74-75 (Astrikes) and II, 62 (Macares) may possibly be
equatable with the Astakoures (Ptolemy, IV, 3,6; 6,6) and the Macae.
79. Corippus, VI, 188-201.
80. As above. The full passage is worth quoting. Diggle and Goodyear
1970,120:
"mentis inops nimium responsis fisus iniquis
horrida bella parat. discurrens fama per omnes
190 it populos, regnum cecinit quod gentibus Ammon.
excurrunt celeres calidis a Syrtibus alae
invitantque feras regni sub imagine gentes.
barbara turba coit: numeris augetur et armis.
tunc equites peditesque ruunt altisque camelis.
195 Maurorum qui more sedent. nec Bolus Ilaguas
auf gentes tantum, egerunt quae bella priores
convenire sibi, sed si quis Syrtica rura
asper arat Nasamon, si quis Garamantidos arvis
proximus arva colit, pinguis qui margine Nili,
200 stagna bibunt, venere viri. quis dicere gentes
auf numerare queat "
81. Brogan 1975,282-84; Camps 1980,124-28, Jerary 1976,91-129.
82. Oates 1953,113; 1954,110-11; Brogan 1975,282-84. Bulugma 1960,
111-19, examines the ethnic origin of modern tribes in the coastal
zone; Despois 1935, deals at length with the modem Nefusa tribes.
83. Full references in Courtois 1955,94, notes 1-5; but see now Denys le
Petit, Codex canonum ecclesiae africanae XLIX; LII.
84. Gesta Col Carth. 1208, in P. L. vol. XI, col 1348; Courtois 1955,34.
85. quamvis Anzuges per Iongum Africae limitem generalitor vocentur.
86. Goodchild 1950a, 30-31.
87. Courtois 1955,93-95.
88. Bates 1914,68, note 7.
89. = CIL 8.22787. Desanges 1962,77-80; Brogan 1975,280-81.
90. Goodchild 1976,59-71; Courtois 1955,93-95 and from personal
observation in the UL VP; Buck, Burns and Mattingly 1983.

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CHAPTER 4:
THE TRIBAL BACKGROUND II
4: 1 NOMADS AND FARMERS
1. Compare Herodotus, IV, 183 and Pliny, VIII, 178, on the backwards
grazing cattle of the Garamantes. Mela I, 23; I, 47 and Pliny, V, 26,
V, 44-45 show up a corruption to Herodotus' text where he described
the timorous neighbours of the Garamantes, the Gamphasantes (incorrectly
as Garamantes in the surviving manuscript).
2. Fentress 1979,18-19; Lassare 1977,349-51; Trousset 1982b, 97-110,
discuss the problems.
3. For descriptions of recent semi-nomadic practices see, unesco 1963
(especially, Bataillon 1963,113-21; Cauneille 1963,101-112 and
Sarel-Sternberg 1963,123-33); Johnson 1969, passim. For North Africa
in general see Despois 1958,217-75; Clarke 1955,157-67; 1959,95-108;
Lawless 1972,125-37; 1976,451-64.
4. Johnson 1969,15-19, argues that the classification problem is largely
one of semantics and believes the terms semi-nomadism and transhumance
are inapplicable in a North African context. Transhumance has become
so thoroughly adopted as a convenient term outside the alpine region,
where it was coined, that one can argue, contra Johnson, that its
original application is now meaningless. In a North African context it
can be used to describe the pastoral migrations of tribes which possess
fixed bases, often villages and which show a -tendency towards sedentari-
sation. Without more detailed information on the ancient tribes,
Johnson's proposed classification system is impossible to use in the
historical
field.
5. See Chapter 1: 2 and Chapter 3: 1, note 5.
6. Lawless 1972,125-37, Lassere 1977,349-51; Garnsey 1978,232-52; Shaw
1978; Whittaker 1978a, 332-37,344-50; Fentress 1979,18-60,191-200;
Trousset 1980a, 931-43; 1981,21-25; Barker 1981,131-45.
7. Trousset 1980a, 931-35.
8. Johnson 1969,11-12; 1973,29-91; Lawless 1972,125-37.
9. Whittaker 1978a, 232-37,344-50; Trousset 1980a, 935.
10. St. Augustine, Letters 46-47, referred to the entry of barbarians into
the Roman provinces as crop-watchers. A well-known inscription from
Mactar, CIL 8.11814, details the surprisingly successful career of a
man who started off as a landless labourer, migrating northwards,
following the harvest each year.
11. Trousset 1980a, 931-34, gives detailed references to the origins of this
theory, as also Chapter 1: 2, above.
12. Diodorus Sic., III, 49,1-3.
13. Camps 1960,72-77; Fentress 1979,66-67; Berthier 1981, Plates 8-9.
14. One need only compare the accounts written on the Garamantes since the
1930's to appreciate the advances made; Pace, Sergi and Caputo 1951,
passim; Daniels 1970a, passim; 1971a, 261-85.
15. Fentress 1979,18-60,191-200, especially 19-21. For the origins of
agriculture in Berber North Africa, see Camps 1960,58-91.
16. Polybius, XXXVII, 3; Diodorus Siculus, IV, 17,4-5; XXXII, 16,4;
Strabo, XXVII, 3,15. Fentress 1979,20-21 and Camps 1960,209-13
have pointed out the fallacy of these accounts.
17. Camps 1960,200 details the grain exports of Massinissa to the Romans.
For example, in 200 B. C. he exported 200,000 bushels of both wheat and
barley -a total of 36,016 hectolitres.
18. Sallust, BJ, XC, 1. The practice is also attested by Caesar, BAf, XX.
19. See, for instance, the maps published by Demougeot 1960; Trousset 1974;
Lassere 1977; Whittaker 1978a.
20. Garnsey 1978,232; Lawless 1972,128-34. Scylax (109) referred to an
annual migration made by the Macae from the coast inland, which sounds
like transhumance rather than semi-nomadism.

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4: 1
21. Johnson 1969,1-3.
22. Trousset 1980a, 937; 1980c, 195-203. One might compare the similarly
rapid progress made by Thubursicu Numidiarum, Camps 1980,173-74.
23. Procopius, IV, 21,1-15.
24. Oates 1953,113; 1954,110-11; Abd el Hakam, 35-37; E1 Bekri, 25-26,31.
25. Procopius, IV, 21,6.
26. Herodotus, IV, 183.
27. Mela, I, 23; I, 45; Pliny, V, 26; V, 35-38; VI, 209; VIII, 142;
178; XIII, 111. The picture they present of interior nomadic tribes
had hardly advanced from the simplistic view of Athenaeus, Deipnosoph-
istae, XI, 462.
28. Tent-dwelling Garamantes in Lucian, De Dipsadibus II; the gentem
indomitam was recorded by Tacitus, Hist., IV, 49. See also Tacitus,
Ann, III, 74; Pliny V, 35-38.
29. Daniels 1973,35. Daniels 1971a, 283, revealed that traces of carbonised
wheat, date stones and olive pips had been recovered in his excavations.
30. Briggs 1960,10-11; Klitsch and Baird 1969,73-80; Fentress 1979,169-
71, all discuss the technique of foggara construction and irrigation.
31. Daniels 1971a, 269-70; 1973,36-37.
32. Daniels 1968,122-42; 1971a, 262-63.
33. Whittaker 1978a, 232. See also Lawless 1973,229-37; 1976,451-64.
Muhl 1954; Louis 1975, are examples of the potential value of anthro-
pological
work.
34. Compare Clarke 1960 52-53; IRT p. 203 with Clarke 1960,57-58;
Louis 1975,20; Brogan 1965a, 47, Vita Finzi and Brogan 1965,65-71.
The London-Libyan Universities project, Penrose et al 1970,45-110
is a comprehensive survey of recent land use patterns in Libya.
35. Clarke 1960,52-59.
36. Louis 1975,38-42; also personal observation in the Mareth-Medenine -
Foum Tatahouine
region.
37. Despois 1935,120; Louis 1975,20.
38. For instance, the territory of the Nefusa tribe extends half-way to Sin-
aouen to the south (50-60 km) and 10-20 km into the Gefara to the north.
39. Louis 1975,145-51; Despois 1935,97-136.
40. There are, therefore, three distinct economic modes practised side by
side across the three ecological zones of Gefara, Gebel and Dahar.
Their interrelationship is essentially symbiotic. Despois 1935,9-45,
97-120; Louis 1975,17-22,145-89. See also Shaiboub 1979,23-76.
41. Despois 1935,109 (fruit trees), 123 (cereals). The total trees in the
1930's were as follows, olives, 201,105; figs, 341,688; palms, 66,583;
almonds and vines, 5,795; pomegranates and others, 2,804.
42. Despois 1935,163-65; Louis 1975,91-94. The treaty relationships or
sahab ("companions")
are often hereditary and vary considerably in
their terms. Sometimes the sedentary farmers are reduced to vassal
status.
43. Despois 1935,97-120; Prost 1954a, 28-66 and Louis 1975,158-64,176-89,
describe the use of barrages to create cultivation terraces (Jeser)
in
the wadis.
44. Brehony 1960,62-64.
45. Barth 1857,77-79, was astonished to see only three olive trees in the
region in contrast to the hundreds near Garian. Also, Brehony 1960,
64-67.
46. Barth 1857,71-82; Cowper 1897,131-93,224-95; also personal
observation 1979-81.
47. Brehony 1960,63.
48. Brehony 1960,64.
49. Sarel-Sternberg 1963,123-27.

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4: 1 /4: 2
50.
Sarel-Sternberg 1963,126. The payment of sharecroppers is based on a
51.
52.
53.
54.
proportion of the harvest which varies between 1/3 and
on the type of crop involved (p. 130).
Sarel-Sternberg 1963,123.
Sarel-Sternberg 1963,128.
Trousset 1978a, 157.
Cauneille 1963,102.
1/10 depending
55.
Louis 1975,52, records the organisation of a small caravan to Ghadames
by the inhabitants of Chenini in the Cebel as late as 1889.
56.
57.
Euzennat and Trousset 1975,57 and Fig. 15 p. 62.
The Beni Ulid olive groves were much remarked on by early explorers.
Lvon 1821.35-37.61; Barth 1857,450; Nachtigal 1879/1974,42-42;
Denham and Clapperton 1826, XV.
58.
Barker and Jones 1982,8; Barker 1982,2-8.
59.
Cauneille 1963,101-12.
60.
Klitsch and Baird 1969,73-80.
61
Cauneille 1963,108-110.
62.
Cerrata 1933,189-237.
63.
Cauneille 1963,101,105.
64.
Brogan 1964,49-50,53-56; 1971,121-30; Di Vita
. 1964a,
67-71; Levi
Della Vida 1951,65-68; 1964a, 57-63.
65.
66.
67.
68.
IRT906, for example from the wadi Unmi el-Agerem records
Nasif, Masauchan, Iylul. Levi Della Vida 1927,91-116,
1965,59-62; Reynolds 1955,141-42.
Bulliet 1981,106-109.
Haudricourt and Delamarre 1955.
Bulliet 1975,194-208; 1981,109.
the names Thanuba,
1963,65-94;
69.
See further the analyses of Barker 1981,131-45; 1983,1-49; Johnson
1973,29-66, on traditional pastoral economies in Cyrenaica.
4: 2 TRIBAL CENTRES
1. Bertier 1981, passim, but particularly 112-17,144-53.
2. For the normal view of an extensive Numidia see Camps 1960, Fig. 18,
facing p. 190. Compare Bertier 1981,159-77 and Plate 1 on the topography
of Cirta itself and, more particularly, his analysis of the campaigns,
p. 33-93, which illustrates the impossibly vast distances that the armies
would have had to cover if Constantine was the Cirta referred to in
every
case.
3. Camps 1960,254-60.
4. RIL, no. s 1 and 2 (Cf also 3-7); Camps 1960,176-79,255-57,265-71.
5. Sallust, BJ, LVI-LVII, for the position of Zama Regia.
6. Sallust, BJ, XXXVII.
7. Sallust, BJ, XCII, 5- XCV; Florus, I, 36,14, saxeo inditam monti
Molucham urbem per Ligurem adita arduo inaccessione penetravit.
8. Berthier 1981,73-79 and Plates 8 and 9, has tried to relate Sallust's
detailed account to the topography of the Kalaat Senane hillfort. There
is one major problem, however, in that Kalaat Senane is some twentyfive
kilometres distant from the wadi Nellegue which Bertier identified with
the Mulucha
river.
9. Procopius, Wars, IV, 4,26-27; IV, 6, -4714; IV, 13,33-34; IV, 19,21-
IV, 20,29. These sites were referred to as pyrgoi.
10. Sallust, BJ, LXXXIX, 4 - XCI, 7; also Bertier 1981,71-73.
11. For the spring at Capsa, BJ, LXXXIX, 6-7, Capsenses una modo atque ea
intra oppidum iugi aqua cetera pluvia utebantur. On its natural
defences, BJ LXXXIX, 4-5; XCI, 3-7.
12. Camps 1960,276; Trousset 1978,165; CIL 8.22796.

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4: 2
13. Sallust, BJ, XCII, 1-4, alia oppida.
14. Suetonius, Vespasian, 4.
15. For an integrated account of the Iron Age background, the hillforts and
the history of the Roman invasion of Britain, see Cunliffe 1973,16-18,
22; 1978,83-136.
16. In North Africa Cirta (Constantine) is a spectacular exception to this
general rule. Bertier 1981, plate 1; Horn and Auger 1979, Plate 12,
illustrate the tremendous natural defences provided by the Constantine
gorge. The origin of the site was almost certainly as an dperon barre
hillfort site.
17. The topic is much neglected, but see Csell, HAAN V, 232-45,250-57;
Fentress 1979,30-39, has drawn up a disappointingly short list of
native sites, based mainly on Gsell 1913; Marion 1957,117-73; 1959,
27-41, provided a useful study of a region peripheral to the Mauretanias;
Lawless 1970,, Vol. I, 55-87 and II, 1-20 is a useful summary of this
and other work on Mauretania Caesariensis; the work of Daniels in the
Fezzan is of most relevance to the current study, see note 37, below.
18. Marion 1957,126-28 and Plates I, II, IV, VI and VII, provides a
graphic illustration of the type; also Lawless 1970,71-75.
19. Gsell, HAAN V, 234; Marion 1959,27-41.
20. Fentress 1979,31 (her site 6, Gouiret).
21. Beechey and Beechey 1828,504-12, "I could not but be sorely disappointed
on seeing some ill-constructed houses.
.. and a few tombs ...
mixed style and of very indifferent taste. "
22. Gsell, HAAN V, 233-35.
23. Marion 1957,117-63; Lawless 1970,57-62; Fentress, 1979,33-36;
in
a
Daniels 1968,113-94. Personal observation.
24. Marion 1957,126-27,171-73. Jorf Ouazzern (site 129) is 600 x 340 m
in size (Plates VI, 2, VII). Jebel Mahsseur (site 148) is a vast eperon
800 x 400 m (Plate VI, 1). Other eperon barrc sites recorded in the
Oudja/Ras Asfour region were p. 165-73, sites 15,28 (100 x 80 m),
57 (Plate II), 111( ), 112,113 (Plate XI, 2), 114 (Plate IV), 125,
127,130 (2 phases, 150 x 75 in. and 185 x 90 m), 146 (275 x 100 m),
147 (240 x 170 m).
25. Lawless 1970,57-62; Fentress 1979,35-36 suggests four alternative
models.
26. Contra the explanations offered by Marion, Lawless and Fentress, which
all presume that several distinct tribes were involved.
27. Marion 1957,126-27.
28. Lawless 1970,59.
29. Gellner 1969,56.
30. Lawless 1970, I. 71-75, II9 1-20.
31. Gsell 1913, contains references to numerous examples as does Gsell
HAAN V, 232-50.
32. Fentress 1979,30-39, lists only ten sites and gives no new information
on them.
33. Baradez 1949a, 251,253; Fentress, 1979,39.
34. Berthier 1981,73-79, Figs. 8 and 9. See note 8, above.
35. A Trajanic boundary stone delimiting the north-eastern extent of
Musulamian territory was found 5 km east of Kalaat Senane, AS, 1923,26.
36. Berthier 1981,74, gives the area of the plateau as 90-100 ha. The
densely built up area covers about one third of this.
37. Daniels 1968,113-194; 1969,31-52; 1970a; 1970b; 27-66; 1971a, 261-85;
1971b, 6-7; 1973,35-40; 1975,249-65; 1977,5-7. See also Pace, Sergi
and Caputo 1951,201-431; Ayoub 1962; 1967a and b.
38. Daniels 1968,113-94 - 1970b, 37-66 (an abridged version of the report
on Zinchecra). For the work in Old Germa, Ayoub 1962,12-20; 1967a,
12-26; Daniels 1971a, 264-65.
39. Approximate values calculated from fig. 14.

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4: 2
40. Daniels 1970b, 66; 1971a, 262-65.
41. Daniels 1971a, 267-78; 1973,35-40.
42. Daniels 1971a, 269-70; 1973,36-37.
43. Pliny, NH, V, 35-38.
44. El Bekri (1913 trans), 32-35.
45. See also Jones and Barker 1980,29-34; Burns and Mattingly 1981,27-29;
Allan 1980,26.
46. These population figures only take account of those people for whom
permanent buildings were provided. Larger numbers could have used the
sites as refuges in times of danger.
47. Although polygamy was allegedly widespread among the Libyans (Mela, I,
8,45; Herodotus, IV, 172; Strabo, XVII, 3,19), the monogamous family
unit of four is a convenient base for calculation.
48. Cunliffe 1978,279-80; Hogg 1962,22-23 proposed a population of
c. 400 people for Garn Boduan.
49. Alcock 1965,194, suggested a population nearer 700 for Garn Boduan.
50. Personal communication, David Coombes; the figure is based on a
spatial allowance of 10 m sq a 100 m2 per person.
51. S. Stanford, personal communication, 1982.
52. Jones and Barker 1980,23,29-34; Barker and Jones 1982,3-6.
53. The natural water resources of the Magrusa/Mdhaweb area would have been
inadequate to accommodate a population of, for instance, 800 people
with flocks on a year round basis. Using figures produced by Barker
and Jones 1982,20; the following hypothetical water requirement
figures can be proposed.
800 people for one year require 2,000,000+ litres
....
2,000 sheep for one year require ....
1,000,000+ litres
TOTAL, over 3,000,000 litres
Unless there were springs (now defunct) in antiquity, this total would
have had-to be collected as surface run-off, a seemingly impossible
total. Winter occupation only, however, would require a fraction of
these
totals.
54. Plans kindly shown to me at Bu Njem by M. Redde in 1980. See now,
Rebuffat 1982c, 198, for a reference to the hilltop village at Bir
Zayden.
55. Despois 1935,171-277; Louis 1975,37-125, particularly 46-53 for
finds of Roman material from the hilltop village of Chenini.
Trousset (pers. comm. ) believes that there are many hillforts of early
date in the Gebel Demmer.
56. Trousset 1974, site 89 (p. 87) El Kseir and site 119 (p. 105-6) Djebel
Rjinjila are probably hillforts. There are other hillforts, mostly
of late date, in the Gafsa and Metlaoui district further north
(Trousset, pers, comet.
57. Diodorus Siculus, III, 49,1-3.
58. See note 70, below.
59. See 4: 1, note 26, above.
60. Pliny, NH, V. 35-37. Vivien de St Martin 1863; Duveyrier 1864,445-88,
established the fashion for seeking linguistic parallels in the modern
Fezzan, Tissot 1888,711-20; Lhote 1954,41-81; Desanges 1957,5-43,
looked further afield but some scholars still prefer to limit the
scope of the campaign to the Fezzan, Romanelli 1977,429-38; Berthier
1981,94.
61. Ptolemy, IV, 6; Pliny, V, 35-37.
62. Daniels 1975,251; Klitzsch and Baird 1969,73-80.
63. Poncet 1963,278-91, especially 280-82, discussed the foggaras from
28 springs at Kebili. North-west of the oasis there are over 17 km
of foggaras and 600,000 m3 of earth was moved by hand in antiquity.
64. Daniels 1973,36. The decision followed the Italian expedition to
the Fezzan in 1933-34, whose results were published as Pace, Sergi and
Caputo 1951.

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4: 2
65. For Saniat Gebril, see Daniels 1971a, 264-65; 1971b, 6-7, a single
large building of mud-brick occupied an area approaching 800 sq. m
and the three phases of occupation dated from the first to third
centuries A. D. For Old Germa/Garama see, Ayoub 1962,12-20; 1967a,
12-26; Daniels 1971a, 264-65; 1973,36-37.
66. Daniels 1971a, 264-65.
67. See above, Chapter 4: 1, also Daniels 1970a, 36-44. The number of graves
in
the Wadi el -Agial
is now thought to be several times in excess of
60,000; Daniels 1975,249-51.
68. Trousset 1974,41-50, site no. 1, oasis of Bechri; 3, village of Negga;
4, oasis of Rabta; 5, oasis of Mannsoura; 6, oasis of Telmine, 7, oasis
of Kebili; 8, environs of Kebili; 9, Kedouat Johala; 10, oasis of
Bechili; 11, oasis of Djemna; 12, village of Galaa; 13, oasis of Douz;
14, oasis of Nouil; 15, spring of Ghedema; 16, oasis of Sabria; 17, wells
at Bir
el Hachana.
69. Personal observation, Easter 1982.
70. ILAf 655 and AE, 1910, no. 21 - CIL 8.83. Also recorded as Turris
Tamalleni in the Antonine Itinerary (74).
71. Trousset 1976,21-33; 1980b, 135-54. '
72. Rebuff at 1969,194-95; 1972,322-23; 1975,498-99; also concerning the
Roman period tombs at Ghadames, see Mercier 1953,17-47; Coro 1956,
3-26. See below 4: 3, note 8. A wealth of ethnographic material has
been recorded on the extraordinary caravan town of Ghadames, see inter
alia, Duveyrier 1864,249-54; Richardson 1848,92-384.
73. Rebuffat 1972,323-24 records second century pottery and native
fortifications at the Sinaouen, Tfelfel, Materes and Chawan oases to
the east and north-east of Ghadames.
74. Rebuffat 1970c, 181-87; 1970d, 1-20. The evidence is mainly historical
for Augila, the series of linked oases being described as a tribal
centre in several sources, Herodotus, IV, 190; Mela, I, 8,46; Procopius,
de aed, VI, 2,14-20. See also Bates 1914 8-10.
75. Rebuffat 1970c, 181-87; 1972,324-26; 1975,498.
76. Rebuffat 1972,324-26.
77. For Bu Njem (Gholaia) see, Rebuffat 1973b, 121-34; 1973c, 135-45. The
work of the ULVP at Gheriat el-Garbia revealed the existence of a small
promontory fort above the spring, on the west side of the wadi. The
construction of the rampart, using two rough faces of limestone slabs
set of edge is reminiscent of the native construction at Magrusa,
Jones et al 1983.
78. Euzennat and Trousset 1975,66, have suggested that Tillibari and Talalati
may correspond with Cillibaris and Alele, named by Pliny, V, 35.
Louis 1975,42-45, mentions surviving traces from the oases settlement
(which certainly outlived the Roman fort, Corippus II, 79-80).
79. Ward Perkins and Goodchild 1949,1976,29 (Mizda); The pivotal
position of the double oasis at Mizda between the zone of pre-desert
agriculture and Phazania is suggestive of an early importance for the
site. There are extensive traces of ancient ruins around the oases
(Barth 1857,99-104) and the original focus of settlement probably
lay beneath the western oasis. The important wells of Schegegeh mark
the southern end of the transhumance corridor controlled by the Hadd
Hajar clausura. The ancient wells and other traces of ancient settlement
have apparently been obliterated by recent development, (personal
observation).
80. Brogan 1965b, 57-64; Rebuffat 1975c, 499-500.
81. As has been the practice since antiquity in Nefzaoua, Fezzan and the
North Sahara. Briggs 1960,3-12.

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4: 3 CULTURE AND RELIGION
1. Bates 1914,118-141, Dress and ornamentation; 142-171, Material culture
and art; 172-209, Religion. See now, Camps 1980,145-92, on the varied
acculturation of the Berber peoples, 193-271 on religion.
2. Garnsey 1978,252-54.
3. Benabou 1976, passim; compare the review by Whittaker 1978b, 190-92.
4. Garnsey 1978,254. Janon 1977,474-77, made the same basic point when
he referred to the"permeabitE selective" of Roman culture.
5. Beechey and Beechey 1828,504-12.
6. As an example of the wealth of some graves, Daniels 1973,39, records
the contents of tomb 17 as follows: a saddle quern and rubber, an
incense cup. 11 amphorae, 5 glass bowls, 9 small faience bowls
(Egyptian) ; 31 fine red ware bowls and dishes (including Arretine ware).
This quantity of grave goods is paralleled in other burials, Ayoub 1967b,
213-19.
7. Moorhead 1960,58, records that Speke's gifts for Mukesa, king of
Buganda, included several rifles and guns, a gold watch, a telescope,
an iron chair, beads, silk cloths and knives, spoons and forks!
8. Rebuffat 1969,194-95; 1972,322-23. The finds of second century
pottery cover an area of 1.5 km2 (the modern oasis is 2 km2).
9. Bates 1914,189-200; Camps 1980,215-20, on the predominant place of
Ammon in the pantheon of the Eastern Libyans; see also Leglay 1966,
a fundamental work on the religion of the indigenous population of
Africa.
10. Herodotus, I, 46; II, 18; 32; III, 25 (Zeus Ammon); IRT. 920
(lovi Hammon); Rebuffat 1967,62-3; 1973b, 135-36.
11. Rebuffat 1970c, 182; Bates 1914,200. The inscription (IRT 920)
from Bu Njem celebrates the return of the vexillation.
12. The associations of the Ammon cult and oases are illustrated by Lucan,
IX, 522-27. Esse locis superos testatur silva per omnem/sola virens
Libyen. Nam quidquid pulvere sicco/separat ardentem tepida Berenicida
Lepti/Ignorat frondes; solus nemus abstulit Hammon/Silvarum fons causa
loco, qui putria terrae/A1ligat et domitas unda conectit harenas.
13. Bates 1914,191-95, identified Egyptian representations of Amon as a
seated and enbalmed figure. The fact that the Nasamones buried their
dead in such a seated position (Herodotus, IV, 190) and were celebrated
for their practice of ancestor worship (Mela, I, 8,46) are evidence
for the significance of this aspect of the Ammon cult.
14. Bates 1914,190-95, listed the chief references to the prophetic powers
of Ammon. The importance of the Siwa oracle declined in the Roman
period and frequent references suggest that a second, more westerly,
oracular centre developed, almost certainly at Augila. (Silius Italicus,
III, 6-11; III, 647-714; Lucan IX, 522-27; Procopius, de Aed. VI, 2,15-20).
15. Bates, 1914,190-95; Rebuffat 1970c, 181-87; Augila, see 4: 2 note 74;
Bu Njem (Gholaia), Rebuffat 1967,62-3; 1970b, 135-36 and Fig 5, p. 162;
Ras el-Haddagia (Breviglieri) Goodchild 1951b/1976.79-84, Levi Della
Vida 1951,65-68; Arae Philaenorum Goodchild 1952d, 159,167;
Ad Ammonem (16 Roman miles west of Sabratha), Tab Peut, Seg VII;
also Ptolemy, IV, 3,42 for a site somewhere in the Tripolitanian
hinterland; in Benghazi there is a hill still called Tel Amun.
16. Corippus, III, 77-155, on the visit of the father of Antalas to the
oracle of Ammon to learn his son's destiny; VI, 145-187, on the oracle
sought by Carcasan and then used to excite opposition to Byzantium;
VI, 556; VII, 515-520; VIII, 252, all reiterate the importance of the
oracle to the cohesion of the Laguatan confederation. Other significant
religious references are, II, 109-112; III, 158-70; VI, 116-18.
17. Frend 1971.
18. Gellner 1969,31-34.
19. Gellner 1969,8-9.

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4: 3j4; 4
20. Camps 1960,279-95; 1980,220-24.
21. Camps 1960,283-84; RIL, no. 2 (temple of Massinissa et Dougga);
J. G. Fevrier 1951,139-50 (dedication of shrine to Micipsa at Cherchel).
22. Corippus, loh, III, 77-155.
23. loh, III, 158-70.
24. loh, II, 109-12.
25. loh, V, 22-31.
26. loh, V, 495-502.
27. Ioh, VI, 145-187; 556; VII, 515-20; VIII, 252.
28. Gellner 1969,26-28; Camps 1980,309-10.
29. Gellner 1969,26.
30. Gellner 1969,4; Duclos 1973,217-229.
4: 4 WARFARE
1. Herodotus, IV, 183; Law 1967,181-83; Graziosi 1969,3-20.
2. Law 1967,181.
3. Silius Italicus I, 215-19, described Numidian cavalry who did not use
a bridle, but guided their horses with a switch and were famed for
their guile. The same was evidently still true in the fourth century
A. D.. Ammianus Marcellinus, XXIX, 5, described the Moorish cavalry as
hostis discursator et repentinus, insidisque potius clandestinus
quarr praeliorum stabilitate confidens.
4. Livy, XLV, 13,13-14, on Numidian cavalry serving with Rome in Macedonia;
XXIX, 34,4-7, on Carthaginian recruitment of Numidian cavalry as the
best in Africa; XXXV, 11,4-13 is a detailed account of a notable
victory for 800 Numidian horsemen in Spain in 193 B. C. Lucan, IV,
715-87, described Curio's defeat by Juba in an ambush that underline the
value of his light armed cavalry and skirmishers.
5. Livy, XXIV, 48,3-8.
6. Lucan, IV, 677-83,
"Autotoles, Numidaeque vagi semperque paratus
Inculto Gaetulus equo, tum concolor Indo
Maurus, inops Nasamon, mixti Garamantae perusto
Marmaridae volucres, aequaturusque sagittas
Medorum, tremulum cum torsit missile Mazax
Et gens quae nudo residens Massylia dorso
Ora levi flectit frenorum nescia virga. "
7. Silius Italicus, II, 56-57. The passage is an interesting one, as the
tribal contingents were led by Asbyte, daughter of Hiarbas, the
Garamantian, who was reputed to be the son of Ammon and whose power
extended over the other tribes. Some of Asbyte's followers are
depicted riding in two-horse chariots, others were on horseback (11,82-83).
8. Silius Italicus, V, 185; IX, 220-223; note also XV. 672f, concerning
Nabis, an Armonian chieftain fighting on horseback.
9. Strabo, XVII, 3,19. Compare horse-breeding in more recent times,
Daumas, 1850/1968, passim.
10. Silius Italicus, III, 287-93.
11. Caesar, BAf, XIV, described an engagement with Juba. The interaction
between cavalry and infantry was designed to break-up the Roman battle
order and at the same time prevent the Romans fully engaging battle.
12. Herodotus, VII, 71; Strabo, XVII, 3,7; Caesar, BAf, XIV; Silius
Italicus, IV, 445 (tells Garamantica pubes); III, 275-77 (on the Macae
who used a barbed spear, the cateia); Diodorus Siculus, III, 49,5.
13. Bates 1914,144.
14. Diodorus Siculus, III, 49,5.
15. Bates 1914,146.
16. Daumas 1850/1971,25-43.

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4: 4 /4: 5
17. Daumas 1850/1971,10-62,80-97.
18. Bates 1914,142-51; Pringle 1981.
19. Diodorus Siculus, III, 49,4-5.
20. Daniels 1971a, 265, smithing hearth at Saniat Gebril.
21. Bates 1914,148; Goodchild 1952c, 152, shows a relief from Ghirza
of two Libyans in mortal combat armed with long thrusting spears. One
is naked, but the other lightly clad and carrying a circular shield
and wearing an headband, a feature referred to by Corippus, II, 130-37.
22. Diodorus Siculus, III, 49,45.
23. Tacitus, Ann, II, 52, dein more militiae per vexilla et turmas componere.
24. Tacitus, Ann, III, 20-21; 32,72-74; IV, 23-25; compare the success
of Juba I, Caesar, BAf, XIV; B. Civ, II, 38-42; Lucan, IV, 715-87.
25. Sallust, BJ, LV; XCVII, 3-Cl, 11.
26. Pliny, NH, V, 38.
27. Daniels 1970a, 13-17, calculated that Balbus' campaign to the Fezzan
involved a march of c. 1,900 miles (3,000 km) which at c. 20 miles
per day would have lasted 3 months. Compare the campaigns of Paulinus
and Geta in the Moroccan deserts and high Atlas, Dio, LX, 9,1-6;
De la Chapelle 1934,107-24.
28. Pliny, NH, V, 35-37.
4: 5 WARFARE IN THE LATER ROMAN PERIOD
1. Gautier 1937,208-09; 19504 129-41; Gsell 1926,149-66, Leschi 1942,
47-62.
2. Guey 1939,178-248; Trousset 1974,141.
3. Trousset has modified his views on nomadism considerably, see now,
1980a, 931-43; 1981; also Fentress 1979,98-102,112. For the
continuing influence of such theories, see Rachet 1970, Benabou 1976,
MacKendrick 1980 passim; Pringle 1981,16.
4. The most detailed ancient accounts of raiding relate to the Tripolitanian
and Syrtic tribes (Ammianus Marcellinus, Synesius and Corippus), but
the conclusions drawn on this material have been widely applied to
other areas of North Africa.
5. Demougeot 1960,209-47.
6. Demougeot 1960,209-14,216-17.
7. Demougeot 1960,215,218-34. The Cyrenaican coinage of L. Lollius
(39 B. C. ) portrayed the camel, Robinson 1927, Pl. XLII. 1-5. In 46 B. C.
Caesar captured 22 camels from Juba's army, BAP, lxviii, 4. The rest
of the evidence is archaeological; a series of terracotta camels from
Sousse, Catalog. du Musee Alaoui, Tunis, I, 1897,139 and 144, and a
large number of pictorial reliefs from Tripolitania, mostly showing
camels ploughing, Brogan 1954,126-31; 1965a, 47-56; Romanelli 1930,
53-75; Goodchild 1952c, 152; Bulliet 1981,108-11.
8. Demougeot 1960,234; Brogan 1954,128-29 argued against the works
cited in note 1 above.
9. Demougeot 1960,221-227,241-244; Brogan 1954,127-128. An Hadrianic
inscription from Egypt mentions a battle between Romans and camel-
breeding tribes and the presence of dromedary units in the Roman army
suggests that the camel was longer established in Egypt than the west.
The logical route westwards was along the caravan routes, described
by Bates 1914,13-14.
10. Demougeot 1960,244.
11. Demougeot 1960,245-46; Brogan 1954,126; Pringle 1981,15-16.
Camps 1980,124-28, has recently acknowledged the early introduction of
the camel into Tripolitania, but he does not question the fact that the
later raids were conducted by "nomades chameliers".

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4: 5
12. See above note 7. Marichal 1979,448, presented evidence for Libyan
camel drivers supplying the garrison at Bu Njem. For some relief
carvings showing camel "caravans" at Ghirza, see Brogan 1954,129 and
Pl. XVIIa.
13. Bates 1914,16-17; Evenari et al 1970,308-11; Bovill 1968,15-16;
Briggs 1960,17-23.
14. As note 13.
15. Demougeot 1960,247, observed that the Arab invasions of the seventh
century were accomplished largely by cavalry forces. Ocba conquered
the Fezzan in A. D. 666-67 with 400 cavalry, supported by 400 camels
used as baggage animals, El Bekri, 1913 trans., 32-35.
16. Vegetius, III, 23, camelos aliquante nationes apud veteres in acie
produxerunt ut Ursiliani intra Afri cam vet ceteri Mazices hodieque
producunt.
17. Corippus, loh, VI, 194-95, tunc equites peditesque ruunt altisque
camelis/Maurorum qui more sedent.
18. Corippus II, 91-96; 474; IV, 597-618; V, 351; 377; 421-33; VIII, 40;
Procopius, Wars, III, 8.25-28; IV, 11.17-56. Pringle 1981,248 n. 101,
notes that Ibn Khaldun, Mugaddima II, 78 (trans. Rosenthal) referred
to a similar tactic among the Berbers called al-Majbudah, whereby they
dispersed their camels and other pack animals in lines to steady the
fighting men and to provide a base line to fall back on. Vegetius, III,
23 (see note 16 above) was surely referring to the same tactic of
drawing camels into lines as a form of rudimentary defensive line.
19. In c. A. D. 523, Cabaon defeated a Vandal army, using this tactic against
the feared Vandal cavalry. However, the Byzantine generals Solomon and
John Troglodita, countered the ploy by dismounting and launching a
concerted infantry attack (A. D. 534 and 546).
20. Pringle 1981,15-16; Courtois 1955,100, n 7; Gautier 1952,182-85;
Camps 1980,124-27.
21. Courtois 1955,100, n7. On the basis that the camp had an internal
area of c. 3 ha, he calculated that the "rampart" would have required
c. 5,000 camels.
22. Synesius, Catastasis I, col 1569; Tomlin 1979,266. Compare also
Synesius, Letter 130, where he mentioned the rustling of camel herds.
23. Ammianus Marcellinus, XXVIII, 6,5. In view of the widespread use of
the camel for agricultural and transportation purposes in Tripolitania,
there is no reason to follow Courtois 1955,100, n6, who proposed to
emend the text so that Romanus' demand read only 400 camels. There
is no evidence that the Laguatan were the only people who possessed
thousands of camels, and the testimony of Synesius (note 22 above)
implies that they got some of their camels by pillaging the herds of
the cities. Courtois' argument that nineteenth century caravans rarely
exceeded 1,000 camels is not proof that larger numbers could not travel
together in the desert, as his own calculation shows (note 21, above).
24. Nowhere in the account of the Austuriani raids on Tripolitania
(Ammianus Marcellinus, XXVIII, 6,1-5; 13-14) are camels mentioned in
connection with the raiders. The demand for camels to be provided by
the Lepcitani for the comes Romanus is the only reference as we have
seen (note 23 above). Yet Courtois 1955,102 referred to "preuve
decisive de la presence d'un important chaptel camelin daps 1'arrizre
pays de Leptis Magna"; Desanges 1962,82 noted "ce sont des nomades
chameliers"; the same is true in even the most recent accounts,
Pringle 1981,15; Camps 1980,124-28.

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4: 5
25. See note 23 above. Also Synesius, Letters 104,108,130, emphasised
that great numbers of horses were rustled by the Ausuriani and that
these along with camel herds had been the greatest wealth of the
Cyrenaicans. Letter 113, quoted the Cyrenaican proverb "A camel with
the mange ... can shoulder the burden of many asses. "
26. Corippus, VI, 194-95. See note 17 above.
27. Synesius, Letters, 104,108. In other letters (104,125,130,132,133)
he stressed the importance of horses in combatting the barbarians.
28. See note 17, above.
29. Alix 1899,31-37; Pringle 1981,2,35.
30. Pringle 1981,15, describes the Laguatan as "camel-riding nomads" but
goes on to refer to them fighting "on foot or on horseback", which
would seem to be a contradiction in terms.
31. Corippus uses several terms for horses in imitation of Virgil: equus,
cornipes, sonipes, alipes, quadrupes. The following is a fairly complete
list; equus: I, 540-48; II, 46-50; 149-55; 170; 209-214; IV, 141-42;
621; 628-44; V, 9-12; 74-76; 80; 85-86; 109; 114-15; 129; 147-49;
213; 311; 314; 455; 493; VI, 194-95; 224-25; 280; 692-94; VII, 424;
VIII, 391-92; 403-4; 414-15; 444; 551; 594-95; 610; 640; cornipes:
I, 545; II, 89; IV, 544-45; V, 497; VI, 18-20; VII, 444, VIII, 624;
sonipes: IV, 628; VI, 569; VIII, 520; 553; 614; 638; alipes: V, 222;
quadrupes I, 558-59, V, 515.
32. See above, note 18.
33. Corippus II, 91-99, pecus varia; IV, 597-619; V, 489-92.
34. The three chief battles recorded by Corippus (Book V, at an unnamed
site in Byzacium in A. D. 546, Book VI, Marta in 547, Book VIII9
Latara in 548) all started as conventional cavalry and infantry
engagements. Only in the first case was the defence of the Laguatan
camp resorted to, following the initial defeat of their light armed
cavalry in open battle. The decision to retreat to the encampment
was clearly a desperate measure and failed to prevent a near catastrophic
defeat for the Laguatan.
35. See note 18 above, Ibn Khaldun.
36. Vegetius, III, 23; note 16 above fdr Latin text.
37. roh, V. 421-33 described the moment when John breached the defence of
camels by striking one down. A "Gaetula" woman and two children, who
had been sitting on top, were sent sprawling along with their baggage
which included a hand quern. VI, 82-86, described John's victory parade
in Carthage in A. D. 546. Camels were paraded with their captured riders,
Mauras (Moorish women), once again accompanied by their children and
seated upon their household baggage.
38. Procopius, Wars, IV, 11,17-56, on Solomon's victory in A. D. 533 against
a camp protected by the camel cordon. But compare, IV, 12,3-28, on
the battle of Mount Bourgaon in A. D. 534 where a substantial cavalry
force was certainly present; IV, 11,20, on a cavalry ambush. Procopius,
IV, 11,18-19 also described the Moorish camp followers on campaign.
The women and children remained at the camp with the camels and food
supplies and also tended the horses when they were there. The camels
by implication were not used in either combat or raiding away from the
camp, whilst the speed and agility of horses were the main qualities of
their
warfare.
39. The chief importance of the camel as a beast of burden in antiquity is
illustrated by the proverb quoted by Synesius, Letter 113, "A camel with
the mange ... can shoulder the burden of many asses. "

I
-401-
CHAPTER 5
FRONTIER THEORY AND PRACTICE
5: 1 Introduction
1. See above 1: 2, notes 16-19.
2. Mann 1974a, 514; 1979a, 179.
3. For instance, the models of territorial and hegemonic empire, Luttwak
1976,22-23, are misleading in that they imply that the entire empire
was ringed by client states in the Julio-Claudian period but that
later client kingdoms and tribes entirely disappeared.
4. Cf. Jones 1978,115-44, for an attempt at applying some of Luttwak's
tenets to specific frontier contexts. There has been little discussion
of the theory behind Roman frontiers in Africa, but, see now the
important papers by Trousset (1981a)and Rebuffat (1977,1982a).
5. J. F. Gilliam in his forword to Luttwak, 1976, ix.
6. Mann 1979a, 179-81.
7. Breeze and Dobson 1978,14-147. Jones 1976,256-43; 1982,283-97, deals
with the complex developmental sequence of a "western Stanegate" and the
Cumbrian coastal defences.
8. Mann 1974a, 514; 1979a, 178, saw the dominant characteristic of second
century frontier policy as "apathy". See also the recent and important
study of the role of the Princeps in frontier policy by Millar 1982,1-23.
9. Luttwak 1976,195-200 (power and force); 61-111 (strategy and tactics
of preclusive defence); 13-50 (Julio-Claudian usage of warfare and
deterrence).
10. Luttwak 1976,195-200. The success of the system was linked to the
power/force interrelationship. "Efficiency depends on the degree to
which force is maintained as an inactive component of perceived power
rather than used directly. "
11. See Wells 1972, passim, on the German policy of Augustus; also Mann
1974a, 518; Luttwak 1976,18-21,32-38.
12. Augustus, Res Gestae, 29.
13. Mann clearly believes that Rome could have conquered Germany (1974a,
511) and Iran (1979a, 177-78) and regards her failure to do so as
symptomatic of the shortcomings of Roman frontier policy.
14. Rachet 1970, passim and cf. Benabou 1976,120-21, for a similar
conclusion, though reached for different reasons.
15. Luttwak 1976,61-80, outlines different tactical environments and
deployments. Mann 1979a, 179-80, is critical of his strategical
analysis, but the examples he uses to show why, seem to relate more to
tactical than strategic factors. He is mistaken, for instance, to
state that there is no evidence for linear earthworks in Dacia (p. 180).
The limes Transalutanus and the limes Porolissensis both utilised elements
of linear earthworks, Cataniciu 1974,333-52; Ferenczi 1967,143-62;
Gudea 1979,63-87; Tudor 1972,235-46.
16. On the development of Roman frontier policy, see inter alia, Birley
1956,25-33; Millar 1967,104-26; 1982,1-23; Schonberger 1969,155-70;
Birley 1974a, 13-24; Mann 1974a, 508-32; 1979a, 179-83; Luttwak 1976;
Jones 1978,115-44; Webster 1979,47-106. Also the various conference
proceedings listed under Limes in the bibliography below.
17. On this question, see CAN X, 340-81 (Syme) and cf. Brunt 1963,170-76;
Birley 1974a, 13-15; Mann 1979a, 116-19; Wells 1972.
18. Vergil, Aen, I, 278-79.
19. Tacitus, Ann, I, 2.
20. See note 17 above and Augustus' own Res Gestae, 26: omnium provinciam
populi Romani quibus finitimae fuerunt gentes quae non parerent imperio
nostro, fines auxi. Luttwak 1976,8-12, observes that he extended the
territory of Rome further than any other Roman.
21. Luttwak 1976,13-20, provides a commendably succinct analysis of
strategy in this period.

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5: 1
22. Augustus, Res Gestae, 31, recorded embassies from India, the Bastar-
nians, Scythians, Sarmatians, Albanians, Iberians and Medes. Vergil
(ten, VI, 791-97) clearly believed that the Indians and Garamantes,
having accepted Roman hegemony, were part of her Imperium. Similarly
Suetonius, Aug, 48, referred to the reges socii as integral parts of
the empire (membra partesque imperii).
23. Luttwak 1976,55-80, makes essential reading on this question.
24. Brunt 1963,170-76.
25. Syme 1939 and Millar 1977; 1982, are fundamental studies of the position
and power of the Princeps. The award of the ornamenta triumphalis was
carefully rationed and the acclamation of imperator was not granted to
a private citizen after Junius Blaesus, the uncle of Sejanus. Dolabella
who succeeded Blaesus in Africa and ended the Tacfarinan war was
denied the ornamenta so as not to diminish Blaesus' achievement, Tacitus,
Ann, IV, 25. Under Claudius the ornamenta were awarded to two generals
for unorthodox achievements; Corbulo for digging a canal and Curtius
Rufus for prospecting for silver, Tacitus, Ann, II, 18-20. See also
note
26 below.
26. The legions were generally located in provinces governed by Imperial
legates or prefects. After Marcus Primus, governor of Macedonia, was
condemned for treason fdr making an unauthorised campaign, even the
senatorial provinces were made de facto subject to the control of the
Princeps, Dio LIV, 3,2. Only in Africa was a legion left under the
command of a governor in a senatorial province and this situation was
remedied by the reform of Gaius in A. D. 39-40, Tacitus, Ann, IV, 48;
Dio LIX, 20,7. From the second century it became increasingly
necessary for the Princeps himself to be involved in all major
warfare, Millar 1982,12-15.
27. Birley 1974a, 15-19; Millar 1982,13.
28. Tacitus, Agri c., 39-42; Luttwak 1976,124-6; Grant 1974,46-51.
29. Luttwak 1976,100-04,108-11, prefers to interpret these as "frontier
rectification" wars rather than as merely expansionist adventures
by indicidual emperors. The truth probably lay between these two
view-points. The annexation of Dacia was ultimately necessary because
of Decebalus' refusal to serve as a reliable client and the destabilisa-
tion he was causing along the entire Danube sector. The Parthian war
is less easy to justify on strategic grounds, since, having gained a
strategic success in Armenia, Trajan seems to have become carried away
with his own success.
30. Birley 1974a, 115-19, suggests that the Antonine advance north of
Hadrian's Wall was deliberately conceived as a "sop to the militares
virf" and a snub to Hadrian's memory.
31. Tacitus, Ann, II, 18-20; Millar 1982,7-11, for further examples.
32. Magie 1950,550-61; Mitford 1980,1175-179, for a detailed account
of the military and political struggles over Armenia under Nero.
33. See, for instance, Breeze 1982,42-72, for a study of frontier
developments in northern Britain and Scotland prior to the construc-
tion of the two walls.
34. Frontinus, Strategemata and the lost De re militari; Caesar, Wars
(Gallic, Civil, Alexandrian, African and Spanish - whether or not
written by Caesar himself, they reflect the military views of the
establishment); pseudo-Hyginus, de munitionibus castrorum; Vegetius,
Epitome rei militaris. The military detail given by other Latin
writers such as Tacitus, Sallust, Vitruvius and Livy or Greek
authors such as Arrian, Dio and Josephus reinforce this impression.
35. On the officer ranks, see Webster 1979,116-22; Watson 1969,77-88.

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5: 1
36. A few examples from the reign of Augustus illustrate the early impor-
tance of diplomacy. Suetonius, Aug, 48, described the Roman policy
of using client kings and of educating the sons of clients in Rome
(where they made useful hostages). Strabo IV, 5,3, described
Augustan treaty relations with Britain. The first prefect of Egypt,
G. Cornelius Gallus recorded his military and diplomatic encounters
with the Ethiopians (CIL 3,14147 - ILS 8995). In his Res Gestae,
26 - 31, Augustus outlined different aspects of his diplomatic policy
alongside his military achievements. For detailed analysis of Roman
battlefield tactics, see Webster 1979,221-48, Luttwak 1976,17-20,
117-25.
37. Mann 1979a, 178 implies that once unlimited expansion was abandoned,
the result was "complacency" and "apathy", not strategy. Millar 1982,
1-23, shows that the literary evidence concerning frontier policy
formation is inconclusive, but that the role of individual Emperors
was significant.
38. Germania, 37; tam diu Germania vincitur.
39. Birley 1974a, 15-19, discusses Hadrian's problems with the ex-marshals
of Trajan. Hadrian died "hated by all" (SHA, Had., 25,7). On Hadrian's
non-expansionist frontier policy, see Birley 1956,25-33; Syme 1965,243-
53.
40. Tacitus, Ann., XIV, 29.
41. Mitford 1980,1178-79; Tacitus, Ann, XV, 24-25; Hist., 1,6; Suetonius,
Nero, 19.
42. SHA, Marcus, 22,3-8; Birley 1974a, 22. Millar 1982,4-7 for further
examples.
43. Millar 1967,55; 1982,4-11 (p. 8-9 on the mandata). On official
secrecy and propaganda, Dio LIII, 19.
44. Recent analyses of the career of Agricola have noted that the pauses
in campaigning, notably in the fourth and fifth seasons, may have been
the result of the deaths of Vespasian and Titus and the necessity for
Agricola to await fresh instructions, Birley 1976c, 11-14; Dobson
1981,1-13.
45. Fabricius in Pauly-Wissowa, XIII, col. 571-671; Piganiol 1963,118-22.
46. Dilke 1971,93-94.
47. Velleius Paterculus II, 120: penetrat interius, aperit limites.
48. Frontinus, Strat., 1,3,10.
49. Often used in this sense in the Notitia Dignitatum see Van Berchem 1952.
50. Germania, 29; Agric, 41.
51. Tacitus and the militares viri were not opposed to defined frontiers or
even scientific, artificial frontiers per se. They were happy to see
them created in some areas, provided that expansionism was not entirely
rejected. Trajan's wars in the East and beyond the Danube must be
compared with his policies in Britain and Africa, where his legates
were prominent in the development of defined frontiers.
52. Luttwak 1976,74-80. The primacy of mountain and desert over rivers
was recognised by Napoleon: "De tous les obstacles qui peuvent couvrir
les fronti4res des empires, un desert pareil ä celui-ci (Sinai) en
incontestablement le plus grand. Les chaines de montagnes, comme les
Alpes, tiennent le second rang, les fleuves le troisiame. "
(Correspondence de Napoleon I, 30,1870,10).
53. Appian, Proem., 7 and Aelius Aristides, Roman Oration, summarised the
Roman feeling about empire in the mid-second century. Aristides
emphasised the civilisation of the empire (92-93) and the fact that
everything worthwhile in the world had been encompassed by the frontiers
of the empire (28). By the time that the Historia Augusta (SHA) were
composed, probably late in the fourth century, these attitudes had
been hardened by the effects of the barbarian invasions. Now, the
frontiers were seen to have been erected to separate Romans from
barbarians, SHA, Had., 11,2; 12,6. When Procopius wrote his

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5: 1
histories in the mid-sixth century, Britain had long ceased to be part
of the Roman world, but a memory of Hadrian's Wall survived in a
grotesque myth (Wars, VIII (- Bell. Goth. IV), 20,47-50). Beyond the Wall
lay a poisonous wasteland of perpetual dark where terrible creatures
dwelt and where no normal animal could survive.
54. Jones 1979,62-66, reports an apparent example of divergent development
of settlement patterns north and south of Hadrian's Wall, as revealed
by air survey.
55. Luttwak 1976,111-17.
56. Mitford 1972; 1980,1180-192, for the detailed historical and
archaeological data. See also Luttwak 1976,104-11; Jones 1978,126-30.
57. Luttwak 1976,116-17: "once scientific borders were everywhere
established in final form, the dynamic combination of hegemonic
control and offensive military power became redundant and with it the
entire system of client-state peripheraries. " This is plainly incorrect.
After the annexation of Lesser Armenia, Commagene and Sophene, Rome
continued to exert considerable pressure on Armenia and Parthia by her
political alliances with the client-states of Albania and Iberia in
particular, Mitford 1980,1175-183,1193-199.
58. Tacitus, Ann., VI, 32,1; Appian, Proem, 7: "They give kings to a great
many other nations who they do not wish to have under their own
government. " Cf. Tacitus, Agric, 14.
59. The Dacian kingdom of Decebalus received technical aid and subsidies in
the late first century, CAM XI, 176 and 185. A similar policy was
evidently followed on the Rhine, Tacitus, Germania, 15: "The practice
of accepting money payments they have now learnt from us. " See also
Germania, 29; 41-42, on the varying status of German client tribes.
An inscription from Harmozica in the Russian Caucasus (ILS 8795 -
Mitford 1972, no. 124) records aid given to the Iberian client king in
constructing defences in the entrance to the Darial pass. Troops were
also sent on missions to neighbouring Albania, Mitford 1972, no. 135.
60. See note 58, above; also Tacitus, Ann, XI, 16, the Cherusci asked
Claudius to appoint a king over them and were sent Italicus, son of
Rome's ally Flavus (and nephew of Arminius), who had been "educated"
in Rome. A similar incident occurred on the Danube a few years earlier,
concerning the Suebi, Ann II, 62-63; XIV, 31-39. In that case no attempt
was made to intervene in the tribal in-fighting and the losers were given
refuge inside the empire, whilst the victors immediately accepted Roman
hegemony. In Britain, the struggle between Queen Cartimandua and her
Brigantian consort Vannius, threatened Roman hegemony and required the
intervention of Roman troops on several occasions, Tacitus Ann. XII, 40;
Hist. III, 45; Agric. 17.
61. Suetonius, Aug., 21; the celebrated '. 'E. logium of Plautius Silvanus",
ILS 986 (cf. also ILS 985), mentions the resettlement of 100,000
tribesmen from across the Danube in Moesia.
62. Birley 1976a, 266-78; C. D. Gordon, The Subsidization of Border peoples
as a Roman Policy of Imperial defence (PhD University of Michigan
1948) - cited in Luttwak 1976,215 (not seen).
63. Birley 1976,266-72; 277-78.
64. Luttwak 1976,130-88; Mann 1979a, 181-83. Defence-in-depth was not
pursued as systematically as the earlier strategies, but it was
certainly the most successful of several alternative responses to
the invasions
of the late Empire. Jones has recently attempted to
relate a defence-in-depth strategy to the evidence for Roman Britain
(1978,134-44; 1979,66-70). On late Roman fortifications, see
Petrikovits 1971,178-218; on the late Roman army, see Van Berchem
1952; 1977; Jones 1964, Chapt. XVII and Appendix II; 1971.
65. This policy was made unavoidable after the crushing defeat of Valens
by the Goths at Hadrianopolis (Edirne) in A. D. 378, Grant 1974,282-85.

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5: 1
66. On Byzantine frontier policy in Africa, see now Pringle 1981,51-170
(an admirable survey of army organisation, strategy and style of
fortifications). In both Africa and the Eastern provinces, Byzantine
strategy was based on defence-in-depth using fortified towns,
settlements and fortresses and an elastic response from large, mobile
field armies.
67. Dyson-1971,267-74; 1974,277-83; 1975,138-75, deal with the negative
response (that is, revolt). Warmington 1974,291-96, urges the recogni-
tion of the variability of response. For an example of Roman and native
interaction from Roman Britain, see Breeze 1982,56-58,128-30.
68. See above, Chapters 3 and 4 and, below, chapter 6.
69. As happened in Britain, when Boudica led the Iceni in revolt or much
earlier in Pannonia and Illyricum in A. D. 6-9.
70. Younger Pliny, Letters IV, 9 and V. 20 deal with the trial of officials
for corruption and extortion and these cases were fairly typical of the
legal processes (and punishments) by which provincials could get redress
by judicial means. Nevertheless, individuals did occasionally provoke
revolts by their rapacity, as happened in Britain in A. D. 60-61 on account
of the procurator, Decianus Catus (Tacitus, Ann, XIV, 31-32)
Some minor official abuses are described in Tacitus, Agri c., 19.
71. This decision was taken on the advice of Catus' successor as procurator,
Iulius Classicianus, Ann, XIV, 38.
72. The process of pacification and Romanisation is well described by
Tacitus again, Agric. 21: namque ut homines dispersi ac rudes, eoque
in bella faciles, quieti et otio per voluptates adsuescerent, hortari
privatim, adiuvare publice ut templa fora domas exstruerunt ...
lam
vero principum filios liberalibus artibus erudire. For both
individuals and tribes the rewards for acquiescence could be great,
vide the privileged position of the Hermunduri on the Danube (Tacitus,
Germania 41), Cottius in the Alps under Augustus (CIL 5.7231 - ILS
94) and Cogidubnus in Britain (Tacitus, Agric., 14).
73. See, for example, the interesting series of papers edited by Bohannon
and Plog 1967. A recent paper by Bartel (1980,11-26) examines problems
of Roman imperialism and colonialism in terms of the methodologies of
the modern frontier
anthropologist.
74. Inter alia. I have made particular use of Oliver 1979,13-23 (European
colonialism in West Africa); Kirk 1979,39-55 (British Northwest
frontier in India); Gellner and Micaud 1972 (on Morocco); Martel 1965
and Trousset 1981 (for the French military occupation of southern
Tunisia). Abun-Nasr 1975 and Knapp 1977 have proved indispensable as
summary accounts of European colonisation and decolonisation in North
west Africa as a whole. Finally, I have learned a great deal through
conversations with Dr. W. Warrell-Bowring (of Sandhurst) about
European colonial government in East Africa.
75. The most recent theories on the population of Roman Britain are
summarised in Salway 1981,542-52. The other figures are from Oliver
1979,17-18. Dr. Bowring informs me that in one area of Tanganyika
where he was on the colonial staff, there were only 11 policemen and
no soldiers to control a native population of 400,000. In this
instance, as in countless others, military security was secured by
tactful diplomacy, indirect rule through traditional tribal leaders
and unimpeachable
justice.
76. Cagnat 1913,104-05. At the height of the Algerian war of Independence,
France had over 120,000 troops in Algeria, Abu-Nasr 1975,330.
77. Wells 1972, summarises the German evidence: Webster 1970,179-97;
Frere 1978,78-111, are already outdated as summaries of the British
deployment. Jones 1975,8-67, is a useful survey of the archaeological
evidence for early forts and fortresses (discoveries up to 1975).

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5: 1/5: 2
78. The major sites on the Rhine (Nijmegen, Xanten, Neuss, Bonn and Mainz)
can be related to several main lines of penetration up river valleys
into Free Germany and to which sites such as Hofheim, Bad Nauheim,
RUdgen, Holsterhaussen, Haltern and Oberaden relate. For these, see
the excellent account in Wells 1972.
79. Luttwak 1976,68-69.
80. Baatz 1970; Gichon 1974,513-30; Breeze 1977,1-6; Luttwak 1976,66-67;
Rebuffat 1978,829-61 (on ancient signalling).
81. Luttwak 1976,73-80.
82. Daniels 1980,173-93.
83. lvotitia Dig. Occ. XL, 32-56 per lineam valli. cf. Axnmianus Marcellinus
XXVII, 8; XXVIII, 3; Mann 1979b, 144-51..
5: 2 Warfare and revolts: problems, patterns and perspective
1. Cagnat 1913,104 (12,000 Numidia, 15,000 Mauretania); Gascou 1972,38
(13,000 Numidia), Le Bohec 1978 (c. 12,500 Mzrnidia) ; Roxan 1973,843
(9,500 Mauretania Tin gitana); A. R. Birley (pers. comm. ) has calculated
that the mid-second century totals were Numidia c. 12,160; Mauretania
Caesariensis and Tingitana 18,290, with a single cohort known in
Cyrenaica the total is c. 31,000. The evidence for the garrison of
Cyrenaica is very slight, Goodchild 1953,195-209; Reynolds 1971b, 39-
42; 1981,49-53, but it is likely to have been higher than this in
-
the later empire there was evidently quite a large garrison, Jones 1971,
292-93. It is possible that the total garrison strength was as high
as 40,000 if one accepts that there are still gaps in our knowledge
about the Numidian and Cyrenaican garrisons. B. D. Shaw (pers. comm. )
has also indicated his belief in a larger garrison than normally
assumed. In any case, however, the disproportionate size of the
army in comparison with other sectors still stands.
2. Frere 1978,348-49; Birley (pers. comm) estimates it at c. 51,680
(assuming a legionary strength of 5,500 men).
3. Birley pers. comm.
4. For instance, Dio and Suetonius ignored the apparently serious and long
drawn-out revolt of Tacfarinas.
5. See Benabou, 1976,121-29; 135-55,192-99,218-27.
6. Contra Rachet 1970,178-264.
7. Luttwak 1976,62-65.
8. Rachet 1970; Ben abou 1976, Leveau 1978a, 89-92.
9. Benabou 1976,120-21.
10. The most extreme example being Rachet.
11. Complaints of maltreatment were made by colon! to the emperor from an
imperial estate in Africa and action was evidently taken against the
procurator and estate manager they accused (CIL 8.10570,14464, Suk el-
Khamis). See also Van Nostrand 1925,48-57,82-83; CIL 8,14428
(Gasr Mezuar) and 8.14451.
12. The large-scale settlement of Europeans in French Algeria and the de facto
treatment of the indigenous population as second class citizens eventually
precipitated resistance. Attempts to conciliate the African
elite and intelligentsia were frequently blocked by the colonists them-
selves. Abun-Nasr 1975,235-392 gives a succinct account of modern
colonisation and decolonisation in the Maghreb.
13. Tacitus, Ann, II, 52; III, 20-21; 32; 83-74; IV, 23-26; Amm. Marcellinus
XXIX, 5,1-56.
14. Benabou 1976,25-251; Romanelli 1959, passim; Fentress 1979,61-71.

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5: 2
15. Desanges 1957,5-43.
16. Florus II, 31.
17. Desanges 1964b, 33-47,1969,197-213; Fentress 1979,65-66.
18. Dio LV, 28,1-4.
19. Desanges 1969,197-213. The Proconsul identified by Desanges is L.
Cornelius Lentulus, on the basis of amending the text of Eustathius,
GGM II, 253.
20. Florus II, 31: Velleius Paterculus II, 15; CIL 8,16456, IRT 301.
21. Orosius, adv. pag., VI, 21,18: Tunc etiam in Africa Musolanos et
Gaetulos latius vagantes Cossus dux Caesaribus artatis finibus
cohercuit atque a Romanis limitibus abstinere metu conpulit.
22. Alternatively, as is suggested here, the road is indicative of what
Roman policy in the area was, rather than being in itself a direct
cause.
23. Baradez 1949,151; Haywood 1938,34; Rachet 1970,88-90; for a summary
of scholarly opinions on the subject, see now Lassere 1982b,. 11-13.
24. C1L8.10018,10023; Toutain 1903c; AE 1905,177, ILAf 654.
25. Fentress 1979,63 (map 5); Benabou 1976,429-32,438; Pachtere 1916,
273-84.
26. Lassere 1982b, 11-25 (esp. p. 22).
27. Lassere 1982b, 12 and 20, n. l.
28. Di Vita-Evrard 1979,91, mentions an unpublished inscription of c. A. D.
14 found near Sabratha.
29. The idea that the Fosse Way represents an early frontier is deeply
entrenched in the historiography of Roman Britain, see Webster 1970;
Frere 1978,89-92. But the evidence is contradictory and. the distri-
bution of early military sites can be shown to relate to four main
routes of penetration beyond the Fosse Way, Frere and St. Joseph
1974,7; Holder 1982,43; Frere 1978,88. In reality the Fosse Way
was never a garrisoned frontier, but served as a strategic link road
between the battle groups operating in different sectors. See now the
statement of a similar view by Salway 1981,95-96..
30. Tacitus, Ann, II, 52,2: (Tacfarinas) natione Numida, in castris romans
auxiliaria stipendia meritus, mox desertor
....
31. Ann, II, 52",, seems' to imply that Tacfarinas was a trouble maker who-
stirred up unrest, but this. nay have . been. official propaganda covering
up Roman culpability. Maltreatment of recently subjugated tribes was
not unknown, Tacitus, Ann, XIV, 31-33.
32. As note 31, Lassere 1982b, 22-25.
33. Ann, III, 73: huc adrogantiae venerat ut legatos ad Tiberium
mitteret sedemque ultro sibi atque exercitui suo postularet auf bellum
inexplicabile minitaretur.
34. Ann., II, 52; III, 73-74; IV, 25.
35. Tacfarinas was both a Musulamian and in a wider sense a Numidian,
but his revolt involved Maures, Garamantes and Gaetuli tribes, united
under his charismatic leadership. In the final battle, the Roman
soldiers sought out and killed Tacfarinas as the only way of ending
the war (IV, 25).
36. See above Chapter 3 and 4: 3.
37. Dio LIX, 25,1; LX, 8,6.
38. Fishwick 1971,467-87.
39. Dio LX, 9,1-6. Paulinus reached the Atlas (see also Pliny, NH, V, 14-15)
whilst
. Geta campaigned into the desert margins well to the south, De la
Chapelle 1934.107-24.
40. Galba was appointed by Claudius as a special Proconsul with military
powers, Thomassen 1960, II, 32; Suetonius, Galba, 7; Dio LX, 23,1;
Tacitus, Hist., 4,48.
41 Benabou 1976,101-20,427-69; Fentress 1979,69-78; Romanelli 1962,
1347-1366.

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5: 2
42. Benabou 1976,250-51 (Table III); Rachet 1970,57-264, gives the longest
and most questionable account of these "wars".
43. CIL9.4194 - ILS 8979 for his cursus honorem. See also Thomassen 1960,
II, 151-52; 244-45.
44. CIL 8.23084,25967; AE 1912,148-51; 1936,28; 1939,31. The composite
text reads: Ex auct. imp. Vespasiani Cae. Aug. p. p. fines provinciae
novae et veter. derecti qua fossa regia fuit per Rutilium Gallicum cos.
pont. et Sentium Caecilianum praetorem legatos Aug. pro. pr.
45. As part of Vespasian's general recensus of the empire, see Leglay 1968,
222-29; Dilke 1971,41-42. Suetonius, Vesp. XVI, 1-3, emphasises
Vespasian's fiscal concerns and his desire to increase the tribute from
the provinces. Surveyors were dispatched by Vespasian to several areas
to define land boundaries; for instance, Corsica (CIL 3.567) and
Cyrenaica (Reynolds and Goodchild 1965,103-07; Reynolds 1971c, 47-51).
46. AE 1941,79.
47. Leglay 1968,219; Benabou 1976,109. Pflaum 1960/1961,114-116,966,
for the career of Velius Rufus. See now Kennedy 1983,183-96.
48. There is of course no evidence for land survey carried out by Velius,
but neither is there any independent evidence that comprimendas meant
military action in this case. There was, however, tribal delimitation
taking place in other parts of Africa at this time, see Table 5: E.
49. When Vannius, king of the Suebi was overthrown in an internal coup,
Rome declined to send him aid. Instead a show of force was made on
the opposite bank of the Danube to intimidate the eventual victors and
they immediately sought a hegemonic alliance with Rome, Tacitus,
Ann, XII, 29.
50. During the Jewish revolt of A. D. 66-73, after early crises, the major
part of the war was taken up with the Roman counter offensive and the
sieges of Jerusalem and Masada, Josephus, Jewish war, passim.
51. Rebuffat 1971a, 41-42; 1975e, 399-400; Euzennat 1977a, 431-34;
1978,295-329.
52. Thomassen 1960, II, 297-99; Benabou 1976,137.
53. Gsell and Carcopino 1931,1-39; AE 1931,38. Rebuffat 1974a, 503;
1979,240-41; 1982a, 485-90, deals with some of the misconceptions about
the nature of the inscription.
54. Benabou 1976,138-41. Most of the inscriptions recording reinforcements
are undated and some at least must be from earlier or later periods.
See inter alia on the reinforcements, Christol 1981,133-41; Speidel
1977,167-73; 1982,850-60; Leglay 1959,217-20.
55. Benabou 1976,251, gives the date bracket as A. D. 144-152, but the only
evidence for the revolt continuing beyond A. D. 150 (when some of the
troops who had served in Mauretania were discharged CIL 16,99-100)
is an inscription from Lambaesis (CIL 8.2728 - 18122) which records an
engineer of the Third Legion who was attacked by brigands and robbed
on his way to Saldae. There is nothing to suggest that this was
anything but an isolated incident of highway robbery, see Romanelli
1959,358.
56. Frezouls 1957,105 (Volubilis); Baradez 1966d (Tipasa); CIL 8.20834,
20835 (Rapidum vicus); Gsell and Carcopino 1931 (Sala).
57. Rebuffat 1974a, 501-22, establishes exactly this point.
58. See, for instance, Courtois 1955,118-26; Camps 1955,253-64;
Matthews 1976,165-66.
59. Two examples from Roman Britain are instructive. One of the main causes
of the Boudican revolt was the rapacity and brutality of the imperial
procurator empowered to oversee the peaceful incorporation of the Iceni
into the province, Tacitus, Ann, XIV, 29-39; Agric, 14-16. In the case
of the Brigantian client kingdom, the reign of Queen Cartimandua was
disrupted several times by a powerful anti-Roman faction in the tribe.
Roman hegemony was disrupted several times, necessitating military

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5: 2
intervention and when Cartimandua was eventually overthrown, Rome
was forced to proceed to the conquest of the region, Tacitus, Ann,
XII, 40; Hist, III, 45, Agric. 17.
60. Pliny V, 11-15: equitibus Romanis qui ex eo praefuere ibi Atlantem
penetrasse in gloria fuit. Dio LXXVI, 133-5: "the Macennitae live
near lower Mauretania and many of the soldiers who are stationed
there go as far as the Atlas". (Presumably into the lands of the
Macennitae themselves). Euzennat 1960,381-410; 1978,295-329,
has found ample evidence for Roman activity if not a permanent garrison
beyond the supposed frontiers of Tingitana. See also, Rebuffat 1971a.
61. Leschi 1940,162-63 - AE 1938,51.
62. CIL 8.21567, recording a mixed force of legionaries from the III Augusta,
the decurion and elements of the cohors VI Commagenorum and troopers
of the ala Flavia. Troops were also operating well in advance of the
Euphrates frontier in Armenia at this time, ILS 394,9117.
63. Picard 1944,45-65. The expeditionary force included vexillations of
the Legio III Augusta and III Gallica (from Syria) under the command of
the prefect of the Ala I Pannoniorum, presumably with a substantial
part of his unit present as well. See Picard 1944, inscriptions 12-14.
The forts were constructed by the legionaries alone, inscriptions 15-16
from
Dimmidi.
64. Picard 1944,61-65, attempted to sort out misconceptions about the
Numidian frontier which were mainly due to two articles by Carcopino
(1925 and 1933). The developmental sequence of the Roman advance into
the Saharan Atlas remains unclear because of the lack of reliably
dated fortifications. Sites such as el-Ghara, Ouled Djellal and
Doucen may well have been garrisoned from the second century
but epigraphic evidence is lacking. Sadouri (Ausum) has the appearance
of an early Severan fort (pers. obs. ), though the earliest dated
inscription is of Philip the Arab (A. D. 247), CIL 8.8780 - 18016.
See also Daniels 1982,120.
65. Rebuffat 1982a, 490-91 discussed Roman campaigning well beyond the
limes in Africa. For Severus as propagator, see Birley 1974a, 23-24;
1974b, 297-99.
66. Warmington 1954, Courtois 1955; Marion 1967.
67. Pavis d'Escurac - Doisy 1953; 1966; Dobias 1957; Leveau 1974;
Thouvenot 1945; Benabou 1976.
68. CIL 8.20827; 9045; AE, 1966,597 (Auzia); AE 1914,245; 1954,136;
1907,4 (Lambaesis); also CIL 8.2615,9047; 2615; AE 1907,159
(refer to Ba wares, Quinquegentanei and Faraxen); CIL 8.9041,9324,
8924 (for troubles in 290's).
69. Cagnat 1913,728-31; Courtois 1955,81 reckoned that the field army for
North Africa comprised 11,000 cavalry and 14,500 infantry, though this
did not include the static border troops. With them included the total
will probably have topped 30,000 men.
70. CIL 8.8836 a ILS 645; Pan. Lat. (ed. E. Galletier) VI, 8,6; Benabou,
1976,233-45; Romanelli 1959,497-506.
71. Ammianus Marcellinus XXVII, 9,1; XXVIII, 6,1-14.
72. Anent. Marcellinus XXIX, 5,1-56; Matthews 1976,157-178.
73. Claudianus, de bell. Gildonice; Romanelli 1959,603-21; Frend 1971,
208-26. Courtois 1955,81, suggested that the small size of the
victorious army (c. 5,000 men) indicates that the field force of the
Comes was much reduced in size in the late fourth century.
74. Romanelli 1959,639-60.
75. Mattingly 1983 and above, 4: 5.
76. Courtois 1955,91-104,325-39; Galand 1971,277-79.
77. For a more optimistic view of late Roman Africa, see Lepelley 1967;
1979; 1981b.

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5: 2 /5: 3
78. Cod. Theod., VII, 15,1; Jones and Mattingly 1980,323-26. For useful
summary accounts of late Roman Africa, see Warmington 1954; Frend
1971,60-75.
79. Leveau 1974,103-10.
80. The inscriptions from Chemtou (CIL 8.14603) and Lambaesis (CIL 8.
2728 - 18122) refer to the death of a soldier on secondment to an
imperial estate and to the attack on and robbery of a legionary
surveyor on the road to Saldae. These should be treated cautiously
as evidence for policing problems rather than revolts.
81. See note 53 above; also Rebuffat 1982a, 485-502, for a description of
the range of activities performed by a Roman garrison.
82. Much more work needs to be done on accurately dating developments in
fortification styles. The earliest quadriburgum I know of was built
in A. D. 197 at Eski Hissar in Osroene, but the type is more often
assigned a Tetrarchic or later date, Guyer 1939,183-90; Wagner 1983,
107-113.
5: 3 Roman diplomacy : suasion, organisation and conciliation
1. Gellner 1969, XXII; Seddon 1973,109-39, on the initial French success
in splitting resistance in Morocco by persuading some chiefs to colla-
borate. British rule in Tanganyika was essentially devolved to the
traditional chiefs, who were "supervised" by the District Commissioners.
2. On French and Italian policy towards the Arab and Berber populations
of the Maghreb, see Martel 1965; Abu-Nasr 1975,235-392. Modern
European colonisation has tended to be more aggressive towards and
exploitive of native societies.
3. Berthier 1981. I disagree with his judgement that warfare up to the
reign of Claudius was restricted to the heartlands of Numidia (94-122).
Roman campaigns against the Garamantes, Gaetuli and Maures in this period
went well beyond the occupied territory in order to secure and maintain
the hegemony which she had inherited.
4. Desanges 1966,33-47.
5. Benabou 1976,79.
6. With the notable exception of the revolt of the Nasamones dealt with
in Chapter
6, below.
7. Csell 1933 and Chapter 1: 2 above.
8. Dilke 1971,151-58, on the centuriation of over 15,000 sq. km in
northeastern Tunisia. Van Nostrand 1925, on imperial estates and legal
forms of land holding in Roman Africa.
9. Italian ownership is in itself no guarantee of Italian settler farmers.
Many of the large estates had absentee landlords and were sub-let to
native Libyphoenicians and Africans. The sharecropping terms imposed
on Imperial tenants (coloni) were generally between 1/4 to 1/3 of the
produce and many coloni were native Africans. See Van Nostrand 1925,
15-32 (Henchir Mettich); 48-54 (Suk el-Khamis); Fentress 1979,134-44.
10. The Princeps became the most important landowner in Africa as a result
of Nero's judicial murder of the largest Italian landowners and the
diminished distinction between ager publicus and Imperial lands;
Pliny NH, XVIII, 6,35; Picard 1956,163-73. Even some of the coloniae
seem to have incorporated
native Africans alongside veterans and settlers,
see for example, Lassýre 1977,250 (Ammaedara).
11. Dilke 1971,156. Confusion arose on occasion between city lands and
imperial lands and surveyors were sent to Cyrenaica on at least two
occasions to reinvestigate boundaries, Reynolds and Goodchild 1965,
103-07; Reynolds 1971c, 47-51; Tacitus, Ann, XIV, 18; SEG IX, 165,166,
167,352,360; AE 1954,188.

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5: 3
12. The evidence has been reviewed by Romanelli 1962,215-19; Benabou
1976,429-45; Trousset 1978,159-63; Fentress 1979,72-76.
13. Leschi 1948,103-116 - AE 1946,38: agri et pascua adsignata
It is not clear whether the allocation in the Hodna basin was to
veterans or an indigenous group. Leschi favoured the former, but
I incline to the latter.
14. Fentress 1979,63,74-75; Benabou 1976,437-38.
15. Fentress 1979,76-77.
16. See Berthier 1968,293-300, contra Lancel 1955,289-99. Also Garnsey
1978,225-33; Whittaker 1978a, 332-45.
17. Tribal delimitation was in general carried out some way behind the
advancing frontier and the timing seems to relate to important stages
in the forward movement of troops - under the Flavians, Trajan and
Hadrian, and later under Severus.
18. Statius, Silvae, 1,4: Libyci quid mira tributi obsequia et missum
media de pace triumphum laudem et opes Tantas nec qui mandaverat
ausus expectare fuit
Regarding Flavian fiscal
...
policy and the
mission of Callicus see above 5: 2, notes 44-45.
19. Baradez 1949,168-89; 1957,273-75; Birebent 1962,503-06; Soyer 1973,
275-92; 1976,107-80. Soyer's papers emphasise just how much remains
to be done in this area of research.
20. Tacitus, Ann, II, 18, described the stages in the pacification of the
Frisi by Corbulo. After an initial Roman victory, the tribe was
induced to give hostages and settle on lands delimited by Corbulo,
who then organised them as a civitas. Initially a garrison was left
to ensure their pacification. Similarly, Tacitus, Hist, IV, 73-74,
outlined the material advantages Rome claimed to offer under the
Pax Romana (the speech is attributed to Cerialis). Agricola's
involvement in the development of urban centres in the British
civitates illustrates the later stages of the same policy, Agric, 21.
21. Gascou 1972a, 21-54; Benabou 1976,440-45. For urban development in
another part of the empire, see, for instance, Hassall 1979,241-49,
Burnham 1979,264-69; Rivet 1977,161-72.
22. For example, the civitas of Thubursicu Numidarum (IlA1g 1244) was
promoted to a municipium under Hadrian (ILA1 g 1239).
23. Webster 1966,31-45; Rivet 1977,161-72. Burnham 1979,255-69,
suggests other factors may have been as important. Aelius Aristides,
79-81, described the Roman patronage of city life in the frontier zones
and Tacitus, Ann, XII, 32, explained the foundation of the colony at
Camulodunum (Colchester) as, subsidum adversus rebellis et imbuendis
sociis ad officia legum. For Africa, see Gascou 1972a (21-28 for
colonies); 1982; Salmon 1969,169 (colonies).
24. Leveau 1973,153-92, with a full list of texts; Benabou 1976,448-57;
Lepelley 1974,285-95, deals with the prefecture in the late Empire,
when its significance was rather different. See also Pauly-Wissowa
XXII, col. 1290-1294.
25. As, for instance, T. Claudius Pollio (CIL 8.31032 - 3270 pre-Trajanic)
and L. Calpurnius Fabatus (CIL 5.5267 - ILS 2721, under Nero).
26. Leveau 1973,153
...
[praefectus alaje Thracum et gentis Mazicum and
L. Calpurnius praef cohortis VII Lusitania [et] natione ...
For the
Mactar prefecture (involving 63 civitates) see CIL 8.622 = 11781;
23599; AE 1963,96 and Picard, Mahjoubi and Beschaouch 1963,124-30.
27. CIL 11.7544 - ILS 9195. Publius Memoralis [prief. gentis Numida(rum)
dilectat(ori) tironum ex Numidia lecto[r(rum) ].
28. The role of the praefecti gentis may well have been similar to that of
the praefecti civitates known from the Danube and suspected in other
provinces, Rivet 1977; Leveau 1973,181-82; Pauly-Wissowa suppl IX,
col. 608-09; see also below, note 30.

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5: 3
29. CIL 8.5351 - ILA1g 285; ILAlg 3992. T. Flavius Macer, who was a
citizen of Calama and a native of Ammaedara, was appointed as prefect
of the Musulames under Trajan. For other African prefects, see CIL 8.
10500 s ILS 1409; CIL 8.9195.
30. Leveau 1973,180-81. The same pattern of development applied to the
praefecti civitatis (see note 28, above). The tribes were initially
attached to a serving army officer, CIL 3.14387; ILS 2737,2684.
31. Lepelley 1974,285-95; Kotula 1965,347-65 (on the native principes).
32. Leveau 1973,182-90.
33. It is difficult to see how else the procurators of the Mauretanian
provinces and the legate of Numidia, could have maintained peace with
so few troops. For an incomplete inscription from Mauretania Caesarien-
sis recording a meeting between the procurator, a centurion and a third
party (possible as indigenuous chieftain ) see Baghli and Fevrier
1968,13-15.
34. See above, Chapter 3: 2, notes 45-58. Frezouls 1980 is a useful
summary of the evidence, though some aspects of his interpretation can
be questioned.
35. Rachet 1970, especially 231-64.
36. As proposed by Romanelli 1962,211-14.
37. Canartha was described on one of the altars (Frezouls 1957, no. 4- AE
1957,203) as principe constituto, implying Roman intervention in the
election procedures. Regarding technical aid and subsidies the best
comparative evidence comes from other parts of the Roman empire. The
Iberian kingdom received aid in constructing fortifications in the
Darial pass, Mitford 1980,1192-194; ILS 8795 - Mitford 1972, no. 124;
subsidy payments were widely used on Rhine and Danube (see 5: 1, note 59)
and in Britain (Dio LXXV, 5,4). Coin finds from the Atlas and Sahara
may be as easily explained as evidence of subsidies as of trade, Mauny
1956,249-60.
38. ILAf 610 - Frezouls 1957, no. 11, mentions the long-held peace,
ob diutina(m) pace(m) servat(a(m) cum] Iulio Nuffusi, et nunc conloquio
habito cum Iul(io) Mirzi fratre eiiusdem Nuffusis reg(is) Baquatium.
39. Camps 1955,241-88; Desanges 1962,33-34,46-48; Sigman 1977,415-39;
Frezouls 1980,65-93.
40. Marion 1957,117-73; 1959,27-41; Lawless 1970, I, 59; II, 1-20.
See also 5: 2, note 58, above.
41. Baradez 1955,288-98; Rebuffat 1971a, 33-64; Euzennat 1977,433-34;
1978; 295-329.
42. Rebuffat 1975e, 399-401; 1979,241-47.
43. Rebuffat 1982a, 492-509.
44. Sherwin-White 1939, passim; Dondin-Payre 1981,93-132.
45. Sherwin-White 1973,86-98; Seston and Euzennat 1961,317-23; 1971,
468-71.
46. Sherwin-White 1973,94-98.
47. Matthews 1976,174 (Mascizel, Dius, Igmazen, Suggen, Bellen).
48. Matthews 1976,172-74.
49. St. Augustine, Letter 199,12: Sunt enim apud nos, hoc est in Africa,
barbares innumerabiles gentes, in quibus nondum esse praedicatum
evangelicum; ex his qui
dicuntur inde captivi et Romanorum servitis iam
miscentur, -cotidie nobis addiscere in promptu est. Pauci tarnen anni
sunt ex quo quidam eorum rarissimi atque paucissimi qui pacati Romanis
finibus adhaerant, ita ut non habeant reges suos, sed super eos
praefecti a Romano constituantar imperio et illi ipsi eorum praefecti
Christiani esse coeperunt.

-413-
5: 3
50. See note 49, above. Two additional facts are worth pointing out.
The barbarian tribes had been raiding the provinces and enslaving
people apparently with some ease. Secondly, the tribes allied to Rome
were not forced to accept outsiders as their praefecti. Rome simply
demanded the right to nominate new chieftains within the tribe.
51. See above p. 66 and 3: 2, notes 57-58.
52. Cod. Theod. VII, 15,1.
53. Matthews 1976,170-77 on the family of Nubel, Gildo, Firmus and
Zammac. See also Pringle 1981,13-15.
54. Matthews 1976,170-72.
55. St. Augustine, Letters, 46-47.
56. Synesius. Letters 69,107,122,125,130, on the laxity of the
official garrison in the face of the Laguatan raids.
57. Pringle 1981,16,55-109 on Byzantine policy. See also Procopius III,
25,7; IV, 21,17-18; Corippus II, 28-40; III, 384-85; 391-436.
5: 4 The military garrison : patterns of deployment
1. The two sites are Thamusida in Mauretania Tingitana (Callu et al 1965/
1970; Rebuffat 1972b) and Bu Njem (Gholaia) in Tripolitania (Rebuff at
1967a; 1969; 1970a, b; 1971b; 1972a; 1973a, b, c; 1975a, b, c,
1982b). For other fort excavations see Baradez 1949b; 1966a; 1966b;
Trousset 1977a (Gemellae); Euzennat and Trousset 1975 (Ramada);
Picard 1944 (Castellum Dimmidi); Cagnat 1913,434-519; Janon 1973;
1977; Le Bohec 1977 (Lambaesis
- fort, fortress and parade ground);
Seston 1938; Christofle 1935; 1938 (Rapidum). Strezelecka 1971,9-33,
purports to be a survey of Roman forts in Africa, but her account
is erroneous in many places.
2. Cagnat 1913,253-59.
3. Roxan 1973,843-50.
4. Ponsich 1964,256,274-75,280-81; Luquet 1964,291-300; Euzennat.
1967,194-99; Rebuffat 1975e, 377-408.
5. Roxan 1973,843.
6. There is a diploma of A. D. 107 from lol Caesarea (Cherchel), CIL 8.20978 -
16.56; Salama 1977; Benseddick 1981. The epigraphic evidence for the
garrison of Numidia has recently been reviewed by Le Bohec (1978,109-
22), who is perhaps over-cautious in his estimate of its size. See
also Leglay 1977,545-53, on Hadrian's discourse.
7. CIL 8.10018,10023, ILAf 654; Toutain 1903c, 153-230.
8. Luttwak 1976,41-50.
9. Frere and St. Joseph 1974,1-129; Jones 1975,45-54; Salway 1981,
95-96; Holder 1982,43; Wells 1972.
10. The colony was unusual in being surveyed outwards from its main road
junction, which suggests that it initially utilised the layout of the
fortress to determine the shape of the town, Dilke 1971,87-88,122
(quoting Hyginus Gromaticus on Amrnaedara).
11. I visited the site in 1979 with Prof. G. D. B. Jones. We were both
struck by the severe size restrictions imposed by topography on any site
using the raised ground in the centre of the site. I have considered
the problem in some detail in my University of Manchester B. A. thesis
(unpub. ); Duval in his latest account on Ammaedara (1982, Fig. 3) shows
an even smaller size legionary fort on his speculative plan, though he
agrees with the general position.
12. CIL 8.23264; BCTH 1896,219; 1899, ccvi; Pachtare 1916,273-84;
ILAIg I, p. 286.
13. Tacitus, Ann. II, 74.
14. Ann, III, 20.

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5: 4
15. Ann, III, 21.
16. Ann, III, 20; III, 73-74.
17. Ann, III, 74.
18. Ann, IV, 24-25.
19. See for instance, JRS 55,1965,76 (Newton on Trent); JRS 67,1977,
146 (Leighton); 148 (Rhyn); Britannia XI, 1980,330-31 (Osmanthorpe).
20. Salway 1981,95-96.
21. Lawless 1970,93-94; CIL 8.9377,9384,21040,21041; AE 1921,31. For
an up to date study of the garrison of Mauretania Caesariensis see
Benseddick 1981.
22. Roxan 1973,838-43.
23. Leglay 1968,203-08; Benabou 1976,101-12.
24. ILA1g p. 286; CIL 8.1846-1847. The foundation of Chester and Caerleon
at this time in Britain may have been for similar reasons, RIB 463.
25. LQ$chi 1953,189-205; Janon 1973,193-254; 1977,473-85, AE 1954,137.
26. Mascula (Kenchela), CIL 8.17725; Aquae Flavianae, CIL 8.17727;
Vazaivi, CIL 8.17633,17637.
27. The inscriptions of Javolenus Priscus, legionary legate c. A. D. 83-84,
from the vicinity of Thiges (CIL 8.23165) and on the road from Aquae
Tacapitanae to the Nefzaoua (ILAf 656) show that this was an area of
strategic concern. The detailed evidence is lacking, but both areas
may well have received garrisons at this time. Trousset 1976,21-33;
1980b, 135-47.
28. Lawless 1970,91-94; Rebuffat 1979,235-47.
29. Goodchild 1953,196; SEG IX, 773-95. The watchpost at Msus may
also be early in date, Goodchild 1953,197-98; Reynolds 1971b, 39-42.
30. Gueneau 1907,314-19; 322-26; Masqueray 1878/1897,73-75; Stillwell
1976,9; Fentress 1979,97.
31. For earlier attempts to give the frontier an arbitrary and wholly
linear appearance, see Carcapino 1925,30-57,118-49,1933,20-55; Bara-
dez 1949a, 123-63; Courtois 1955,66 (maps). Rebuffat 1982a, 508-09,
gives a useful corrective view.
32. Lawless 1970,93-94; Salama 1977,582-84; AE 1913,157 (Praesidium
Sufative, A. D. 119); CIL 8.20833 (Rapidum, A. D. 122).
33. Lawless 1970,95-99; Jones 1978,119-25; Salama 1953,231-61;
1955,329-67; 1967,109-39.
34. Euzennat 1967,194-99; Rebuffat 1975e, 377-408; 1979 335-47.
35. For example, the burgi speculators in the El Kantara gap
below Batna,
Baradez 1949,183-84,216-42; CIL 8.2494-2495 and the Commodan
inscription from the pass between Auzia and Rapidum in Caesariensis
recording the rebuilding of fortlets and watchtowers, CIL 8.20816,
22629.
36. On Severus as propagator imperil or "extender
1974a, 23-24; 1974b, 297-99.
of empire",
see Birley
37. Salama 1953,231-61- 1955,329-69; 1967,183-217; 1973,339-49; 1977,
577-95; Lawless 1970,95-99; Jones 1978,119-25.
38. Picard 1944,31-65 and pers. obs.
39. CIL 8.17952-17953 (Menaa); Leschi 1949,220-26 (Gemellae). The fort
at Zarai was abandoned, however, CIL 8.4508.
40. In spite of the concentration of units along Hadrian's Wall in Britain,
the vast majority of the Roman garrison was based some way
back from
the frontier line itself on the main roads in the province and in Wales
and the Pennines. This was partly a question of local control, but
there were also logistical problems if the units were deployed too
closely together in peace time; Mann 1974a, 520-21; Manning 1975.
41. Luttwak 1976,80-111.
42. Breeze and Dobson 1978; Robertson 1973; Baatz 1975; Schonberger
1969; 1980. But see above, note 40.

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5: 4
43. Rebuffat 1981,213-22, has argued that the term brachium is the
correct one for the linear earthwork south of Sala, but his arguments
are far from conclusive (On this earthwork see Rouland-Mareschal 1924;
Baradez 1955; Smith 1956; Euzennat 1957; Rebuffat 1981). Trousset
1981b, discusses the linear earthworks of Numidia and Tripolitania
known in the secondary literature as fossata and clausurae after the
late Roman terminology which seems to have applied to them (Cod. Theod.,
VII, 15,1; Thesaurus Linguae Latinae, III, col. 1321,1327;
Procopius, de aed., III, 7,5; Cod -rust.
I, 27,2; I, 31,4; I, 46,4).
-"
On the Byzantine use of the term clusurae in relation to Africa, see
Pringle 1981,96,430. The archaeological evidence for fossata and
clausurae is reviewed in Chapter 7, below.
44. Trousset 1974,27; Whittaker 1978a, 346-47; Lass4re 1977, fig. 3.
45. Euzennat 1972,21-23; Trousset 1978,168-72; 1980a, 936-36; 1981b.
46. Baradez 1967,210, stated that he had found Hadrianic coins and
pottery in towers on the fossatum itself. This was corroborated by
Eric Birley (1956,29), who was shown the material on a visit to
Algeria. The frequent groupings of three collapsed towers together,
with many isolated examples are evidence for several phases of
reconstruction and a long life for the obstacle (pers. obs. ). There
is, therefore, no reason to question the early date for the Gemellae
sector of fossatum. Other sectors may have been started at the
same time, but it is likely that the process of construction continued
over a long period.
47. Guey 1939,190-242; Jones and Mattingly 1980,323-26; Cod. Theod.,
VII, 15,1; Pringle 1981,96.
48. See note 1, above.
49. Cagnat 1913,287-308; Picard 1944,89-91; Lassare 1980,955-75.
Military lists which record the origins of legionaries and thus
demonstrate the preponderance of Africans in the Third Augusta are,
CIL 8.18085,18067,18087,2568,18068,2565-2567,2569; ILAf 27.
50. Synesius, Letters, 69,107,122,125,130. This was not entirely
the fault of the units themselves. Synesius himself championed the
cause of a unit of Unnigardae (Letter 78) who, having already decreased
in size to a mere 40 men, were then threatened with loss of their
remounts, arms and pay, and demotion to border troop status. The
make-up of the unit clearly bore little relation to its size and
composition of, say, a century earlier.
51. Picard 1944,116-19. Some outposts were retained: occupation at Gahra
with its large vicus, Sadouri (Husum), Doucen certainly continued up
to the mid-third century if not beyond (pers. obs. pottery at Gahra,
quadriburgum at Doucen, there is an inscription of Philip from
Sadouri). See also Daniels 1982,120-21.
52. Courtois 1955,79-91. For the counterarguments see notably Salama 1966,
1291-1311.
53. Cagnat 1913,705-46; Baradez 1949a, 130-64; Van Berchem 1952,37-49;
Matthews 1976,167-72; Fentress 1979,117-20.
54. See, for instance, Fentress, 1979,121 (map 9) for the limes Gemellensis
(Gemellae), limes Badensis (Badias) and limes Thubuniensis (Thubunae)
55. Guey 1939,190-203, on the quadriburgi built near the Gemellae sector
of fossatum. See also, Leschi 1943,47-57 (Aqua Viva); Baradez 1949a,
9-10,88-89,95, for examples of air photographs of late forts.
56. Van Berchem 1952,37-42; 1977,541-43; see also note 50 above.
57. Cod Theod, VII, 15,1.
58. Matthews 1976,157-86.
59. Ammianus Marcellinus XXIX, 5,2.
60. From the dedication of a church at Rusguniae by Flavius Nuvel,
CIL 8.9255.

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5: 4/5: 5
61. Unianus Marcellinus XXIX, 5,2-3. The account of Theodosius'
campaigns takes up the rest of XXIX, 5. See Matthews 1976,157-
59,172-78, for a modern analysis.
62. CRAP 1901,170 - ILS 9351. Aamianus XXIX, 5,13, mentioned a fundus
Petrensis which he described as built up like a city (in modum
urbis exstruxit). Matthews 1976,175, discusses the content of the
inscription.
63. Ammianus XXIX, 5,11 and 21; Matthews 1976,174 and note 84.
64. Matthews 1976,172-74.
65. Ammianus XXIX, 5,12; 5,25; 5,31; Matthews 1976,171-72;
Lawless 1970,145-46.
66. Courtois 1955,91-104,325-50.
67. Fentress 1979,119-20.
5: 5 Conclusions and some models
1. Rebuffat 1977,395-419; 1982a, 474-513; Trousset 1980a, 931-43;
1981a; 1981b (pers. typescripts. I am extremely grateful to Dr. Trousset
for sending me copies of these valuable discussions in advance of their
publication).
2. Rebuffat 1982a, 508-09.
3. Trousset 1981a, notes a change in the early second century when the
first linear elements were introduced.
4. Rebuffat 1982a, 474-78.
5. Trousset 1981a.
6. Trousset 1980a, 935-36.
7. Rebuff at 1982a, 485-90.
8. Trousset 1981a, discusses the distinction between fines and limes.
9. A model of frontier expansionism based on the peaceful assimilation of
allied tribes at their own request was proposed by Prince Gorchakov of
Russia in 1864. This model is illustrated and discussed in Kirk (1979,
50-52) in relation to British India. It could be equally applicable in
certain
Roman contexts.
10. Courtois 1955, passim. The reaction to his thesis has been generally
.
sceptical, but criticism has been limited to proving that imperial
inscriptions continued to be set up in some of the areas he claimed
were abandoned in the late third century (for instance, Salama 1966).
11. The reign of Severus saw major campaigns in Mesopotamia and Parthia
and Britain as well as the overhaul of a number of frontiers. On
Severus, see the excellent biography by Birley 1971.
12. Picard 1944,48-49.
13. Rebuffat 1977,407-10; 1982a, 481-90,492-502.

-417-
FOOTNOTES
CHAPTER 6 TRIPODITANIA 'AND 'THE ' ROMAN ' ARMY
6: 1 Warfare *and revolt
1. On the course of relations between Rome and the Garamantes, see Law
1967; Bovill 1968; Daniels 1971a.
2. Fentress 1979,65-68.
3. Desanges 1969,197-213.
4. For the older view see Haynes 1946,36; "the territories of the Emporia
were confined to the coastal area, while the whole unknown interior of
the country was in the hands of untamed and warlike peoples ready to
take up arms at the slightest pretence. "
5. Brogan 1964; 1971a; Barker and Jones 1981; 1982; Jones and Barker 1980;
Jones et al 1983.
6. Pers. obs. on the ULVP. Recently an argument has broken out between two
French scholars concerning the extent and significance of olive
cultivation in Tripolitania. Rebuffat 1975,504-05; 1977,407; Euzennat
1977b, 536-37; 1983, passim. Rebuffat tried to link the establishment
of olive cultivation with the creation of the Severan limes but this is
clearly incompatible with the new dating evidence (see his own remarks,
1982c, 192-93). But Euzennat is in turn guilty of underestimating the
scale of wadi cultivation. In addition to the 14 sites known to
Rebuffat in 1979 (pp 233-235), the current British work has recorded
over 50 sites with olive presses and the total number of presses is
now over 70. Local agricultural production was not simply at subsistence
level; as well as supplying the fort at Bu Njem (Marichal 1979,
448), it created considerable wealth in the region. See further
below 8: 1.
7. Useful summaries in di Vita 1964a, 65-98; Rebuffat 1979,225-29.
The older view represented by Merighi 1940 and others is now completely
outdated.
8. See for example Loriot 1971,342-46, for a reference to a war on an
inscription
from Gheriat.
9. On the style of warfare, see particularly Rebuffat 1982a, 490-92. The
Romans were presumably forced to storm both hillforts and oases centres
on occasion. A leisurely blockade is rarely possible in arid lands.
10. Cf. Dio (Epitome), LXVII, 3,5 on the Nasamonian war of c. A. D. 85-86.
11. On Balbus, see Thomasson 1960, II, 11; Strabo III, 5,3; Velleius
Paterculus II, 51,3; Pliny NH, v, 35-37.
12. Inscript. Ital. XIII (Fasti Triumphales), 569: L. Cornelius P. f.
Balbus procos ex Africa VI K April A. DCC XXIV.
13. For a range of views see, Lhote 1954; Desanges 1957; 1978,189-95;
Romanelli 1950; 1977; Daniels 1970a, 13-21.
14. Pliny NH, V, 35-36.
15. Pliny NH, V, 36-37. Romanelli 1977,429-38, continued to argue for most
locations being in Fezzan or Tripolitania and only a few being in Algeria.
16. See above p. 122.
17. Desanges 1957,5-43. Not all his suggestions can be accepted and his
idea of not two but several campaigns is rather overspeculative.
18. Daniels 1970a, 13-21.
19. In A. D. 666-667 Ocba invaded and conquered the Giofra, Fezzan and
Chadames with a force of only 400 cavalry, El Bekri (trans., de
Slane 1913,32-35).
20. Vergil, Aen, VI, 791-797.
21. Birley 1971,27, though he is correct to posit that treaty relations were
started from this date.
22. Lhote 1954,41-81, took Balbus through the Tassili n-ajjer mountains to
reach the river Niger, but his theory has received little scholarly
support.

-418-
6: 1
23. Dio LV, 28,1-4; Florus II, 31; Orosius VI, 21,18; Velleius
Paterculus II, 6.
24. IRT 301 (Appendix 3, no. 78 below); Orosius VI, 21,18, for the
extraordinary nature of Cossus Lentulus' appointment.
25. Desanges 1969,197-213, based on amending the Greek text of Eustathius
(Ccrnm, V, 209-210) which records the murder of the Roman strategos
Rentoulos by the Nasamones as the result of a ruse. Cornelius Lentulus
is known to have died in Africa (Justinian, Inst, II, 25) and he may
well have been there as proconsul during the period of the revolt.
26. Desanges 1964b, 33-47, on the Gaetuli subject to Juba II of Mauretania.
27. IRT 301 (App. 3, no. 78, below).
28. Quirinius was probably governor of Cyrenaica and Crete at some point betwe
19 B. C. and A. D. 6 (when he was appointed governor of Syria).
See inter alia, Romanelli 1959,182; Benabou 1976,69-73. On the
desert routes, Rebuffat 1970c, d.
29. See above, pp. 164-66 for a fuller discussion.
30. Tacitus, Ann., III, 74; IV, 25.
31. Ann., III, 74.
32. Bartoccini 1958,1-13; one was found at Lepcis, the other recorded
badly in the seventeenth century at Oea and now lost. See above 1: 3,
note 17.
33. Ann., IV, 25.
34. IRT 330-331 (App. 3, no. 80, below).
35. IRT 930 (App. 3, no. 97, below); Romanelli 1939,104-110; di Vita-
Evrard 19 79 ,
67-98.
36. Levi della Vida 1951 - Goodchild 1976a, 93-96.
37. Abd el Hakam (trans., Gateau 1947,35-37). On slavery in Tripolitania
see Gsell 1932,397-415; Paris d'Escurac 1974,92; Garnsey 1978,
235-37; CIL 8.22721 a zLS 2927 (Gigthis); Apuleius, Apol, XCIII, 4.
38. Pliny, NH, V, 38: Ad Garamantibus iter inexplicabile adhuc fuit
latronibus gentis eius puteos harenis operientibus; Tacitus, Hist.,
IV, 50, described the Garamantes as "ungovernable and always
involved in brigandage. "
/
39. Tacitus, Hist, IV, 50:
Garamantes
...
donec interventu cohortiun alarunque fusi
...
40. Alternatively these troops, evidently auxiliaries, could have been
simply the advance guard of Festus' army.
41. Pliny, NH, V, 38. The Latin name for this route (praeter caput saxi)
is evocative of the trans-Hamada route south of Gheriat.
42. Daniels 1969,37-38.
43. Leglay 1968,207-09,213. His initial loyalty to the Flavian cause
was questionable and he was no doubt anxious to make amends.
44. Ptolemy I, 8; I, 10.
45. As note 44. See also Desanges 1964,713-25; 1978,197-213.
46. Ptolemy I, 8.
47. Desanges 1964,713-25; 1978,197-213; Daniels 1969,37-38.
48. Desanges 1964, especially.
49. The "bellicosae
gentes" mentioned by Aurelius Victor (XX. 19) and
SHA (Seoerus, 18) are not specifically identified. For the transformation
of the Garamantes into a pacified ally see Law 1967,190-94; Bovill
1968,28-40; Leglay 1968,215-16; Daniels 1971a, 261-62.
50. Romanelli 1959,301-03; Benabou 1976,106-108. The events are recorded
in Zonaras XI, 19 a (Loeb) Epitome of Dio, LXVII, 3,5. The date is
given by Eusebius, Chronic., I, 10.
51. See above pp. 87-88.
52. Zonaras XI, 19.

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6: 1
53. Romanelli 1939,110-18 - IRT 854 (App. 3, no. 99, below).
54. Romanelli 1959,301-05; Desanges 1964,724-25 (though Desanges now
(1978,210-13) seems to have changed his mind). Thomasson 1960,11,
158-59 and Birley 1971,34-35,304, argue for the separate identification.
55. Ptolemy I, 8, implied that Flaccus merely passed through Garamantian
territory on his way south. He would hardly have extended his route
through potentially hostile country.
56. Ptolemy I, 8.
57. Birley 1971,34 argues for A. D. 78-80.
58. Birley 1969,255; 1971,34-35,304 and pers. comm,
59. The fact that Desanges has changed his mind on this issue shows that
it is by no means cut and dried.
60. See further, 6: 2.
61. Javolenus Priscus, Legate c. A. D. 83-84 is mentioned on inscriptions
found along roads leading into the Djerid (CIL 8.23165) and
Nefzaoua (Donau 1907,66-67; ILAf 656).
62. Mann 1979a, 179-80, states that "the defence of Tripolitania in the
first and second centuries was unnecessary, possibly because Rome
seems always to have maintained good relations with, or at least a
firm eye on, the only sizeable group of barbarians to the south, the
Garamantes. " But this ignores the mechanics of Roman deterrent
diplomacy and a region which had posed considerable problems in the
first century was unlikely to be left entirely ungarrisoned in the second.
cf. Rebuff at 1982a, 490-92.
63. SHA, Severus, XVIII, 3.
64. Aurelius Victor, de Caes., XX, 19.
65. Rebuffat 1973b, 121-34, inscription no. 74-94 (see App. 3 no. 52
below). Also no. 72-26 (App. 3, no. 54), IRT 918,920 (App. 3, nos.
53,57).
66. Birley 1971,218-19; IRT 292 (App. 3, no. 81); Guey 1950,55-67.
67. Di Vita 1964a, 65-98, remains the best general account of the
Severan frontier and its antecedents.
68. Loriot 1971,342-46 = AE 1973,573, based on a rereading and
expansion of IRT 896 (App. 3, no. 39).
69. IRT 880 (App. 3, no. 31); Ward-Perkins and Goodchild 1949,26-28.
70. It was presumably garrisoned from a larger post at Thenteos (near Zintan )
71. Rebuffat and Marichal 19.73,181-86; Marichal 1979,436-52.
72. Marichal 1979,448-51.
73. Marichal 1979,451; Rebuffat 1977,407 (refers to the ostraca which
mentioned a fray).
74. Rebuffat 1977,408.
75. Mattingly 1983,96-108. The east to west spread of the tribes is
attested by Ibn Khaldun (De Slane 1925/1956,168-82,231-36,280-81);
Ibn Abd-el-Hakam (Gateau 1947,35-37). See also Jerary 1976, passim
and above pp. 92-95.
76. Corippus, loh, I, 480-83; V, 178-80; VII, 530-33.
77. See below 6: 2.
78. Ammianus Marcellinus XXVIII, 6,2-4; Cod. Theod. VII, 1,1.
79. Cf. St. Augustine, Letters 46-47.
80. Pallu de Lessert 1901, II, 302-03; Aurigemma 1940b, 132-40; Guey 1951,
248-52; Chastagnol 1967,126,129; IRT 562,563 (App. 3, no. 82).
81. For Lepcis: see note 80 above; Gigthis: CIL 8,11031; Ras el Ain:
CIL 8.22768, ILAf 11 (App. 3, no. 13-14).
82. Caputo 1951,243-47; Guey 1951,248-52; Chastagnol 1967,126,129;
IRT 565.
83. Chastagnol 1967,129.
84. IRT 565, lines 13-20 (App. 3, no. 83).

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6: 1/6: 2
85. On Romanus see Warmington 1956,55-64. Prior to the creation of the
office of Canes Africae in A. D. 349, the military command structure
uncertain, but only the earliest Tetrarchic praesides seem to have
is
normally exercised military as well as civil control.
86. Amm. Marcellinus, XXVIII, 6,4-6.
87. XXVIII, 6,7-19. For the career and powers of Ruricius see Chastagnol
1967,129; Amm. Marcellinus XXVIII, 6,11; 6,22; Cod. lust. XI, 48,5
(ad Oricun praesidem Tripolitanae dated 13 October 365).
88. On the events in Cyrenaica, see Synesius, Letters, 13,57,62,67
, 69,
78,94,95,104,107,108,113,122,125,130,132,133,134; Catastasis
I col. 1568-69,1572. The evidence is summarised in Tomlin 1979,259-66
and Mattingly 1983,97-99.
89. IRT 570 = Reynolds 1955,130, lines 6-9 (App. 3, no. 84). Cf. CIL 8.10937
for the date of Victorianus' governorship.
90. Cod. Theod. XII, 1,133.
91. Nestorius in A. D. 406 (Cod. Theod. XI, 36,33); Flavius Ortygius between
A. D. 408-423 (IRT 480); Flavius Macedonius Patricius at an unknown date
(IRT 529).
92. IRT 480 - Reynolds 1977,13 (App. 3, no. 85).
93. Notitia Dignitatun, Occ., XXV, 22; XXXI, 29. The creation of this
garrison post probably followed the raids of A. D. 363-67.
94. Synesius (Letters, 69,107,122,125,130) frequently castigated the
regular troops for their failure to combat the enemy. But from other
letters it is clear that the units were well below their nominal strength,
and that many were being downgraded by loss of pay or remounts. Letter
78, for instance,
mentions the Unnigardae unit, containing only 40 men
and threatened with demotion to militia status. Synesius felt though
that if they were increased in numbers to 200 men, they would be able
to win the war! See also Catastasis I, 1568.
95. See below 6: 2.
96. Ibn Abd-el-Hakam (Gateau 1947,35-37); Oates 1953,113; 1954, passim.
Mattingly 1983,100-106, where I argue for social change at seigneurial
level with the displacement of some of the Romano-Libyan
landowners notably in the old territoria of the cities. Areas of a
stronger Libyan culture, such as the Sofeggin and Zem Zem systems
were amalgamated into the confederation with less social upheaval.
In both cases there was continuity of the peasant substratum.
97. Procopius, Wars, III, 8,15-29; de aed., VI, 4,6-10.
98. Reynolds 1971a, 53-58, on the gradual demise of the Cyrenaican cities
from the late third century onwards; Jones 1971,290-92, Pringle 1981,
9-50, on the military problems in late Roman and Byzantine times;
Mattingly 1983,96-108 for a more extreme view of the loss of direct
territorial control of the interior lands by Byzantine times.
99. Corippus, loh., VI, 261-378.
6: 2 Diplomacy, tribal control and tribal development in Tripolitania
1. See above, p. 90.
2. Pliny, NH, V, 35-37.
3. Tacitus, Ann., IV, 23.
4. See further below 8: 4, also Squarciapino 1980,113-18.
5. ' Daniels pers. comm. and Table 4: B, p. 126 above.
6. For Caputo, see Pace, Sergi and Caputo 1951 col. 201f; see also Ayoub
1967a, 1-11,27-48; 1967b, 213-19; 1968a, 58-81; Daniels 1971a, 266-67,
1977,5-7.
7. Caputo's "villas" were reinterpreted by Daniels 1970b, 55-57,66.
On the buildings beneath Germa, see Ayoub 1967a, 12-26; Daniels 1971a,
262-65; 1973,36; Shaiboub 1979,190-200.
8. Barth 1857,144-47; Duveyrier 1864,275; Daniels 1971a, 267-68;
1975,24-25.

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6: 2
9. The case has been convincingly made by Daniels 1970a, 24-26; 1971a,
262-65; 1975,24-25. Romanelli 1962,220-26, saw strong similarities
between the Garamantes and the Baquates in their relationships to Rome.
10. Marichal 1979,451.
11. As note 10. The obvious parallels for this practice are to be found
in the correspondence of St. Augustine, Letters, 46-47.
12. An enigmatic Greek inscription recording the name Aurelius has sometimes
been associated with a possible (but doubtful) centurial mark (7) on the
same rock on top of Zinchecra. Even though this is not very convincing
(see Daniels 1975,256-57), it is possible in the light of the Bu Njem
discoveries that Aurelius was a soldier on detachment rather than a
merchant.
13. Daniels 1977,5-7.
14. John of Biclar, 569,1 (c. A. D. 568).
15. See 6: 1, note 67, for an example of Byzantine unpreparedness for
desert campaigning.
16. Rebuffat 1969,194-95; 1972a, 322-24 (for comparison the modern oasis
is 2 km2), ,
17. Rebuffat 1972a, 333; 1975c, 498-99; Duveyrier 1864,249-50; Mercier
1953,17-47.
18. On some of the older discoveries at Ghadames, see'Mercier 1953,17-47;
Coro 1956,3-26.
19. Rebuffat 1972a, 323-24.
20. Raiding from sites so close to the Gebel would have invited retaliation,
whilst the existence of a substantial trade could only follow on from
diplomatic agreement.
21. See Euzennat and Trousset 1975,86, who suggest that Tillibari may be
22.
equivalent to the Phazanian centre recorded as Cilliba by Pliny.
IRT 907,908,909, (App. 3, nos. 22-25). The last is dated to the
23.
reign of Septimius Severus post-A. D. 201.
See 6: 1, note 69 above.
24. Procopius, de aed., VI, 3,9-11: they had "been at peace with Romans
from ancient times", but the fact that it was necessary for Justinian
to "win them over" implies a gap in treaty relations. The A. D. 544-48
revolt is the obvious context, particularly as John Troglitas tried
to launch a campaign in the direction of Ghadames (Corippus VI, 261-
378). The Cidamensi were described as pacati because of the long term
nature of their treaty. See also Rebuffat 1982a, 492-99; Trousset
1981a, 11-12, on treaty relationships.
25. Herodotus IV, 172.
26. Florus II, 31.
27. Mela I, 8,46.
28. Epitome of Dio (Loeb) LXVII, 3-5: Domitian claimed to have "forbidden
the tribe to exist. "
29. Procopius, de aed., VI, 2,14-20, described the important temples and
shrines to Ammon at Augila where paganism remained strong "even up to
my own day. "
30. See now, Mattingly 1983,96-108.
31. Procopius, de aed., VI, 2,18-20, this is to be sua®ised from the
reported fact that the Augilae adopted Christianity -a feature of
other treaties imposed by the Byzantines after the crushing of the
Laguatan revolt in 548.
32. The coastal plain was centuriated between Lepcis and Zliten, showing
that the lower wadi Caam (Cinyps) was certainly absorbed into the
territoriun of Lepcis (pers. obs. of detailed AMS maps).
33. The Libyan sheik who erected the Ammonium at Ras el-Haddagia near
Tarhuna and the Libyco-Punic family who farmed the wadi el-Amud (Lamout)
are examples of these Libyan tribal elements in the first two centuries
A. D. See Levi della Vida 1951,65-68; 1964a, 57-63; di Vita 1964a, 66-71.

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6: 2
34. Rebuffat 1975a, 165-87; also 1982c, 198-99, deals with the development
of the Macae in the Bei el Kebir region.
35. Pers. obs. The occurrence of the early ARS forms (Hayes, 1972, forms
3,6,8 and 9) is particularly significant because of the relatively
large quantities present at each site.
36. See Burns and Mattingly 1981,27-31, on Gasr Isawi and the newly
discovered Banat hillfort in the wadi N'f'd.
37. See particularly, di Vita-Evrard 1979,77-98, who gives details of the
Flavian resurvey and App. 3, nos. 97-98. Also Gsell 1924,41-46.
38. Tabula Peut. seg. VIII, 1 Marccrnades Selorum; VIII, 1-2, Digdiga
municipiun
Selorn.
39. Romanelli 1939,110-18; IRT 854 (App. 3, no. 99).
40. CIL 16.39,46 (Upper Moesia); CIL 3.14429 (Lower Moesia).
41. See further 8: 1 below.
42. CIL 8.10500, L. Egnatuleius from el Djem. See above 3: 3 note 39
for the text.
43. CIL 8.22729, from Gigthis. See above 3: 3, note 38 for the text.
44. CIL 8.11022, found just west of Gigthis gives a mileage a finibus
Tacapitanorun which can be placed at or near the wadi Zeuss.
45. See now, Trousset 1982a, 45-59.
46. Trousset 1978,125-78, is the fundamental study of this limitatio.
47. CIL 8.23165.
48. CIL 8.22796; ILAf 655; Donau 1904b, 354-59; 1909b, 277-81, Toutain,
1903b, 202-7; 1906,242-50. (App. 3, no. 94).
49. Trousset 1978,165-73.
50. As note 46 above, particularly pp. 135-37.
51. CIL 8.83 (Turris Tamalleni); ILAf 30 (Bir Soltane - App. 3, no. 96).
On the Nybgenii, see Cagnat 1909,568-79.
52. As Rebuffat (1982a, 508-09) rightly observes there would have been
no question of the redeployment of the Bu Njem garrison marking the
immediate renunciation of Roman interests in the region. He concludes
that Rome must have substituted hegemonic control instead.
53. St. Augustine, Letters, 46-47.
54. Letters, 46, I-V; Goodchild 1950a, 36.
55. Letters, 47, I-II. The question of verbal oaths (and the problems
which occurred when they were broken) arose again in the Byzantine
sources, for instance, Procopius, Wars, IV, 21,17-22. Denti de
Pirajno 1957,37-39, described similar oaths taken by Tripolitanian
tribes conquered by the Italians in the 1920's.
56. Goodchild 1954d, 59-71; Courtois 1955,92-95; di Vita 1964a, 97-98;
Rebuffat 1977,413-14 and below 6: 3.
57. Goodchild 1954d, 70-71.
58. Buck, Burns and Mattingly 1983,42-54.
59. These conclusions are based on the detailed information now coming out
of the ULVP; see also note 58.
60. See further below, 6: 3 and Mattingly 1983,96-108.
61. Procopius, wars, III, 25,3-7: "All who ruled over the Moors
... sent
envoys to Belisarius saying that they were slaves of the emperor
and promised to fight with him. There were some also who even
furnished their children as hostages and requested that the
symbols of office be sent from him according to the ancient
custom. For it-was a law among the moors that no one should be a
ruler over them, even if he were hostile to the Romans, until the
emperor of the Romans should give him the tokens of office....
Now these symbols are a staff of silver covered with gold and a
silver cap - not covering the whole head, but like a crown and
held in place with bands of silver -, a kind of white cloak
gathered by a golden b-rooch on the right shoulder in the form
of a Thessalian cape and a white tunic with embroidery and a
gilded boot. And Belisarius sent these things to them and

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6: 2 /6: 3
presented each one with money. However, they did not come to
fight for him they
... waited to see what would be the outcome
of the war. " (Loeb trans. ).
Wars, IV, 21,2-11, on the deputation of Laguatan chiefs who came to
Lepcis asking for the "gifts and insignia of office which were
customary and so (to) make the peace secure".
62. Procopius, Wars, III, 25,4, for instance, shows that the award of
the insignia of office pre-dated the Vandal conquest (see note 61 above).
63. See, for example, Procopius, Wars, IV, 21,2-11; 21,16-22; Anecdota
V, 28-38, where he reveals that Sergius had sworn safe conduct for
the 80 Laguatan chiefs on the holy gospels and then massacred all
but one. The Laguatan felt that this invalidated all verbal oaths
made with the sacrilegious and untrustworthy Byzantines and this
may help account for the large scale of the revolt from her authority.
6: 3 The frontier and its garrison
1. See for example Cagnat 1914b, 77-109; Gsell 1933,149-66; Ward-Perkins
and Goodchild 1949,18; Mann 1974a, 526; 1979a, 179-80. The traditional
view is succinctly summarised by Haynes 1959,36-41.
2. Rebuffat 1980,108-09, argues that military activity in the Flavian
period is particularly underestimated.
3. Compare the views of Mann, quoted in 6: 4 note 1.
4. Trousset 1981a; Euzennat 1977b, 536-39; 1983, see the Tripolitanian
frontier as "inachevde" because of Rome's failure to maintain the
momentum of expansionism after Severus. But this was perhaps due not
to lack of ambition or ability, but to the prospect of increased
logistical problems and the prospects of diminishing returns.
Compare the earlier views of Cagnat 1914b; Hilaire 1901; Lecoy de la
Marche 1894; Toutain 1903a.
5. See Donau 1907,52-67 for a road built under Domitian; Euzennat 1977,
134; Gascou 1982,189, suggest that there was a fort at Telmine.
6. Euzennat and Trousset 1975,55.
7. ILAf'30 for the Bir Soltane stone; Trousset 1974,89-90.
8. CIL 8.11048 (Tisavar); ILAf 26 (Bezereos); (App. 3 nos. 1,5).
9. IRT 909 (App. 3, no. 24).
10. Mattingly 1982,73-80.
11. As Ward-Perkins and Goodchild recognised (1949,29).
12. Barth 1857,99-103.
13. Medina Ragda, pers, obs. ULVP.
14. Pers. obs. ULVP in the wadi Umm el Raml.
15. Jones et al 1983,64-67.
16. The features are visible on Goodchild's airphoto (1952b, 77) and he
commented on them (1954a, 56).
17. The similarities between Gheriat esh-Shergia and Gasr Isawi in the
wadi N'f'd imply contemporaneity and surface sherding at Isawi has
produced second 'and later second as well -: as early third century pottery.
Furthermore the Shergia oasis is the larger of the two Gheriats and
has always been the more important in recent history. It is possible,
therefore, that an outpost fortlet was established from Mizda prior to
the construction of the Severan control fort.
18. Two sites marked close to the Greater Syrtes on the Peutinger Map
suggest military origins; seg VII, 5, Praetors un; seg VIII, 1, Praesidio.
19. Goodchild 1976,157-58 and plate 53. The site is of playing card shape
with no sign of external bastions. For the dating evidence, see
Bakir 1967,251.

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6: 3
20. See above note 17, Gasr Isawi_(Banat). The other sites are el-Faschia
on the Zem-Zem and Gasr el Aswad on the wadi
Scetaf.
21. On the fossata and clausurae see Baradez 1949a; 1967; Trousset 1974;
1978; 1980; 1981b. See also p. 190 above and below 7: 3.
22. Sallust, BJ, LXXVII, 1; Pliny, NH, V, 35-37.
23. Tacitus, Ann, III, 74; see above pp. 185-87.
24. There is, however, no reliable archaeological evidence to show the
development of either site.
25. Tacitus, Hist., IV, 48-50, on the events of A. D. 69 when the Proconsul
Piso was executed on Festus' orders.
26. This was normal Roman practice in the aftermath of wars and revolts
involving provincial territory.
27. Trousset 1982a, 45-59, provides a good assessment of the strategic
significance
of the zone.
28. CIL 8.23166.
29. Euzennat and Trousset 1975,55; Trousset 1978,166-73; 1980,936-40.
30. Euzennat and Trousset 1975,45; Bechert 1971,241-45,261 and 285.
31. Baradez 1949b, 5-24; Euzennat and Trousset 1975,55 and note 55;
Trousset 1977,559-76.
32. Barth 1857,99-103; see above 3: 3, p. 80.
33. Ward-Perkins and Goodchild 1949,29.
34. See Chapter 8: 1.
35. Pers. obs. ULVP and pers. comm. J. N. Dore.
36. Brogan 1980,51. The site is also mentioned by de Mathuisieulx, 1904,18.
37. Pers. obs. ULVP 1981.
38. Mattingly 1982,73-80, cf. Ward-Perkins and Goodchild 1949,21-24.
39. Mattingly 1982,79, for a short report on the pottery by J. N. Dore.
40. IRT 868,869; Goodchild 1976, plates 9-10. cf. Euzennat 1973,143
(App. 3, nos. 34,35,15).
41. CIL 8.11048; Trousset 1974,92-94 (App., 3, no. 5).
42. ILAf 26; Trousset 1974,75-78 (App. 3, no. 1)
43. This is similar to Coaanodan activity in Nunidia and Mauretania
Caesariensis, see above 5: 4, note 35.
44. Euzennat and Trousset 1975,45-47; Euzennat 1973,143; ILAf 8-9
(App. 3, nos. 15,20-21)..
45. See below, section (c) and notes on these units.
46. Rebuffat 1973b, 121-34 (App. 3, nos. 51,52,54).
47. Di Vita 1965,107-11 (App. 3, no. 38). The Gheriat inscription
is dateable to A. D. 198-201, but similarities between the sites
suggest rough contemporaneity.
48. ILAf 26 - 28, Bezereos (App. 3, nos. 1-3); IRT 909, Ghadames (App. 3,
no. 24). IRT 868,869, Ain Wif (App. 3, nos. 34-35); Reynolds and
Brogan 1960,51-52, nos. 1 and 2, Ain el Auenia (App. 3, nos. 26-28);
Brogan and Reynolds 1964,43-44, nos. 1 and 2, Gasr Zerzi (App. 3,
nos. 48-49); IRT 887, Bir Tarsin (App. 3, no. 37). No military
site has yet been located at Bir Tarsin, Ward-Perkins and
Goodchild 1949,24 and note 28.
49. Rebuffat 1973b, 121-34, has reconstructed the sequence of events from
a series of inscriptions found at Bu Njem (IRT 913-916,918-920,
Bu Njem no. 74-94 - App. 3, nos. 50-54,57-58). The fort was started
on the arrival of the vexillation on 24 January 201 and the baths
were completed during 202 by which time a substantial part of the
garrison was absent, presumably on campaign. The return of the main
part of the vexillation is celebrated on two dedications from the
temple of Jupiter Hammon, the god of desert tracks, one of which
gives the date 26 December 205.
50. Trousset 1974,132 for plans of these two sites.
51. Hammond 1967,16-18; Di Vita 1964a, 287-90. There were Severan garrisons
at the following road-stations on the limes road. Agarlabas (Hr Mgarine-
probably) ; Bezereos (Bir Rhezene) ; Thebelani (Hr Medeina - probably) ;

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6: 3
Tillibari (Ramada); Thenteos (nr Zintan - perhaps) ; Auru (Ain el
Auenia) ; Thenadassa (Ain Wif) ; Mesphe (Medina Doga. - perhaps). See
also App. 1, section II.
-
52. See Appendix 1, section II, for the limes road.
53. IRT 895 (App. 3, no. 40).
54. Barth 1857,123-124.
55. Barth 1857,123: "It is a round Arab tower, only two large ancient
stones having been made use of as jambs, while a large slab, covered
with an inscription, is used as an impost, owing to which circumstance
the inhabitants generally regard even the tower as a Christian or
Roman building. The inscription
fortified station... "
... was evidently taken from the
56. Goodchild 1954,54-55 and note 26 (1976 edition), gave the context as
"built into the doorway of a small circular tower, of post-Roman
date. " He did note the German parallels for the use of the term
burgus (p. 54), but concluded rather contradictorily that it could
apply to the construction of the fort itself.
57. Welsby 1983,57-64. The survey by Dr. Welsby and myself in 1981
showed that the structure marked "tower or gate" on Goodchild's plan
was indeed the semi-circular front of a gate tower. The small masonry
is the same as that of the lookout tower so it is not clear why
Goodchild thought that the one close to the fort was probably Roman
(p. 52) and the more distant one not.
58. Cheriat: IRT 896 (App. 3, no. 39); Bu Njem: Rebuffat 1973b, 123,
inscriptions 72-28 and (unpub) 70-64 refer to the decurion of an ala
in charge of a nunerus. See also Rebuffat and Marichal 1973,181-86;
Marichal 1979,436. (App. 3, nos. 55,63-64,69-70,72,75-77);
Thenteos: the foundation of Gasr Duib in A. D. 244-46 implies the
continued existence of a major site at Thenteos (nr. Zintan)
(App. 3, no. 31).
59. Bir Rhezene: The titles of the Leg III Aug were reengraved post-253
on ILAf 26 (App. 3, no. 1) and a limes Bizeritanus is known in the
No ti ti a (Occ, XXXI, 5; XXXI, 20) ; Remada : No ti ti a Occ. XXV, 33; XXXI,
21; Euzennat and Trousset 1975,23-26, for structural evidence;
Ksar Rhilane: the titles of the Third Legion were not reengraved post-
A. D. 253 but the coin sequence at the site included fourteen of midthird
century date (out of a total of 21 identifiable), Gorbeaud
1901,91-92.
60. Rebuffat 1983b, 912-14 for the text of A. D. 236-238 showing the
n unerus in garrison alongside the legionary vexillation (App. 3, no. 60).
See also note 58, above.
61. App. 3, no. 39, cf Loriot 1971,342-46. The unit's name would fit
nicely in line 3, [milit. coh. I Syrorum Sa]g
note 105, below.
.....
See further
62. IRT 880 (App. 3, no. 31); Ward-Perkins and Goodchild 1949,24-29.
63. Marichal 1979,436-52; Rebuffat and Marichal 1973,181-86;
Rebuffat 1982a, 492-99.
64. Publication of the ostraca is forthcoming in the Supplements to Libya
Antiqua series. The inscription of the "praepositus limes" is
due to appear with other epigraphic discoveries in forthcoming
editions of Libya Antiqua (probably XIII-XIV).
65. Rebuffat 1982a, 508-09. CIL 8.22765 a ILT 3 (App. 3, no. 12)
Ras el Ain.
66. Most of the recorded events are banal and routine, see note 63 above.
67. Goodchild 1971,157-61; ART 943 (A. D. 275), IRT 953 (A. D. 271) and
IRT 956 (A. D. 262) indicate the continued importance of this route
at a time of retrenchment elsewhere.
68. Gombeaud 1901,91-92; Trousset 1974,92-94.

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6: 3
69. Chastagnol 1967,130-34, contra Courtois 1955,70-79.
70. CIL 8.22763 - ILS 9352; Trousset 1974,90-92; Gauckler 1902,321-40
(App. 3, no. 11). Repairs and construction work in the mid-fourth
century are recorded at Ras el Ain and on an inscription erected
at Lepcis, CIL 8.22766,22767 - ILAf 11; IRT 565. App. 3, nos. 13-14,83.
71. Trousset 1974, sites 25 (Ain Temassine), 41 (Hr el Hadjar), 59 (Benia
Guedah Ceder), 70 (Ksar Tabria), 105 (Benia bel Recheb); Goodchild
1950,38-41 (Gasr Bularkan/Mselletin).
72. See below 7: 1.
73. ILAf 8-9 (App. 3, no. 20-21). Aemilius Emeritus is also known from
inscriptions from Nunidia, CIL 8.2465,17953. See also the recent
study on the title praepositus by Smith 1979,263-78.
74. IRT 868 (App. 3, no. 34).
75. Le Bohec 1978,114; Mattingly 1982,77.
76. CIL 8.2466,21567 (Agueneb) and Picard 1944,45-46 (Dimmidi).
77. Rebuffat 1973b, 128-29, inscription 74-94 and IRT 920 (App. 3, nos.
52-53).
78. Rebuffat 1967,96-98,102-03; 1982b; 912-14. Publication of further
detail on Bu Njem is eagerly awaited. See IRT 895 for Gheriat (App.
3, nos. 40,52,59,60,62).
79. Marichal 1979,448-50, mentions troops outposted from Bu Njem to at
least four satellite posts.
80. Brogan and Reynolds 1964,43-44 (App. 3, nos. 48-49) for Zerzi. The
fortlet at esh-Shergia is undated but comparison with the site at
Isawi in the wadi N'f'd suggests a later second to third century date
span.
81. Trousset 1974,75-78,132 (plan).
82. Merlin 1921,236-48; Lassbre 1980,955-75.
83. Lassbre 1980,956 (and plate 65.1).
84. Several forts in Africa have produced similar lists or inscriptions
in association with the dedication of Arae Cerei, Rebuffat 1982b, 911-19.
85. Merlin 1921,236-48 - ILAf 27 (App. 3, no. 2); Lassbre 1980,955-75 (esp.
p. 957 and plates 65,2,65.3).
86. Its small size and relative proximity imply such a link. But cf note
88 below.
87. As note 59 above.
88. ILAf 9 (App. 3, no. 21). Tile stamps found at Tisavar suggest that that
fortlet may also have been constructed initially for outposting by
the second cohort from Remada. Merlin 1909,91-101; Euzennat and
Trousset 1975,58; Trousset 1974,118-20.
89. Euzennat and Trousset 1975,67, note 29; Trousset 1974,121-22.
90. Notitia Dignitatun, Occ, XXV, 33; XXXI, 21. It is possible that the
Cohors II Fla via Afrorun was still in garrison, see below, section (C).
91. Reynolds and Brogan 1960,51, no. 1 (App. 3, no. 27).
92. Notitia Dignitatun, Occ, XXXI, 19.
93. Ward-Perkins and Goodchild 1949,26-28; IRT 880 (App. 3, no. 31).
94. Ward-Perkins and Goodchild 1949,28; van Berchem 1952,39-42.
95. Rebuffat 1977,406, discusses the significance. I am grateful to
Professor Rebuffat for allowing me to examine the stone briefly in
his stores at Bu Njem.
96. Marichal 1979,447 (App. 3, no. 76).
97. Marichal 1979,436-52; Rebuffat 1970b, no. 70-46 (App. 3, nos. 70,77).
98. Clearly the date of the decline is later than imagined by Courtois 1955,
70-79,92-95. The switch back to an hegemonic style of control means
that territory was not formally abandoned, it simply became de facto
less
"Roman".
99. See further 7: 1 below. For the increased use of legionary vexillations
see Saxer 1967,30-31,100-110; Smith 1979,263-78.
100. Le Bohec 1980,945-54; also 1978,115-16. The unit was once thought to

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6: 3
have been a nzanerus col(onorun), Merlin 1909,98; Cagnat 1913,205,
but a discovery at Bu Njem allowed the reinterpretation, Euzennat 1972,
19, note 1.
101. Cagnat 1913,200; Euzennat 1973,143; 1977c, 231-35; Euzennat and
Trousset 1975,60-61; Trousset 1974,94,114-20; BCTH 1919, CLVIII;
(App. 3, nos. 15-16).
102. See Table 6: D and below note 123.
103. cIL 8.22631,33; ILAf 9 (App. 3,10 and 21).
104. Reynolds and Brogan 1960,51, no. 1 (App. 3, no. 26).
105. Joyce Reynolds (pers. comm. ) informs me that all we know of the
Cohors (I) Syrorun Sagittariorun is consistent with its being in
Africa from the first to third centuries A. D. A tribune of the
Coh. I Syrorun is known on a probably third century inscription
from Lambaesis (AE 1892,13 - CIL 8.21038) but this may have been
put up after his retirement. There is no evidence that actually
conflicts with the theory that the unit was posted to Tripolitania
for a considerable time in the second and third centuries.
106. On the site of Thenteos see Hammond 1967,13 (Edref); Euzennat and
Trousset 1975,54 and note 32. At any rate, this cohort would seem
to be associated with the Gebel Nefusa/Gebel Garian and central
road to Fezzan, just as the cohors II Flavia Afrortm is associated
with
the Dahar and Gebel Demmer.
107. Le Bohec 1978,109-22.
108. IRT 896 - Loriot 1971,242-46 = AE 1973,573 (App. 3, no. 39).
109. Joyce Reynolds (pers. comm. ) approves of my suggested reconstruction
and notes that it fits the available space quite well.
110. Le Bohec 1978,114.
111. Cagnat 1913,202; Le Bohec 1978,121.
112. Marichal 1979,450.
113. CIL 8.22765 a ILT 3 (App. 3, no. 12).
114. CIL 8.22766,22767 - ILAf 11; CIL 8.22768 (App. 3, nos. 13-14).
115. Marichal 1979,436-52; Rebuffat and Marichal 1973,281-86;
Rebuffat 1982a, 492-96.
116. As note 64 above.
117. Not. Dig, 0cc, VII, 140-52,157-58; XXV, 2-33; XXXI, 2-31.
118. As is evident from Table 6: D.
119. See above 6: 1, notes 90-92.
120. Matthews 1976,157-86, looks at the Mauretanian section of the list
and concludes that the frontier system was enmeshed in tribal political
arrangements. See above pp. 191-92.
121. The recurrence of Lepcis in the list of the dux suggests that Lepcis
was meant in both cases. The creation of a garrison post at Lepcis
must have been post-A. D. 367 as there is no mention of it in Ammianus'
account of the A usturiani raids.
122. See Trousset 1974,98-102,114-18 and note 59 above.
123. Euzennat and Trousset 1975,61, propose that Secundanorun was a
reference to the downgraded cohort. It is possible, however, that a
scribal error at the start of the line inserted praepositus limitis
in. place of milites. The line would then originally have read
milites Seccmdae Afrorun in castris Tillibarensis. Although this
form of entry would be unique in the list of the Cones it is
paralleled in the list of the dux, for example the Milites Munifices
in castris Madensibus and the milites fortensis in castris
Leptitanis (occ, XXXI, 29-30).
124. The development of the limitanei theory can be traced in Goodchild's
work from early papers (1949a and b, with Ward-Perkins 1949) through
to his later essays (1950a, 1952c) where his earlier reservations and
doubts are no longer so apparent. In spite of a great deal more
information being available now, his original views remain very
influential in the secondary literature, Matthews 1976,170-71;
MacKendrick 1980,174-75.

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6: 3 /6: 4
125. Jones 1964, II, 607-86 (esp. 646-49); 1971,293-94,298; Cod. Theod, VII, 1.15.
126. Ward-Perkins and Goodchild 1949,. 30 and note 41.
127. SHA, Se wris Alex, 3-5. See contra Goodchild, Di Vita 1964a, 71-73,
80-86.
128. See for example, Toussaint 1905-1907 on the work of the Brigades
Topographiques. In his 1906 report (230-36) it is clear that any square
or defended building was classed as a military post. The same tendency
resurfaces even in the recent thesis by Trousset (1974), for example,
p. 110, Bir Fatnassia "un etablissement assez important
... sans doute
une poste militaire. " The proximity of the unquestionably civilian
mausolea of el-Amrouni suggests that some caution is necessary.
On the Libyan gsur, see Goodchild 1949a, 32-34; 1949b, 39-41;
1950a, 41-43; Ward-Perkins and Goodchild 1949,29-32; Ward-
Perkins 1950,25-30. But see now Buck, Burns and Mattingly 1983,
42-54.
129. See note 124 above and compare the work of the ULVP, Jones and
Barker 1980; Barker and Jones 1981; Jones et al 1983.
130. The earliest gsur are still to be seen as late second or early third
century in date (pers. obs. ULVP but N. B. the provisional and inaccurate
statement in Jones and Barker 1980,30, implying that many gsur shared
the early dating of the open farms.
131. Goodchild 1949,32-34; 1950a, 41-43; 1954d, 59-71 (App. 3, nos. 114-126).
6: 4 Conclusions : the work of the garrison
1. But compare the views of Mann 1974a, 526: "In Tripolitania the most
remarkable change took place towards the end of the second century
A. D. Down to that time there is no trace of any units or detachments
in Tripolitania, much less of any frontier line. The Garamantes of
Fezzan living far to the south seem on the whole to have maintained
friendly relations ...
if any real emergency arose the legion of
Numidia could be called on. It is interesting to see a situation
typical of the republican period surviving so long, especially as
the pre-desert area ... saw considerable development of settlement
during the
...
early principate. "
2. Rebuffat 1982a, 490-92 and above pp. 160-75.
3. Cagnat 1914a, 142-46; cIL 8.4508; Damon 1964,7-23; Fentress
1979,208-209, on the Zarai and Lambaesis customs tariffs. Also
see Rebuffat 1979,232-35 and above pp. 190.
4. Trousset 1980,936-40.
5. See above pp. 175-84.
6. Manning 1975,112-16, argues forcibly against the existence of a
centralised supply system. His views receive some corroboration from
the Vindolanda tablets, A. Bowman pers. comm. and Bowman and Thomas 1983.
7. The ostraca provide a remarkable insight into the requisitioning or
purchasing of supplies. Letters of carriage were provided to the
local camel drivers by soldiers organising the supply and these were
presented at the fort. The amounts involved from each source were
small. Those of grain varied from 24 to 108 modii
(210-945 litres).
Even more remarkable is the variety of Libyco-Punic terminology in
use in the weights and measures system. Four separate words described
the same local measure equivalent to 12 modii (105 litres). Supplies
were presumably coming from the Sofeggin, Zem-Zem or Kebir area,
Marichal 1979,448 (and below, App. 3, no. 76).
8. Rebuffat 1967,207-11; 1970a, 21-30,1970b, 133-36; 1977,408,
describes its extent as 15 ha (37.5 acres).

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6: 4
9. Rebuffat 1977,402-14; 1979,225-29; 1982a, 490.
10. Rebuffat and Marichal 1973,181-86; Marichal 1979,450.
11. As note 10; also Rebuffat 1970b, 136-37 (Zerzi); 1970d,
17-18 (Zella).
12. Marichal 1979,451; Rebuffat 1982c, 196.
13. Garamantes arrived at the fort bearing letters perhaps
as a form of
passport., Marichal 1979,451.
14. St. Augustine, Letters, 46-47.
15. See above, 4: 1.
16. Le Bohec 1980,945-54.
17. Cagnat 1913,287-308.
18. Lass4re 1980,955-75.
19. Rebuffat, 1972a, 334-35; 1975b, 214-15.
temples at Bu Njem to the Libyan deities
Hammon (see App. 3, nos. 53 and 59).
Note also the dedications of
of Mars Canapphar and Jupiter

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FOOTNOTES
CHAPTER '7":, THE ' ARCHAEOLOGY * OF ' THE ' FRONTIER
7: 1--FORTS
1. Good examples are Hilaire 1901,95-105; Toutain 1903a, 391-409;
de Mathuisieulx 1904,11-16.
2. For instance, Cagnat 1913,531-32, suggested that Benia Ceder was
Rezereos and that bel Recheb was Augemmi. For a useful summary of such
views see Hammond 1967,5-15.
3. Cagnat 1913,532.
4. One can no longer automatically assume these sites to have been military,
see Jones and Barker 1980; Barker and Jones 1981; 1982, Jones et al 1983
and below 7: 2.
5. Trousset 1974,131-41, analysed sites according to the following classification
: castra, castella, centenaria, burgi, turres, clausurae. The
problems and errors involved in this approach were exposed by Rebuffat
1980,112-18, in his savage review article.
6. For the sake of consistency I have batched sites according to the
following system : over 0.8 ha (2 acres), fort; between 0.1 and 0.8. ha
(0.25 -2 acres), fortlet; between 0.01 and 0.1 ha (0.03 - 0.25 acres),
outpost; under 0.01 ha (0.025 acres), tower.
7. Trousset 1974,131-42 and Rebuff at 1980,112-18,122-23, both attempt
to categorise sites on structural grounds, but many such features are
common to several periods so confusion arises. "Barracks against the
enceinte", "ditch with counterscarp", "ditch without counterscarp" can
unite sites of completely different date, style and size. Given the
current state of knowledge it is inappropriate to assign sites to
these sorts of arbitrary groupings and a classification according to
size does have the advantage of not confusing sites which could hold
ten men, with those built for 50 or 500. For recent general studies
of fort types see Johnson 1983; Hassall 1983.
8. Summarised in Euzennat and Trousset 1975,13-19; Trousset 1974,114-15.
9. Euzennat and Trousset 1975,13.
10. The report was reconstructed from a copy of Donau's records deposited
in the Institut National d'Archgologie et d'Arts de Tunis, Euzennat
and
Trousset 1975,17-34.
11. Hammond 1967,11; Brogan 1965a, 53; Trousset 1974,116; App. 3, no. 15.
12. Euzennat and Trousset 1975, "20-26.
13. Euzennat and Trousset 1975,55-59 and fig 14; Bechert 1971,201-87.
14. Bechert 1971,241-43 (square projecting); 261,276 (D-shaped towers)
The same combination of square and D-shaped towers occurs at Sadouri
(Ausum) in Numidia (pers. obs. ) and suggests a Severan date for
that fort also. Cf. the incorrect plan published by Fentress 1979,103.
15. Rebuffat 1975d, 359-76, gives examples from Mauretania Tingitana;
cf. Trousset 1977a, 572, for Gemellae; Rebuffat 1975b, 190, for Bu Njem.
16. Euzennat and Trousset 1975,28-30.
17. Euzennat and Trousset 1975,30.
18. Euzennat and Trousset 1975,28.
19. App. 3, no. 15; Euzennat 1973,143.
20. Euzennat and Trousset 1975,55 and note 55; Trousset 1977a, 559-76.
21. Euzennat and Trousset 1975,58.
22. See above 6: 3, note 123.
23. Corippus, loh, II, 78-80.
24. Barth 1857,123.
25. Goodchild 1952b, 77, for a better version of the air-photograph used in
Goodchild 1954a - 1976,50-56 and pl. 23,26-29. A splendid upsidedown
version is now published in Jones et al 1983,58!

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7: 1
26. See Jones et al 1983,64-67 and Welsby 1983,57-64, for preliminary
reports. The main survey was carried out by Dr. Welsby, R. Grove and
myself.
27. Goodchild 1954a, 54; Welsby 1983,60.
28. Goodchild 1954a, 53 for the plan and isometric elevation.
29. For the Lambaesis gate (A. D. 177) see Cagnat 1913,456-63; for Bu Njem,
Rebuffat 1967,71-84.
30. Goodchild 1954a, 51 (fig 12); Welsby 1983,61.
31. It is significant that even the ground floor of the gate towers was
not constructed throughout in ashlar blocks. This seems conclusive
proof that the upper floors in small masonry were contemporary.
32. Bu Njem, Remada, Sadouri and Lambaesis all have only two gate types.
For the detailed arguments concerning the circular burgus see above 6: 3.
33. Dr. Welsby deserves full credit for identifying these features. For the
parallels for the angle towers see Seston 1927,155,162 and Christofle
1938,120-21 on Rapidum in Mauretania Caesariensis. The type may have
been a development from the double corner towers ( ) at Gemellae and
Lambaesis, Cagnat 1913,458; Trousset 1977a, 571,573 (figs. 1 and 3).
34. Welsby 1983,61-62. Alternatively, if the type did develop from a
double tower, the arrangement may have been two pairs of windows with
a gap between.
35. Jones et al 1983,58,64-67, for the features on the west side of the
oasis. Three possible temples were recorded east of the fort (G. G.
2-4). The vicus is plainly visible on the air-photograph.
36. The fort is almost exactly double the size of Bu Njem and was large
enough for a garrison equivalent to a cohors milliaria.
37. Lyon 1821,65-66. Compare Rebuff at 1969,202-03.
38. Richardson 1848,443-45, noted the presence of the vicus around the fort.
39. Bartoccini 1928b, 50-58.
40. Goodchild 1954a, 47-50.
41. Further publications are forthcoming in the Libya Antiqua series (the
praetorium, double granary, temple of Mars Canapphar, south necropolis
and an updated overall plan; also the ostraca and other epigraphic
discoveries).
42. Rebuffat 1967,54-55; 1970a, 10-11,87.
43. Rebuffat 1967,71-84; 1969,199-203 (east); 1975b, 214-15 (south);
1967, pl. xxxv.
44. Lyon's drawing has been frequently reproduced, Cagnat 1913; Goodchild
1954a; Rebuffat 1967 and as my frontispiece. Modern excavation has in
general confirmed Lyon's evidence, Rebuffat 1969,202-03.
45. Rebuffat 1970b, 129-30, pl. xxviid; the same applies to Gheriat for
which Welsby 1983,62, makes the point.
46. Rebuffat 1970a, 10-11 and pers. obs. of kite air-photographs.
47. Principia: Rebuffat 1967,85-92; 1969,204-06; 1970a, 14-17; 1970b,
107-21; 1972a, 336-37; 1975b, 189-209; Praetorium: Rebuffat 1975c, 502-
04 (and pers. obs. ); Baths: Rebuffat 1970a, 13-14; 1970b, 121-33;
1972a, 331-35; 1975b, 208-14; 1975c, 503.
48. Rebuffat 1970b, 127-33; 1975,210-211.
49. Duveyrier and Lyon both noted a well close to the north gate, Cagnat
1913,556.
50. Rebuffat 1970a, 11-13. My Figure 26 is produced from Rebuffat's
previously published plan, updated from vertical kite air-photographs
taken by Professors Jones and Rebuffat, J. R. Burns and myself in 1980.
It is accurate enough for the purposes of the present discussion.
51. This would be a reasonable inference from the fort's size alone,
cf. Hassall 1983,96-131.

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7: 1
52. See 7: 4 below on the vicus; the temple of Jupiter Hammon and another
unnamed temple of peribolus type lie to the north of the fort, Rebuffat
1970b, 135-36; 1972a, 327-29. The temple of Mars Canapphar, east
of the fort, is only partially published, Rebuffat 1975b, 215-18.
53. Some of the epigraphic discoveries are already published, Rebuff at 1967,
97-103; 1970a, 34-35; 1970b, 138-43; 1973a, 99-120; 1973b, 121-34;
1973c, 135-45; 1975b, 218-220; 1982b, 911-19; Rebuffat and Marichal
1973,181-86; Marichal 1979,436-52. See below App. 3, Nos. 50-77,
112-13.
54. Rebuffat 1967,71-84 and plan p. 74, on the late alterations to the
area of the east gate. Similar traces of post-military occupation
have been found in other areas of the fort.
55. Rebuffat 1970a, 23-30, for fifth century walls built at a higher level
alongside the largely abandoned "bätiment aux niches".
56. Duveyrier 1864,251.
57. Duveyrier 1864,249-54.
58. Rebuffat 1972a, 322-23, full publication forthcoming in Libya Antiqua.
59. See above Chapter 6: 2.
60. Fentress 1979, does not include the site in her gazeteer, but CIL 8.
17725 may well be from there rather than from Khenchela.
61. The early construction date for the baths is better interpreted as
military activity. CIL 8.22784 records a certain Ianuarius sesqui[pli-
carius] on a fragment of an inscription from el-Havana.
62. Euzennat 1977c, 134; Gascou 1982,189.
63. On the oases of the Nefzaoua, Trousset 1974,41-50.
64. A limes Thamallensis garrisoned by limitanei is recorded in the Not.
Dig., Occ., XXV, 21.
65. Modern development has transformed Mizda within the past few years and
the old villages are now abandoned.
66. IRT p. 215 and no's. 883-884; Goodchild 1948,5-6,14-23.
67. See above 6: 3.
68. Part of the defended Berber village was surveyed by the ULVP in 1981.
69. De Mathuisieulx 1904,15-16; Hammond 1967,13.
70. According to Hammond 1967,13. Euzennat and Trousset 1975, favour
this
identification.
71. See above 6: 3.
72. For the excavations and published plans see Lecoy de la Marche 1894,
395,399-402; Toutain 1903a, 351-54; Boizot 1913,260-66; Trousset
1974,99-100.
73. Trousset 1974,98-102 and pers. obs. There is about 2m of
stratigraphy inside the fort.
74. See, for instance, Trousset 1974,132, fig. 14. The detailed plans
of the gates (Trousset 1974,99 and Lecoy de la Marche 1894,401)
show that
the gates had proper D-shaped towers and not simply external
bastions.
75. Trousset 1974,100.
76. See above note 72.
77. App. 3, nos. 12-14.
78. Pottery identified on site in 1982 included Hayes 1972, ARS forms
23B, 27/31,31,181(late second - third century) and 68 and 70 (late
fourth - fifth century). There was also some TRS, for instance,
form 9.
79. Fentress 1979,105-07, gives plans of the much larger Numidian forts.
Evidently, a larger regular garrison was maintained there in the late
Roman Empire.
80. One should note, however, that the type has a much earlier origin in
the eastern Mediterranean where a quadriburgus in Osrhoene is now
dated to A. D. 197, Wagner 1983,103-29.

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7; 1/7; 2
81. Cagnat 1913,542-47.
82. Pers. obs. 1982..
83. Donau 1904a, 467-70 and others thought this difference in construction
might be evidence of Byzantine reoccupation.
84. There are water troughs inside one room.
85. As note 83, Donau's plan is more detailed than earlier (or later)
versions.
86. It is worth noting that a third century sherd of Hayes 1972, ARS
form 27/31 was identified on the site in 1982.
87. A fourth century lamp was found at an associated( ) site close-by,
Trousset 1974,53.
88. Trousset 1974,59-60 (with plan).
89. Petrikovits 1971,178-218; Trousset 1974,74 with plan. If the bastions
are an addition then the original site belongs with the Hr Mgarine/
Hr Medeina group of fortlets (see below).
90. Cagnat 1913,533; Hammond et al 1964,16.
91 For the suggestion that the site was unfinished, see Blanchet 1898,78.
The preference shown by stone robbers for small masonry is graphically
illustrated by the north gate at Bu Njem, which was stripped down to
its ashlar base by first Turkish and then Italian soldiers building
forts nearby.
92. See Trousset 1974,105-06 with plan.
93. Goodchild 1950a, 38-41 and pers. obs. 1980.
94. Burns and Mattingly 1981,30-31. The survey by myself and J. R. Burns
is as yet unpublished.
7: 2 FORTLETS *AND 'OTHER'OUTPOSTS
1. For the parallels, see Welles et al 1959,22-46,191-404, for the
papyri from Dura Europus; Breeze 1977,1-6, for a discussion of the
manning of fortlets.
2. See 7: 1, notes 1-3.
3. See below, note 5.
4. The same pattern of progressive embellishment of the frontier is
evident elsewhere in Africa as noted above pp. 187-91.
5. Ward-Perkins and Goodchild 1949,21-24; Haynes 1959,138.
6. Mattingly 1982,73-80.
7. For the published plan see Trousset 1974,132, fig. 14.
8. The practice of placing barracks round the inside of the main defensive
wall is generally believed to be a third century development. But the
Commodan dating of Tisavar shows that it was already the practice in some
fortlets by the late second century.
9. Trousset 1974,52,132, fig. 14.
10. Although I could discern no traces of room divisions, the internal
arrangement suggested by these walls is of peripheral lean-to
barrack-blocks rather than the conventional free-standing type.
11. Hayes 1972, ARS forms 27,27/31,181
were common and as a group are
late second - third century in date. One rim sherd form 6c (probably
second century) was also noted. Examples of ARS forms 50,91,92
suggest that civilian occupation continued into the fifth century.
12. cf. Lecoy de la Marche 1894,407; Trousset 1974,132.
13. Trousset 1974,74. Unfortunately I have not been able to study the actual
air-photograph nor to visit the site itself.
14. For the excavations, see Gombeaud 1901,81-94; Cagnat 1913,558-61.
15. cf Trousset 1974,92-94 and Rebuffat 1980a, 110-11.
16. Gombeaud 1901,93.

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7: 2
17. T know of no published plan and Trousset's account is rather short of
detail.
18. If the outer wall is not the main defensive enceinte then clearly
Si Aioun was not a fortlet at all, but a small outpost like Gasr
Zerzi.
19. Goodchild 1976a, pl. 53.
20. See above, note 5. Also Reynolds and Simpson 1967,45-47.
21. Mattingly 1982,73-80.
22. Goodchild 1951b, 74-79 (with plan).
23. The excavations by an expedition from Cambridge University have never
been fully published. See Reynolds and Brogan 1960,51-52; Reynolds
and Simpson 1967,45-47.
24. Brogan 1980,51 and pers. obs.
25. The plan was made for the ULVP by myself and Mr. D. Buck.
26. Brogan 1980,51 and pers. comm. J. N. Dore, who notes that there were
sherds of terra sigillata and early ARS forms (second century) in
abundance but comparatively little late ARS and no TRS. The floreat
of the site was undoubtedly early in date.
27. See, for instance Toussaint 1906,230-36.
28. Brogan 1964; 1971a; Di Vita 1964a; Jones and Barker 1980; Barker and
Jones 1981; 1982; Jones et al 1983.
29. cf the contrasting views of Goodchild 1950a, 41-44 and di Vita 1964a,
71-73.
30. Many of the gsur in the Gebel Tarhuna were ditched and the vast
proportion were civilian foundations, see Oates 1954,91-117.
31. Elaborate mausolea were built near Roman outposts as well, as at Si
Aioun, Trousset 1974,118-20.
32. See Gauckler 1902,321-40; Toutain 1903a, 372-74; Leschi 1943,5-22;
Goodchild 1949a, 32-34; Ward-Perkins and Goodchild 1949,28.
33. Smith 1971,299-318, argued for parallels with the milefortlets and
milecastles of Hadrian's Wall which he suggested were designed for
the outstationing of centuries.
34. It is highly unlikely that either the officer in command or the
garrison size was the same at these two sites.
35. See above 6: 4. The theory was advanced with some reservations by
Goodchild 1949a, 32-34; -1950a, 41-44 and Ward-Perkins and Goodchild
1949,26-29 and became widely accepted without the necessary
qualifications.
36. Goodchild 1952b, 80, talked of a zone of limitanei settlement behind
the limes' forts which was inaugurated by Severus Alexander, with the
implication that most gsur were part of an official scheme for the
defence of the region.
37. See App. 3, nos. 114-119.
38. See now Buck, Burns and Mattingly 1983,52-54.
39. cf Goodchild 1950a, 41 and the more cautious views of Buck, Burns and
Mattingly 1983,52-54. Concerning the pyrgoi see above pp. 121-22.
40. Toutain 1903a, 325-30; Cagnat 1913,539-42.
41. The site-was visited by members of the ULVP in 1980 and planned by
myself and J. R. Burns.
42. The only other new discovery of note was a piece of entablature (from
a small mausoleum ) which I discovered in a heap of rubble in another
part of the Italian fort.
43. For the identical masonry and treatment of the corners, see Goodchild
1976a, pl. 31; di Vita 1964a, pl. xxxv, b, c, d.
44. See App. 2, the Banat village and Burns and Mattingly 1981,27-29.

7: 2
-435-
45. The survey of the site was carried out by H. Coddington and I. Skirton
under the direction- of J. R. Burnss. and myself. The final drawing for
.
publication
was by myself.
46. J. N. Dore (pers. comm) notes 2 sherds of terra sigillata, examples of
ARS forms 5; 23,27,27/31 (10 rims) which as a group hint at a late
second-century. origin for the site. Later pottery included ARS forms
50,58,32/58,59,69 and TRS 2,3.
47. The site was surveyed in 1979 by G. D. B. Jones, myself and others for
the
ULVP.
48. For example, a fortified building of this type was excavated at Hr.
Suffit (Tarhuna) by Bartoccini 1929,106-10. Although clearly defensive
in nature one can be less certain of a military interpretation on the
basis of the ashlar masonry.
49. Boinag is almost certainly the site known to Pliny as Boin (NH, V. 37)
50. Rebuffat 1970c, 181-87; 1970d, 17-18.
51. Brogan and Reynolds 1964,43-46; Rebuffat 1970b, 136-37; 1982a,
plates; App. 3, nos. 48-49.
52. Rebuffat 1972a, 324-26; 1975c, 499; 1982c, 197-99, on sites in the
wadi Neina and bei el-Kebir (for instance Shwerif and a
"forteresse" at Oum el-Gueloub nearby).
53. The cistern at Zerzi was actually constructed by the Roman army and
the same was no doubt true in other cases. These large cisterns were
not simply to supply the small detachments with water but to encourage
travellers and transhumers to use the routes under Roman supervision.
54. This fact is played down by Goodchild 1971,160.
55. Warnes was first visited and planned by de Mathuisieulx 1905,88-89,
a fact unknown to Smith 1971,302-03, who also published a plan.
Coodchild 1976a, pl. 19, is a superb air-photograph of the site which
shows the gasr in its full context with ditch and low counterscarp
wall. The site was visited and resurveyed for the ULVP in 1981 by
myself, Dr. D. Welsby and P. Moffat.
56. IRT 881 (= App. 3, no. 32). The text is very worn and overlain by
graffiti, but the visible letters suggest it belongs in the class
identified as Latino-Punic by Levi della Vida 1963,65-94; 1965,59-62.
57. The plan reproduced by Gauckler and Cagnat is preferable to Trousset's
simplified
version.
58. The latest coin is of Eugenius A. D. 392-94.
59. The following list of towers is compiled from Trousset 1974. His
site nos. 18,34,40,101,115 are possibilities at best for military
sites. Nos. 54-57,74,107,111 are certainly in association with
other military sites. But his site 108, which I visited in 1982, is
not a tower at all, but a farm with an associated square mausoleum
covered by a circular tumulus:
60. Including gates four towers are associated with the Tebaga clausura,
one with Bir out All, one (or two) with Skiffa, one with Chenini;
four with Hadd Hajar (including one discovered in 1981 by D. Buck).
61. See above 6: 3; Barth 1857,123; Coodchild 1954a, 54, and pers.
obs. with ULVP. The tower stands in a dominant position c. 1 km
north of the fort with extensive views of the approach corridors
from the north and east.
62. Donau 1904a, 467-77, on the tower 250 m south of Benia Ceder; Donau 1909a,
36-37, Trousset 1974,78, on Mergueb ed Diab. See also note 64,
below.
63. On the varied functions of towers, see Baatz 1970; Gichon 1974,513-30.
64. Rebuffat 1978,846, describes the legend which links Bezereos
and Tamezrend.
65. Di Vita 1964a, 87-88; Rebuffat 1978,845-46.
66. Rebuffat 1978,845-46; 1982a, 483-85.

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7: 217: 3
67. He visited the area in the summer of 1949 when his limitanel theory
was taking shape and recognised what he was sure was a planned and.
systematic
settlement.
68. See now, Buck, Burns and Mattingly 1983,42-54, on the recent ULVP work.
69. Ward-Perkins and Goodchild 1949,29-30 and n. 39.
70. Reynolds 1955,138, no. S 20; Buck, Burns and Mattingly 1983,52-54.
71. Goodchild 1954d, 70-71.
72. Buck, Burns and Mattingly 1983,45-51, for the cemetery surveys.
73. Only a single example of an olive press was found and the wadi wall
systems were less complex and less extensive than in areas of intensive
wadi agriculture. On the other hand there are some large enclosures
suitable for penning stock; see also note 68, above.
74. For a similar view, see Rebuffat 1977,412-15. The practice of rewarding
allies with Roman names, titles and gifts or stipends was continued
into Byzantine times, see above 6: 2, notes 61-63.
75. The slight Romanisation of the elite at Ghirza (some had Roman
praenomina - IRT 899,900, Reynolds 1955, S 22) cannot disguise
their underlying Libyan culture, language and religion, Reynolds, Brogan
and Smith 1958; Brogan 1975b.
76. Brogan and Smith, forthcoming in the Supplements to Libya Antiqua series.
For the older view, see Haynes 1959, pl. 27 and caption.
77. See, for instance, Trousset 1974, site nos. 50-51,60-68 and Rebuffat
1980,122-23.
78.1 visited several of these sites in 1982 with G. D. B. Jones and was
far from convinced by the supposedly military character. The sites
with ditches are Trousset nos. 50-51,65,67 and perhaps 61. Some
of these sites have also produced early pottery (late first - second
century forward), pers. comm. M. Euzennat.
79. Trousset 1974., gives numerous examples of agricultural sites alongside
his "military
posts" including an olive press (site 35) and many
barrages or wadi terraces (sites 29,32,33,38,42,63,65).
80. Mausolea are recorded close to sites 50,51,57,59 (x3), 62,65 and
inscriptions from sites 57 and 59 are of a civilian nature, . Trousset
1974,66-68.
81. App. I, III, for the road running south of the Chott between the
Djerid and Gabes.
82. Cf. Oates 1953; 1954, on the changing character of settlement in the
Fergian region, and the current ULVP findings.
83. App. 3, no. 119. See also Toutain 1903a, 384-85; Pericaud 1905,
259-69; Cagnat 1913,565-68; Trousset 1974,85-86.
84. See App. 3, nos. 114-118, for some comparative material from Libya.
85. Moreau 1904,369-76; Cagnat 1913,563-65, on the excavations.
The suggested uses of different buildings as proposed on the published
plan is an eloquent and absurd testimony of this blinkered approach.
Cagnat's ill-judged comparison between the plan of the main gasr and the
fortlet at Tisavar (1913,563-65) would be amusing were it not
repeated as a supposedly valid typological link even today, Trousset 1974,
103; Rebuffat 1980,122-23.
86. In the course of the ULVP I have personally examined scores of
similar sites. In the majority of cases a civilian interpretation has
seemed the safer
option.
87. Gsur were still being built in the Libyan pre-desert in the ninthcentury
A. D., see Mattingly 1983,103-04; Barker and Jones 1981,38-42.
7: 3 CLAUSURAE
1. Rebuffat 1980,113-14 and others have perhaps rightly questioned whether
the term clausura was used in pre-Byzantine times in the very specific
sense given to it by modern scholars.

-437-
7; 3
2. See Pringle 1981,96 and Iy, 3, note 4; Trousset 198lb_; Thesaurus
Linguae Latinae III, col 1321p 1327; Irocopius de aed., III, 3,2;
7,5; IV, 2,17; Cod. rust. 1,27,2;. 27,4-4a (references to clusuris
et burgis and clusuras et fines), for the possibly earlier origins see
Not. Dig., 0cc XXV (claustra Alpium ruliarium); Sasel 1963,155-61;
Cassiodorus, Variae IT, 5; IT, 19 (in MGHAA XII, p. 49,57; Cod lust.,
I, 31,4;. 46,4 (A. D. 443). In the later Byzantine period the term
became associated with specific frontier sectors in much the same
way that the meaning of limes had changed earlier (pers. comm. Dr.
D. Hill).
3. Cod. Theod. VII, 15,1; Forni, in Dizionario Epigrafico di antichita
Romane IV, 1958,15-16.
4. Rebuffat 1980c, 237-58; 1981,210-22. But an inscription from Brough-
by-Bainbridge (RIB 722)uses bracchium in the sense of an annex or
vicus
defence.
5. Rebuffat 1980a, 113-14. The theory concerning the propugnacula is
outlined by Trousset 1974,139-41. He still holds to a modified
version of this interpretation (1981b).
6. For the technically incorrect but accepted use of the term vallum in
British frontier studies, see Collingwood Bruce 1978,30-33;
Breeze and Dobson 1978,43. This corruption goes back to the Venerable
Bede!
7. On the fossata, see particularly Gsell et al 1902,1-143; Guey 1939,
178-248; Jacquot 1911,273-87; 1915,115-20; Baradez 1949a, passim;
1967,200-10. In 1980 I presented a BA thesis on the subject at the
University of Manchester.
8. Baradez 1949a, 35-54; 93-108 for the el-Kantara and Gemellae sectors
of fossata.
9. Baradez 1949a, 114-29, connected his known segments with natural
barriers (chotts, wadis, mountains) and thereby claimed a continuous
frontier of c. 750 km length. He has been quoted by many more recent
scholars for example Luttwak 1976,79. In reality most of the gaps
cannot be explained away to allow for a satisfactory cordon theory,
but the position of the known fossata are in close relation with
almost all the major transhuming routes.
10. See the illuminating maps in Lassere 1977 and Whittaker 1978.
11. Baradez 1949a, 130-34, saw them as the rear element in a wide zone
of frontier defences.
12. Many were initially interpreted as barrages (or canals in the case
of
the Gemellae fossatum,
_ Gsell et al 1902,1-143).
13. Notably by Guey 1939,226-45; Baradez 1949a, 130-65,356-57; Van
Berchem 1952,42-49; Fentress 1979,111-12.
14. Trousset 1981', in his forthcoming paper also concludes that more than
one period of construction must be involved.
15. Trousset 1978, passim.
16. Goetschy 1894,593-94; Prive 1895,87-104.
17. Euzennat 1972,21-23; Trousset 1976,25-27; 1978,165-73 and map.
18. Trousset 1978,168 and fig 8; cf. Privd 1895,101.
19. Trousset 1978,168; Toussaint 1905,63-64; Privd 1895,100.
20. Trousset 1978,168 and fig. 17.
21. Trousset 1978,168 and fig 18 (this wall closely resembles that of
Bir
Oum Ali).
22. Trousset 1978,168 and note 8.
23. Priv6 1895,102-04.
24. Toutain 1906,245.
25. Carton 1914,256-59.
26. Toutain 1906,244-50; Donau 1909b, 278-79; Trousset 1978,165-68;
App. I, VI, for the Roman road.
27. Trousset 1978,168.

-438-
7: 3
28. Trousset 1978,167-79; 1980a, 936-39; cf. Goetschy 1894,593-98,
for an interesting. but idiosyncratic account.
29. Pers. obs. 1982, with G. D. B. Jones and P. Reynolds.
30. Goetschy 1894,595-98. But see Luttwak 1976,68, on the limitations
of even Hadrian's Wall as a fighting platform (the parapet there was
nearly 2m wide and over 1.5-m high).
31. I know of no published plan of the gate, it seems to have been ruinous
in Goetschy's time since he noted only the circular tank which adjoins
it (1894,595 and plan).
32. It apparently escaped the attention of Euzennat 1972,21-23; and
Trousset 1978,168-69.
33. The plaster rendering of the supposed "parapet walkway" is additional
reason for favouring the idea of a cistern catchment.
34. A single example of Hayes 1972, ARS form 23B (with internal rim-roll)
was identified.
35. Tissot 1888,690,820; Blanchet 1898; 1899; Donau 1904a.
36. The "Mareth line" of the Axis powers was broken by a British outflanking
drive up this corridor in 1943, Moreau 1947,8; Trousset 1974,63-64.
37. Donau 1904a, 472-73, for the latter view and Blanchet 1898,71-74 for
the former. See now Trousset 1974,62-67 and pl. 23-24.
38. Baradez 1949a, passim and pers. obs. in Algeria (1979,1980) and
Libya (1981).
39. Trousset 1974,64-65 and fig. 8.
40. Donau 1904a, 472-73; 1909a, 32 (for the tomb dedication reused in the
wall); Blanchet 1898,72-73; 1899,145-46 (with plan).
41. Trousset 1974,65-67 and fig. 9.
42. Blanchet 1898,73 and 1899,147-48, was quite specific on this point.
According to him, the central gate was 6x 10 m and was surrounded by
an outer enceinte measuring 15 x 24 m which connected with the
clausura. This was still visible in 1982, though partly obscured
by Donau's spoil heaps. The new plan is the work of Professor G. D. B.
Jones, P. Reynolds and myself.
43. Trousset 1974,62-67; 139-41; Donau 1904a, 475.
44. Only a small quantity was noted but there were three examples of
Hayes 1972, ARS form 27/33 or 181 (third century).
45. Lecoy de la Marche 1894,396,402; Blanchet 1899,139-45; Hilaire 1901,
100-01; Euzennat 1972,12-13; Trousset 1974,97-102.
46. The discovery of the Skiffa south clausura was made by myself with
Prof. G. D. B. Jones and P. Reynolds.
47. Lecoy de la Marche 1894,396; Trousset 1974,97.
48. Hilaire 1901,100-01.
49. It presumably lay a few kilometres west of Benia, which as Trousset
1974,96, noted lies on another major east to west route.
Several other passes here and in the Gebel Matmata might repay further
investigation.
50. Trousset 1974,97 and fig. 29.
51. Pers. obs. 1982.
52. Lecoy de la Marche 1894,396; Blanchet 1898,76; 1899,140.
53. Their identification as towers goes back to Blanchet, but was still
accepted by Trousset 1974,97. A cemetery containing 7 such tumuli
was examined in 1982 on a low ridge just south of Hr Ragoubah (Trousset
1974,98). ARS pottery and flints were noted in the vicinity of the
tombs. Another supposed circular tower, at Hr Ragoubah itself
proved on examination to be also a tumulus covering a square
mausoleum (pers. obs. ).
54. It was not possible for me to visit the northern end in 1982, but
there is a ruin plainly visible on my zoom lens photograph.

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7: 3
28. Trousset 1978,167-79; 1980aß 936-39; cf. Goetschy 1894,593-98,
for an interesting-but idiosyncratic account. -
29. Pers. obs. 1982, with G. D. H. Jones and P. Reynolds.
30. Goetschy 1894,595-98. But see. Luttwak 1976,68, on the limitations
of even Hadrian's Wall as a fighting platform (the parapet there was
nearly 2m wide and over 1.5 m high).
31. I know of no published plan of the gate, it seems to have been ruinous
in Goetschy's time since he noted only the circular tank which adjoins
it (1894,595 and plan).
32. It apparently escaped the attention of Euzennat 1972,21-23; and
Trousset 1978,168-69.
33. The plaster rendering of the supposed "parapet walkway" is additional
reason for favouring the idea of a cistern catchment.
34. A single example of Hayes 1972, ARS form 23B (with internal rim-roll)
was identified.
35. Tissot 1888,690,820; Blanchet 1898; 1899; Donau 1904a.
36. The "Mareth line" of the Axis powers was broken by a British outflanking
drive up this corridor in 1943, Moreau 1947,8; Trousset 1974,63-64.
37. Donau 1904a, 472-73, for the latter view and Blanchet 1898,71-74 for
the former. See now Trousset 1974,62-67 and pl. 23-24.
38. Baradez 1949a, passim and pers. obs. in Algeria (1979,1980) and
Libya (1981).
39. Trousset 1974,64-65 and fig. 8.
40. Donau 1904a, 472-73; 1909a, 32 (for the tomb dedication reused in the
wall) ; Blanchet 1898,72-73; 1899,145-46 (with plan).
41. Trousset 1974,65-67 and fig. 9.
42. Blanchet 1898,73 and 1899,147-48, was quite specific on this point.
According to him, the central gate was 6x 10 m and was surrounded by
an outer enceinte measuring 15 x 24 m which connected with the
clausura. This was still visible in 1982, though partly obscured
by Donau's spoil heaps. The new plan is the work of Professor G. D. B.
Jones, P. Reynolds and myself.
43. Trousset 1974,62-67; 139-41; Donau 1904a, 475.
44. Only a small quantity was noted but there were three examples of
Hayes 1972, ARS form 27/33 or 181(third century).
45. Lecoy de la Marche 1894,396,402; Blanchet 1899,139-45; Hilaire 1901,
100-01; Euzennat 1972,12-13; Trousset 1974,97-102.
46. The discovery of the Skiffa south clausura was made by myself with
Prof. G. D. B. Jones and
P. Reynolds.
47. Lecoy de la Marche 1894,396; Trousset 1974,97.
48. Hilaire 1901,100-01.
49. It presumably lay a few kilometres west of Benia, which as Trousset
1974,96, noted lies on another major east to west route.
Several other passes here and in the Gebel Matmata might repay further
investigation.
50. Trousset 1974,97 and fig. 29.
51. Pers. obs. 1982.
52. Lecoy de la Marche 1894,396; Blanchet 1898,76; 1899,140.
53. Their identification as towers goes back to Blanchet, but was still
accepted by Trousset 1974,97. A cemetery containing 7 such tumuli
was examined in 1982 on a low ridge just south of Hr Ragoubah (Trousset
1974,98). ARS pottery and flints were noted in the vicinity of the
tombs. Another supposed circular tower, at Hr Ragoubah itself
proved on examination to be also a tumulus covering a square
mausoleum (pers. obs. ).
54. It was not possible for me to visit the northern end in 1982, but
there is a ruin plainly visible on my zoom lens photograph.

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7: 3
55. Blanchet 1898,75-77; 1899,140-41, for the plan and description
repeated in Cagnat 1913,534-35.
56. Trousset 1974,97. He seems. now to have changed his mind (1981b).
The plan in Figure 46 is based on a survey by Prof. Jones, P. Reynolds
and myself.
57. See note 46 above. The discovery is as yet unpublished.
58. Trousset 1974,102.
59. De Mathuisieulx 1904,16; 1912,60-61, followed by Cagnat 1913,557.
60. The wall is noted on the AMS map of 1964 as "ancient wall", but this
lead was first followed up by Brogan 1971b, 11; 1980,45-52.
61. Brogan 1980,45-52 for the primary publication and pers. obs. 1981.
62. Pers. comm. J. N. Dore, though he would not like to commit himself
on the important question of whether the dating is Severan or pre-
Severan without a larger and more representative sample of
pottery.
63. Cf above note 30.
64. See above pp. 158-59.
65. See now the truly excellent series of papers on these issues by
Trousset 1980a; 1981a; 1981b.
66. Garnsey 1978,232; Whittaker 1978,342-48, contra the earlier views of
Gsell 1933,149-66; Guey 1939,226-45 and others.
67. Trousset 1981b, forthcoming.
68. Van Berchem 1952,42-49; Fentress 1979,98-100,111-12.
69. This factor has been overshadowed by the impressive size of the
British and German frontier works.
70. St. Augustine, Letters, 46-47; Cod. Theod., VII, 15,1; Marichal 1979,
448-51.
71. Rebuffat 1977,405-07; 1979,230-32. But see Darmon 1964,7-23, for
instance, on the Zarai customs tariff.
72. Baradez 1949a, 153-55; 1967,200-210. This dating was confirmed by
Birley 1956,29 (after Baradez had shown him pottery and coins from the
fossatum
excavations).
73. Van Berchem 1952,42-49.
74. Guey 1939,226-45; Euzennat 1977a, 437-38; Trousset 1974,139-41 (the
same view is more cautiously put in 1981b).
75. To be fair Euzennat and Trousset show a far broader appreciation of
the issues, but the rhetorical influence of Gsell, Gautier and Guey is
still pervasive in the secondary literature.
76. Euzennat 1972,21-23; Trousset 1976,31; 1978,169-73; 1980a, 936-40.
77. One can presume I think that the Bir Oum Ali-type was not exactly
contemporary with the Tebaga-type or the Skiffa-Hajar type.
78. See Trousset 1978,167-68.
79. But in structural terms there are many differences in terms of the
towers and gates.
80. See note 5, above.
81. The lamp stamped "Augendi... " gives an apparent TPQ of late second/
early third century and there are other third century forms on the site,
see note 44 above. But given the clear evidence for major alterations
to the structure of the tower, I am not sure that one can rule out the
possibility of even earlier phases in the development of the clausura.
82. See 6: 2 above.
83. Fentress 1979,98-100,111-12, correctly anticipated this in her
discussion of the Tebaga gate.
84. In Algeria the fossata were evidently still in use in the fourth and
early fifth century A. D., Cod. Theod. VII, 15,1 (where they are
referred to as an ancient creation); Jones and Mattingly 1980,323-26.
85. See above 7: 2, note 26 and above note 62, for the ceramic data from
Medina Ragda and Hadd Hajar.

-440-
7: 4 V1CI
1. The study of vici has been neglected in most parts of the Roman
empire. For instance, Collingwood Bruce 1978, (the standard guide to
Hadrian's Wall) contains only five references to vici. Similarly
the recent study of forts by Johnson 1983 gives scant attention to the
vici. See now, the interesting and provocative paper by Jones and
Walker 1983,185-204.
2. For the strict legal definition, see Salway 1965. I have chosen
here to use vicus in a descriptive sense for any civilian settlement
beside a Roman fort. I would also like to acknowledge my debt to a fellow
research student of Manchester University, D. R. Evans. It is hoped that
he will be able to publish some of his remarkable ideas about vici in
the near
future.
3. There are many useful parallels in the modern period for the rapid
growth and decline of garrison towns. Even in cases where the settlement
moved on with the garrison, the short term effects on the region could
be quite significant.
4. O'Leary, 1982. Because of this apparent gap in his data he suggested
that "each wadi can be expected to have one centre of a size and
functional importance approaching that of the small towns. " (p. 78).
His rank-size figures (p. 117) include Bu Njem and Gheriat without
their vici and do not include the settlements such as Ain Wif, Medina
Doga, Ain Scersciara and so on.
5. I was fortunate enough to visit the site in 1980 and be shown round by
the director.
6. Richardson 1848,445, described the solid walls of the fort and noted
that the walls of "the city" were in comparison merely cement and small
masonry. The ruins of this "city" were "extensive". Cf Goodchild
1976a, pl. 221, for the air-photograph.
7. Rebuffat 1967a, 63; 1969,207-08; 1970a, 21-22; he has suggested that
the wall was either intended to delimit the settlement or to define
different areas within it, or perhaps simply to hold back the shifting
sands.
8. Rebuffat 1969,210-11; 1970a, 23-30,90-92 (plans); 1970b, 133-35,
161 (plan).
9. Rebuffat 1967a, 64-68; 1969,208.
10. Rebuffat 1967a, 68; 1969,207-08. But 1975,502, suggests that traces
of regularity are less common than was once thought.
11. Rebuffat 1970a, pl. IX, a-c and pers. obs.
12. Rebuffat 1969,210-11; 1970a, 90-92 (plans and sections)
13. Rebuffat 1969,210; 1975a, 165-87; 1977,410.
14. Rebuffat 1969,210-11.
15. Rebuffat 1977,408-09.
16. Rebuf f at 1969,208.
17. Euzennat and Trousset 1975,19-20 and fig. 3.
18. App. 3, no. 18.
19. Goodchild 1976a, pl. 23.
20. Jones et al 1983,64-67.
21. See Mercier 1953,17-47; Reynolds 1958,135-36; App. 3, nos. 101-04,
below.
22. The compass survey (fig. 27c) was made by G. D. B. Jones, P. Reynolds
and myself in May 1982.
23. Lecoy de la Marche 1894,399-402; Boizot 1913,260-62.
24. According to Boizot 1913,263-66, the baths contained four hypocausted
rooms and unlike the other excavated vicus buildings proved to have
substantial foundations. The building is today (1982) very dilapidated.
25. Lecoy de la Marche 1894,400-02; Heron de Villefosse 1894a, 469-81,
App. 3 nos. 13-14.
26. Hayes 1972, ARS forms 68 (1 rim); 70 (2 rims); 84 (or possibly TRS form 9).

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7; 4
27. Hayes 1972,6 rim sherds from the group of ARS forms 27,27/31,31,
181. and 22 rim sherds of form 23b (with internal rim roll). This
material is well attested'at Bu Njem, see, for instance, Rebuffat 1970a,
58-60, figs. 12-13.
28. Hilaire 1901,47.
29. Poinssot 1940,9,259; Trousset 1974,77-78.
30. Poinssot 1937,321-25; App. 3, no. 100.
31. Gombeaud 1901,89-92; Trousset 1974,93-94; Rebuffat 1980,111-12
(on the temple of the Genius).
32. Gombeaud 1901,91-92.
33. Trousset 1974,52.
34. I visited the site with little time to spare in 1982.
35. Pottery examined on site included Hayes 1972, ARS forms 6 (1 rim);
numerous examples of the 27,27/31,31,181 group; form 50 (1 base);
forms 91,92 (1 rim fragment of each of these flanged bowls) and a
fragment of an ARS lamp depicting a gladiator with helmet and circular
shield and with his right arm raised (not identified).
36. Lecoy de la Marche 1894,407.
37. Trousset 1974,110.
38. Reynolds and Brogan 1960,51-52; Reynolds and Simpson 1967,45-47. I
have been unable to find a copy of the privately produced and
circulated report of the 1960 expedition. However, air-photographs
of the site were kindly shown to me by Olwen Brogan. Most of the
visible buildings were rectangular units fronting onto a road, but
I would not rule out the possibility that part of the site was defended.
39. App. 3, nos. 29,105-108.
40. Ward-Perkins and Goodchild 1949,22. Cf Mattingly 1982,74 a Fig 31).
41. Ward-Perkins and Goodchild 1953,44; Mattingly 1982,76,79, the
pottery was kindly identified by J. N. Dore and included TRS forms 2 and 3.
42. Goodchild 1951b, 76-69. The extensive modern olive groves and the
creation of new roads have transformed the area and I was unable to
relocate the site when I visited the Gasr Doga mausoleum in 1981.
43. See di Vita-Evrard 1979,67-98.
44. Seston 1928,150-83; Christofle 1935,36-43; 1938,120-21; Lawless
1970,185-95; CIL 8.9195-9226a, 20833 - 20842. CIL 8.20834-35,
record the construction of the town walls by veterani et pagani.
45. Baradez 1949b, 5-24; Trousset 1977,559-76; Fentress 1979,83-84;
CIL 8.2482; AE 1946,39, mention the existence of a municipium at
Gemellae.
46. Gueneau 1907,315-19; Vivie de Regie 1937,484; Fentress 1979,97.
47. See above 7: 1, notes 60-61.
48. See above 7: 1, notes 62-64.
49. Lawless 1970,183-87, for a fascinating analysis of the origins,
sizes and status of towns in Caesariensis.
50. All three of these sites may have lain within the limits of the
territoria of the coastal cities which would obviously have been
significant.
51. The increased emphasis on defence in this period saw a degree of social
fragmentation centred on individual fortified strongpoints (gsur,
churches and so on). Although some people still chose to live in the
larger undefended settlements, their numbers must have declined.
52. Gemellae and Ad Maiores were about 25 ha and 20 ha respectively, el-Gahra
was c. 16 ha, but Rapidum was only 11-15 ha and others which attained
independent status such as Ala Miliaria, Numerus Syrorum and Altava
were under 12 ha. For the figures see Lawless 1970,186; Euzennat 1971,
234.

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7; 4
53. But one should note that at Rapidem, for instance, there is a hint that
a tribal group (the Masat.... ori Bens) was attached to the vicus for
administrative purposes, Desanges 1962,61. Similarly the existence
of major oases (and tribal centres ) close to Gernellae and Ad Maiores
and at Turris Tamalleni will have favoured their development as towns
by Rome.
54. Rebuffat 1982c, 192-93,197-98.
55. Pers. obs. ULVP 1979.
56. Rebuffat 1977,395-419, is an illuminating example of how to approach
these economic questions from the military view point. On supply, see
above 6: 4 notes 6 and 8, and Jones and Walker 1983,191-92.
57. An extreme minimalist approach which entirely ignores the impact of the
garrison and its associated civilian settlements on the frontier region
distorts the overall picture as much as did Goodchild with his limitanei
theory. For instance, indigenous development must have been affected
by both the direct and indirect consequences of the c. 3000 man garrison
in the Severan period. But the crucial fact to grasp is that the
effects varied markedly across the zone and, whilst some groups will
have become totally bound up with the military markets for a period,
other areas will have been relatively untouched.

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FOOTNOTES
CHAPTER '8' THE ' FRONTIER *E CONOMY
8: 1 The development of'agriculture
1. Haywood 1938,39-51; Leglay 1968,220; Soyer 1973,375-92; 1976,107-
80; Trousset 1977b, 175-207.
2. Cf Fentress 1979,175-87.
3. Lawless 1970,166-67, saw this as a key factor in the development of
agriculture in Mauretania Caesariensis.
4. Pliny XVIII, 35, on the acquisitions made by Nero; Picard 1956,163-73;
Van Nostrand 1925, passim; Lepeiley 1967,135-44; 1979,29-36.
5. On the agricultural laws, see Van Nostrand 1925,9-11; on African
centuriation, see Chevallier 1958,61-128, Dilke 1971,151-58; also
note
1 above.
6. On the role of the Flavians in Africa see Leglay 1968, passim; on
Flavian policy generally see Dilke 1971,40-41; on the lex Manciana
and the legal technicalities of land-holding, see Van Nostrand 1925,11;
Romanelli 1974,319-63.
7. Leglay 1968,220; Trousset 1977b, 175-207; Barbery and Delhoume 1982,
227-43, for instance, all deal with the growth of olive cultivation on
the steppe-lands between el Djem (Thysdrus) and Sbeitla (Sufetula) from
the late first century onwards.
8. Suetonius, Vesp, XVI, 1. See also Statius, Silvae, I, 4,83-86 on the
role of Vespasian's special legate, Rutilius Gallicus.
9. Cf. Tacitus, Agric. 21.
10. Some of the problems of establishing a Roman market economy in a frontier
zone are discussed by Jones and Walker 1983,189-93. Compare also
Shaw 1981a.
11. Baradez 1949a, passim; Fentress 1979,124-79.
12. Caesar, BAf, 97,3; the question of which "Leptis" was involved is dis-
cussed by Romanelli 1924a; Pflaum 1959 and di Vita-Evrard 1979. The
fact that Cato wintered at Lepcis suggests that Caesar had most cause
to punish that city. The often quoted derogatory remarks made by
Pliny, NH, XV, 8 and Juvenal, Satires, V, 5,88 are inconsistent with
the mass of archaeological evidence for the production and export of
African olive oil, see Camps-Fabrer 1953.
13. Gsell 1924,41-46.
14. Taylor 1960,91.
15. Di Vita-Evrard 1979,67-98.
16. See inter alia, Cowper 1897, passim; Myres 1899,280-93; Oates 1953,
81-117 (on the Fergian region near Tarhuna). The surveys of two further
olive farms in the Fergian region (figs. 46-47) were made by myself in
1981, with assistance from J. N. Dore and J. R. Burns.
17. See above pp. 7-8.
18. On the villas in Tripolitania, see Percival 1976,61-66; Aurigemma 1926a;
Guidi 1933; Oates 1953. For recent excavations of oil-producing villas
see Ward-Perkins et al 1965; Cotton 1979; Carandini and Tatton-Brown 1980.
19. Percival 1976,63-64; Pavis d'Escurac 1974,90-96.
20. Apuleius Apol, XLIV, 6; XCIII, 4; CVI, 5.
21. Tacitus, Hist, IV, 50.
22. Di Vita-Evrard 1979,90-97.
23. See above 7: 2, notes 27,32-36.
24. Brogan 1964,45-52; 1971a, 121-30; Brogan and Smith 1967,139-43;
di Vita 1964a, 66-79.
25. Barker and Jones 1981,22-42; 1982,8-21.

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8: 1
26. Dore 1983,54-57. Also pers. comm. of his computer-logged records.
Surface sherding of the principal olive farm in the wadi Lamout
produced the following totals of identifiable fine wares: Terra
sigillata: 39 sherds; early ARS: 18; late ARS: 4 and TRS: 4. The
floreat of the site was undoubtedly the late first and second
centuries A. D.
27. For instance, sherding of sites in the upper wadi Ghirza produced the
following figures. Of 47 sites with identifiable fine wares, 13 had
Terra sigillata, 34, early ARS, 14 late ARS and 12 TRS. The quantities
of the late wares were also much smaller. (From J. N. Dore's database).
One of these early sites (Gh 81) was built in opus Africanum.
28. Rebuffat 1977,398-99, stated that there was no pre-third century
evidence from the Kebir, but has retracted this in his latest paper
1982c, 192-93. Brogan 1965b, had already noted second century
material in the region.
29. Euzennat, pers. -corm. notes that the dating evidence for some sites
along the Tebaga corridor is late first to second century. In 7: 2
above I have disputed the normal military interpretation of these
sites.
30. Brogan 1962,368-73; 1964,47-52; 1965a, 47-56; 1971a, 121-30;
di Vita 1964a, 66-71; Levi della Vida 1963,65-94; 1965,59-62; see
also Chapter 9 below.
31. As note 30 and 9: 1 below.
32. Pavis d'Escurac 1974,96-98; di Vita 1964a, 66-71.
33. Brogan 1964
, 49-50; 1971a, 124; Levi della Vida 1964a, 57-63.
34. Brogan 1962,368-73; 1965a, 47-56; Trousset 1974,110-113 (CIL
8.22758). Compare Trousset's interpretation of these south Tunisian
tombs without reference to the evidence for agricultural development
in their vicinity (155-57).
35. Brogan 1964,52-53 for an inscription from the gasr close to the main
olive farm in the el-Amud. The inscription refers to the construction
of the opus super patris aedificium addidit. The main period of
occupation of the low-lying farm is first and second century, that of
the hilltop gasr is late second century onwards (on the basis of
sherd
samples).
36. Pers. obs. in the wadi Agerem (Ag 1). See also Barker and Jones 1981,, 38.
37. Jones and Barker 1980,23-30; Buck, Burns and Mattingly 1983,43-54.
38. For the hillforts see above pp. 113-21 and App. 2. As we shall see
the larger olive farms developed as a link between a traditional
embedded economy and a cash/market
economy.
39. The initial form of social organisation was certainly tribal, but
under Rome traditional forms of authority or prestige seem to have
received expression as open social or wealth differences. The
existence of a dependent peasant stratum in the late Roman period is
known from Arabic sources (Gateau 1947,35-37).
40. On slave labour in Tripolitania, see Gsell 1932,397-415; and, contra,
Pavis-d'Escurac 1974,92; Garnsey 1978,235-37; Apuleius, Apol,
XCIII, 4; CIL 8 22721.
41. IRT 859, near Jefren, cf. note 30 above.
42. Levi della Vida 1951,65-68, for an inscription from the territorium
of Lepcis, referring to a Libyan notable called Shasidwasg son of
Tarnrar of the people of Masinkaw.
43. Apuleius, Apol, LXXXVII, 7: earn rationibus vilicorum et upilonorum et
equisonum sollertissime supscripsisse; Pavis d'Escurac 1974,94-96.
44. Apuleius, Apol, XCIII, 4, refers to over 400 slaves owned by his
wife Pudentilla. The majority of these seem to have been used on
the land, see Pavis d'Escurac 1974,94.
45. Van Nostrand 1925,20-24, on the inscription from the fundus at
Hr Mettich in Tunisia (CIL 8.25902) which fixed the following
percentage rents to the contractor:

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8: 1
Wheat from the threshing floor 1/3
Barley """" 1/3
Beans it it "" 1/4
Wine from the vats 1/3
Oil from the presses 1/3
Honey in containers 1 sextarius/honey jar
Cato, de agric, CXXXVI, mentioned sharecropping at rates of 1/6 to
1/9 of produce and it was still a common feature in rural Libya
earlier this century, Franchetti 1914,330-37 (when the sharecropper
sometimes received as little as 1/4 of his crop).
46. Pavis d'Escurac 1974,94-95.
47. On the continuing importance of pastoralism, see Barker 1981; 1982; 1983.
48. De Mathuisieulx 1904; 22-27; Romanelli 1930,53-71; Bauer 1933,61-78;
Brogan 1965a, 47-56; Brogan and Smith, forthcoming; Barker and Jones
1981,37.
49. Pers. obs. in the wadis Khanafes, Agerem, Ghirza, Antar, Sofeggin,
Lamout. See also note 48 above.
50. Notably the Ghirza tombs, for which see de Mathuisieulx 1904; Bauer
1933; Brogan and Smith, forthcoming. A photograph of a tomb relief
from the wadi Sofeggin (Goodchild 1952c, 152) shows a man on a horse
about to enter his gasr with his family, his camel and his flocks.
51. For the appearance of camels see Brogan 1955; Demougeot 1960.
Hunting scenes with dogs and horses are common, pers. obs. Ghirza
and wadi Khanafes. A relief from wadi Antar appears to depict a
race between
two "chariots".
52. On rural life in mosaics see Precheur-Canonge 1962, passim, (especially
for the famous Cherchel mosaic showing polyculture of vines, olives
and cereals); Romanelli 1965,241-57.
53. Van der Veen 1981,45-48; Further samples are currently being analysed
but preliminary observation of sieved material in the field suggested
that a similar range of crops was present, including olives.
54. Barker and Jones 1982,19, and Barker pers. comm.
55. Beechey and Beechey 1828,506-07; Bronson 1982; also pers. obs. 1979-81.
56. Prost 1954,28-66; Louis 1975,152-75,188-90 and pers. obs. 1982.
Cf also Despois 1935,97-103 and Franchetti 1914,249-347 on the
Gebel Nefusa.
57. Kraemar 1958, passim, on an archive of documents relating to a region
of pre-desert agriculture centred on Nessana. Mayerson 1962,211-69
and Evenari et al 1971,95-119, deal with the archaeological evidence
and technical functioning of the Negev farms. For the Jordanian
evidence, see Helms 1981,135-95 and Kennedy 1982,331-41.
58. Euzennat 1977b, 535-37; 1983, forthcoming.
59. Rebuffat 1977,396-99; 1979,233-34.
60. Many further presses are no doubt buried in the ground floor rooms
of ruined gsur. Seventy may be only between 50 - 70% of the true total.
61. Since wealth in the marginal zone is obviously unevenly distributed it
is a logical conclusion that some form of social exploitation was
being practised.
62. Cereals were probably cultivated only for subsistence or for local
markets (including the military). The relative cheapness of transpor-
ting oil, wine and animals made their export practicable, cf. Fentress
1979,180-83.
63. See now Barker and Jones 1981,33-42'(esp. figs 11-13), for a preliminary
abstract analysis of the socio-economic implications of the gasr in
wadi farming. The dating evidence from surface sherding suggests that
the gsur were mainly constructed from the late second or early third
century onwards and took over the role of the earlier open farms, Dore
1983,54-57. For cemeteries being used as boundary markers see
Buck, Burns and Mattingly 1983,45-54.

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8: 1
64. As is the case with modern scratch cultivation by the bedouin. The
best accounts of the mechanics of wadi-farming have been written in
relation to the ancient Negev, but are equally applicable to Tripolita-
nia, Mayerson 1962,211-69; Evenari et al 1971,95-119.
65. The major dams of northern and western Tripolitania have received more
attention, Gauckler 1900/1912; Ginestous 1913,557-63; Labolle 1933,
134-41; Vita-Finzi and Brogan 1965,65-71; Vita-Finzi 1969,12-41;
Crova 1967,99-120; Bellwood 1967,41-44. But the smaller wadi walls
noted by Goodchild (1950c, 5-7) and others have remained almost
unstudied up to the present ULVP work.
66. Barker and Jones 1981,33-38; 1982,8-21 (including some detailed
case studies based on major surveys).
67. Barker and Jones 1981,16-17. These features were first looked for in
earnest in 1981 and good examples were found in the wadis Legwais,
Migdal, Mahadatallah and Lamout.
68. This is particularly clear in the case of the wadi Lamout system,
surveyed by myself, J. R. Burns and Mohammed Shitewe in 1981 (fig 48b).
The practicalities of this kind of irrigation have been proven in the
Negev, Evenari et a1 1971,179-93.
69. This is one possible interpretation of part of the Lamout field system
containing a large number of "pits", which are either modern grain
storage silos or possibly microcatchments for young trees, a feature
observed in the surviving agriculture at Beni Ulid.
70. Assuming that the form of landholding changed when sedentary agriculture
increased, it is highly likely that those left in possession would have
wanted to demarcate their lands as accurately as possible, Buck, Burns
and Mattingly 1983,54.
71. There seems to have been a steady growth in settlement of all types
from the first to late second century. From the third century onwards
there were few new farmsteads or open farms, but large numbers of
gsur and associated settlements (villages in some cases). This closer
association between the home farm and the lower levels of the site
hierarchy suggests increasing dependency among the peasantry.
72. Goodchild 1950c, 6: "After exceptionally heavy rainfall some of the
more favoured wadis are flooded even today; but it would be rash to
assume that such winter flooding was normal during the Roman period, and
that it was the basis of the agricultural system. "
73. In particular, see Prost 1954,28-66; Louis 1975,152-75,188-90.
74. Franchetti 1914,249-347; Despois 1935,97-103.
75. Bronson 1982; pers. obs. ULVP.
76. But cf Carton 1896/1897; 1914; Ginestous 1913.
77. As note 57.
78. Kraemar 1958, has shown that eight or nine-fold yields were commonplace,
whilst Evenari et al 1971,4, produced a yield of 1250 kg/ha in the
first year of operation of their reconstructed run-off farm. For
comparison the normal arid zone expectation is 200-400 kg/ha (quoted in
Barker and Jones 1982,20) and this makes it clear that the yields and
the profitability of wadi-farming could easily be underestimated.
79. The reconstructed farms in the Negev have consistently broken production
records and even in drought have performed better than competitors in
dry farming areas, Evenari et a1 1971,192-93.
80. On the production of oil and wine in the ancient world see particularly,
Pliny NH, XV, 5-23; XVIII, 317-320; Cato, de agric. III, 2-6; XVIII,
1-9; XIX, 1-2; XX-XXVI; LXIV-LXIX; White 1975,112,225-33.
81. On the olive press, see Drachman 1932,50-98; Camps-Fabrer 1953, passim;
Oates 1953,85-87; Cotton 1979,63-66; White 1975,225-33.
82. This information relates to traditional olive presses of the lever type
still in use in the Gebel Demmer, Louis 1975,170-75. From this one can
work out an order of magnitude figure for oil production. An hundred

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8: 1/8: 2
presses worked to full capacity for one month might produce c. 1500
hectolitres of oil. For comparison, the total oil production of Libya
in 1946 was only c. 7500 hectolitres.
8: 2 The Army and the economy
1. Fentress 1979,124-87.
2. Fentress 1979,175-79.
3. The Aures plain is also prime agricultural land rather than a marginal
environment like that of Tripolitania or southern Numidia. See also note
27 below.
4. The evidence for irrigation systems is too extensive for all of it to
have been military in origin and one may suspect a native origin for a
good deal of it, contrary to the views expressed by Baradez 1949a; Birebent
1962,487-507; Gsell et al 1902,1-143.
5. See now Shaw's fundamental study of the nundinae or rural markets in
Africa, 1981a, 37-83.
6. On the Roman economy, see Finley 1973 and Hopkins 1978. On the economy
of Roman Africa, Gsell HAAN I, 1-176 and Haywood 1938,3-119, are still
fundamental for their discussion of the primary sources.
7. O'Leary 1982, was a slightly misguided attempt to identify either a
"primate" or "dendritic" market system in Tripolitania using an inadeq-
uate data base. The methodologies, however, should prove of great
value in future work.
8. Manning 1975,112-16; Bowman and Thomas 1983,83-96; Rebuffat 1982a,
505-06.
9. Manning 1975,112-14; to some extent the speed of economic development
may have conditioned the advance and development of frontiers.
10. See above 7: 3.
11. There are good parallels for this sort of economic development in modern
colonial situations, for instance, Oliver 1979,13-23 (on West Africa).
12. See Hodder 1979,189-96, Reece 1979,211-217 (particularly 216-217).
Also Jones and Walker 1983,189-93, who raise fundamental questions
about the interrelationship between an "embedded" native economy and
a Roman market
system.
13. Very few coins have been found in surface sherding and excavation by
the ULVP. Only two identifiable examples were found at Ghirza by
Brogan (1976,123)
and one in the wadi el-Amud (1964,52, a bronze of
Galb a: ) .
14. Barker 1982,2-8; 1983,1-49.
15. See further 8: 3, below. For discussion of the functioning of embedded
economies (based on social ties and obligations) see Polanyi et al 1957,
passim; Hodder 1979; Haselgrove 1979.
16. Rebuffat 1977,407-13, lists the economic needs of fort and vicus.
17. The investment of capital in developing the land and in planting new
olives is less tangible archaeologically but was not insignificant either.
18. Reynolds 1955,142 (Agerem); IRT 898,900 (Ghirza); the Antar inscrip-
tion is to be published by Brogan.
19. Burns and Mattingly 1981,26-27, on the pair of obelisk tombs at el-
Amud in the wadi N'f'd.
20. This was the practice in modern times also, Louis 1975,175; Brehony
1960,64.
21. The presence of some Roman finewares on a wide range of sites may
indicate
exchange rather than cash purchase, even though it would
appear to confirm a rise in production levels above subsistence
farming.

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8: 2/8: 3
22. For further examples of models dealing with the special position of
the gasr (or large farm) see Barker and Jones 1981,33-42.
23. Marichal 1979,448; Rebuffat and Marichal 1973,186.
24. See further below 8: 4.
25. Marichal 1979,448. Macargus is also recorded among the grain trans-
porters (24 modii), though his main surplus was clearly in oil.
26.1 Selesua -1 Sbitualis -1 Siddipia s1 Aggatui -4 Isidarim
a 12 modii - 105 litres. Another unit whose exact name is not known
was equal to 3 Zsidarim or 9 modii. The base unit of this system is
equivalent to 3 modii or 26.25 litres, the rest are multiplications of
this. The same system also applied to olive oil, Marichal 1979,448.
27. Fentress 1979,175, has estimated that the combined spending power
of the Third Legion and auxiliaries in Numidia and Tripolitania was
HS 10,000,000 per year. A fair proportion of this will have been
spent in the locality of the main garrison posts. The military market
was, therefore, likely to have been a lucrative one and offered
incentives for increased sedentary agriculture, Trousset 1981a;
Rebuffat 1977,395-415; 1979,232-35; 1982a, 505-06.
28. See now Jones and Walker 1983,189-91, who argue that where vicus
development was slow, it could be given official encouragement by
the granting of tax exemptions and other privileges. The converse
of this is that within its "dependency zone" a fort could exert
considerable influence on local production patterns by restricting
the choice of markets open to farmers.
29. See above the discussion in 7: 4.
30. Buck, Burns and Mattingly 1983,54. The processes are little under-
stood as yet, but the work of the ULVP can suggest some of the
possible alternatives. Prebble 1969, gives a graphic account of
how sweeping socio-economic changes can be carried through by an
elite following their subjugation in battle (in this case in the
Scottish highlands in the eighteenth century).
31. Cf Garnsey 1978,235: "In rewarding the African elite with land and
other material benefits, the Romans were following their traditional
policy of building up a network of families, groups and communities
with vested interests in the prolongation of Roman rule. What emerged
in Africa, as elsewhere, was a highly stratified society, reflecting
the unequal distribution of land". It also involved the coercions
exploitation and extortion of a much larger peasant class, whose
docility was a key factor in the prosperity, Picard 1975,98-111.
8: 3 The decline of Tripolitanian agriculture
1. As was evident from the discussion of a paper by D. Roques at the Cam-
bridge Cyrenaican colloquium in April 1983. The consensus opposed his
view that the Cyrenaican agricultural economy was still flourishing in
the fifth century in spite of the raids of the Austuriani.
2. Duncan-Jones 1962,47-115; 1963,159-78. The recent excavations at
Sidi Khrebish (Berenice) show that that town's economy declined after
the third century A. D. see Lloyd 1977, passim.
3. Courtois et al 1952 passim.
See also Courtois 1955,312-23;
Whittaker 1978,360-61; Bourgeois 1980,213-228, on rural continuity
into the Vandal period.

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8: 3
4. See, for example, Synesius Letters 67,105,106,134 and 148,
describing the normally happy prosperity of rural life; Corippus, loh,
II, 56; III, 29, mentioning that two harvests were still sometimes
possible and describing the abundance of grain, vines and olives.
5. Expositio Totius mundi 61, in GLM: paene ipsa omnibus gentibus usum
olei praestare potest.
6. Zevi and Tchemia 1967,173-214, on late Roman amphora from Byzacium,
which were still exported in large numbers.
7. See Warmington 1954,27-68, for a remarkably clear sited account,
stressing that the decline was from great prosperity to relative
prosperity.
8. Reynolds 1971a, 53-58; Goodchild 1967a, 114-124; Lloyd 1977; 1983 and
pers. comm. (on the dramatic decline in trade from the port at
Berenice (Benghazi) in the fourth century A. D. ).
9. Lepelley 1979; 1981a, passim, bearing out the conclusions of Warmington
1954,27-54.
10. Di Vita 1980,303-07; Rebuffat 1980b, 309-28; Goodchild 1967b, 229-37.
Synesius Letter 58, wrote of a succession of disasters, an earthquake,
an invasion of locusts, a pestilence, a fire and finally war.
11. P. Kendrick (pers. comm. ) suggests that Sabratha suffered in several
earthquakes, one in the Flavian period and another in A. D. 365. In the
former case the city was rapidly rebuilt, in the latter the reconstruction
was much slower and less complete.
12. Lepelley 1967,135-44; 1979,11-36, discusses a law of Honorius (Cod.
Theod. XI, 28,13) which has been previously assumed to show that only
1/11 of the total agricultural lands of Proconsularis and Byzacium
remained in cultivation (and therefore taxable) in the early fifth
century. But as Lepelley shows, the lands in question were imperial
estates and, in fact, the figures indicate that 5/9 of the land
relating to them was still cultivated.
13. ILT 243; cf Peyras 1975,181-222.
14. Lepelley 1979,362-64.
15. In A. D. 393 the Council of Hippo excused Tripolitania from sending
three bishops and in 397 there were only five bishops left in the
coastal towns, which were separated from each other by barbarian
tribes, Mansi, Concilia
295-96.
. III , 880; 925; 927 quoted in Jones 1971,
16. Synesius, Letters, 130 and 134.
17. Synesius, Letters, 57,58,67,69,94,95 (when the tribesmen encamped
on his own estate), 104,107,113,122,125,130,132,133,134;
Ammianus Marcellinus XXVIII, 6,4; 6,10-13; Tomlin 1979,253-70;
Mattingly 1983,96-108.
18. Procopius, de ae: d., VI, 4,1-12.
19. Kendrick pers. comm. and Pringle 1981,208-11,222-25.
20. Ibn Abd-el-Hakam (Gateau 1947,35-37). See also note 15 above.
21. Oates 1953,111; 1954,91-117.
22. As note 20. The "Rum" or Romano-Libyan urban landholders were
dispossessed, but"the Afariq who were subject to the Rum remained,
paying a tribute which they were accustomed to render to all who
occupy their country. "
23. Procopius, wars, IV, 21,2-11.
24. Cf Haynes 1959,54-60.
25. Denham and Clapperton 1826,305-11; de Mathuisieulx 1904,22-27;
Bauer 1933,61-78; Brogan and Smith 1957,173-84 and forthcoming.
26. Brogan and Smith 1957,183, assign the main prosperity to the fourth
century. For the inscription, see Reynolds 1955,139, S. 22. See also
above, 8: 2, note 18.

-450-
8: 3/8: 4
27. Contrary to the older view of Haynes 1959,60 who saw their main
prosperity lying in the fourth and fifth centuries (mainly on the
Ghirza evidence). The observations of Brogan (see 8: 1, note 24) and
the recent work of the ULVP must reverse this conclusion.
28. Rebuffat 1982c, 197-99 and pers. obs.
29. Pers. obs. and pers. comm. J. N. Dore, who suggests that the second
century rather than the third was the era of maximal prosperity.
30. In particular the obelisk tomb seems to be an early type, some examples
even have Neo-Punic dedications (el Amud, Mselletin, Bir Gebira),
Brogan 1971,124-27.
31. App. 3, nos. 114-19.
32. By design or force of circumstances they seem to have, in effect, with-
drawn from the Roman market economy.
33. Surplus produce was no doubt still exchanged between farmers and
pastoralists and between country and town, but on a much reduced scale
and more often because of social obligations than for trade.
34. This is the tribal situation described by Procopius and Corippus at
the time of the Byzantine reconquest.
35. Mattingly 1983,96-108 and above pp. 92-95,136-41.
36. See above, 6: 2 note 62 and 8: 3, note 15.
37. E1 Bekri (de Slane 1913,31-32) described continuing settlement at
Ghirza and Gasr Mimoun in the eleventh century. Similarly at a
slightly later date el Edrisi (Dozy and Goeje 1866,154) mentioned
continued olive oil production near Lepcis. However he also noted
that agriculture around Sort - ancient Iscina had been depleted by
repeated Arab raids (143-44). See further, 9: 3 below.
38. Goodchild 1952c, 147-56.
8: 4 Trade
1. Haywood 1938,62-69,111.
2. On trade in the Roman world, the book by Charlesworth (1924) is still
indispensable.
3. Lyon 1821, Richardson 1848; Barth 1857, Nachtigal 1974, Duveyrier 1864.
4. For instance, Barth 1857,99, met a caravan near Mizda consisting of 25
camels and 60 slaves in transit; Lyon 1821,152-54, listed the main
articles of trade on the caravan route; de Mathuisieulx 1904,75-78,
described a caravan to Kano in great, detail.
5. This seemed to be confirmed by the discovery of Roman forts at Bu Njem,
Gheriat and Chadames, Cagnat 1914b, 109. For a summary of the older
views, see Bates 1914,101-07.
6. Richardson 1848,480, Tripoli to Ghadames in 15 days, Ghadames - Chat
20 days, Ghat - Murzuk 15 days, Murzuk - Tripoli 30 days; Barth 1857,
451, made the journey from Sebha - Tripoli in 18 days; Nachtigal 1974;
42, gave his rate of travel as 31 -4 km per hour, 66, this made the
trip from Tripoli - Murzuk about 30 days. The "caravan" routes ran
not only north-south, there were east to west routes as well, Bates
1914,8-17; Governo della Cirenaica 1930,11-15,39-46; Rebuff at 1970c,
181-87; 1970d, 1-21; Luni 1979,49-65; 1980,119-37. Isolated coin
finds in the Sahara confirm the antiquity of these routes, Mauny
1956,249-60.
7. For a range of views compare the more moderate ideas on trans-Saharan
trade of Daniels 1970a, 42-44, with those of Ayoub 1968a, 41-53,77-81.
8. De Mathuisieulx 1904,75-78, described a caravan which left Tripoli in
1899 and returned three years later after travelling to Kano and back.
It comprised 40 camels each carrying an 175 kg load. Lyon 1821,
152-57, described the objects of trade in his day. From Tripoli
to Fezzan were carried beads, coral, glass armlets, needles, silk,
red cloth, bales of linen, muslin, shawls, Turkish carpets, kaftans,

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8: 4
coins, burnooses, copper pots and kettles, brass basins, looking
glasses, swords, guns and pistols, powder, tools, horses. From the
Sudan/Fezzan to Tripoli were carried slaves, gold and ivory on a very
small scale, various types of cottons and garments, leather as hides
and manufactured articles, water skins, ostrich skins and feathers,
wooden bowls and mortars, honey, civet, pepper, kola nuts.
9. The most important recent discussions of the trade are Bovill 1968,
6-40; Law 1967,181-200; Daniels 1970a, 42-44.
10. Pliny NH, V, 37; XXXVII, 92-93, XXXVII, 104; 175, on the cornelian
which clearly originated in the Syrtic desert hinterland (Nasamonitis)
or in the Garamantian lands. Pliny (XXXIII, 111) also mentioned
Garamantian palms so it is possible that dates were exported on a
minor
scale.
11. This part of the myth originated with Duveyrier, see Monod 1974,51-66.
12. Daniels pers. comm. and note 9 above.
13. See Ayoub 1967a, 16-20, for a reference to finds of gold, semi-
precious stones (including cornelian), ivory, ostrich egg shell,
silver bracelet, fragments of bronze and brass, coins, sea shell
vessels, glass and fine pottery. Also 1968a, 41-53,77-81; Daniels
1971a, 261-85; 1973,39-40; 1977,5-7.
14. See above, 6: 2. Also see now Tagart 1983,143-54.
15. Daniels 1973,37.
16. Compare the far less fragile items involved in the later trade,
note
8 above.
17. Herodotus IV, 183; the presence of negro slaves is attested in the
Roman world, but their numbers are difficult to assess, Law 1967,195;
Desanges 1976,121-34.
18. Lyon 1821,66.
19. As note 13 above.
20. Monod 1974,51-66 and note 10 above.
21. Pliny, NH, V, 26; other references to elephants north of the Sahara
are V, 5; V, 18; VIII, 1; 4; 15; 18; 24-26; 31; XI, 32.
22. Desanges 1964,713-25.
23. A model elephant was erected by the main street in Lepcis (pers. obs. )
and the office of the Sabrathan merchants in Ostia's "Piazzale delle
Corporazioni" was fronted by a mosaic of an elephant, Romanelli 1960,
63-72.
24. IRT 231 (Oea), 295 (Lepcis). See further Aurigemma 1940a, 67-86;
Romanelli 1920,376-83.
25. Daniels 1969,48-51. Natron is an important raw material in glass
making.
26. See above 6: 1 and Daniels 1971a, 281-85.
27. Rebuffat 1979,232; 1982a, 502-06; 1982c, 196; Marichal 1979,451.
28. Rebuffat 1982a, 502-06.
29. Rebuffat 1979,232; cf. Cagnat 1914a, 142-46; Darwin 1964,7-23,
Fentress 1979,183-84, on the Zarai tariff. It is normally assumed
that all customs dues were collected by the procuratorial staff in
the provinces. This seems unlikely with regard to customs control
in the militarised zone. The significance of Zarai is that it passed
into civil control after the frontier had been moved forward and the
garrison
withdrawn.
30. Cf. Fentress 1979,182-86; Barker 1981,131-45; 1982,2-8; 1983,1-49.
31. Bovill 1968,6-12.
32. The size of wild beast shows, particularly in Rome, suggests that the
market may have been very lucrative. The scale seems to have
escalated: Caesar put 400 lions against gladiators in a single day;
Augustus had 3,500 animals slaughtered in 26 shows: Titus opened the
Colosseum with the lengthy slaughter of 9,000 animals, under Trajan
2,246 beasts were killed in a single day (Bovill 1968,6-7).

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8: 4
33. See the classic accounts of Jones 1964,841-45; Finley 1973,126-27,
on the transportation of cereals.
34. Finley 1973, remains of fundamental value as a sober analysis based
mainly on the literary evidence. See also Polanyi et al 1957;
Hodder 1979.
35. Jones 1964,241-42; Lewis and Reinhold 1955,463-72.
36. Fentress
. 1979,180.
37. Marichal 1979,448. These 16 urnae (apparently containing oil) had a
total capacity of 210 litres which was four times the Tripolitanian
standard unit of 52.5 litres. Each urna, therefore, contained 1/4
of the standard unit or 13.125 litres.
38. As note 37. A donkey could carry 6 urnae or 11 units of 52.5 litres.
39. Particularly in the pre-desert, wagon and cart transport will have
been rather impractical because of the roughness of the terrain, it
was also more expensive than camel and donkey transportation.
40. Apuleius, Apol. XLIV, 6.
41. See above 8: 2 note 20. Most of these production and transportation
payments will have been made in kind rather than cash in any case.
In an economic system where so many of the production costs are
invisible or not equateable with the eventual cash value of the
product, one might expect a high proportion of the cash profit to be
converted into consumer or luxury goods in the Roman market system.
42. All things being equal, if the balance was disturbed by warfare or by
a decline in the cash markets and the volume of exports it would have
become more difficult for the more remote farmers to dispose of their
surpluses.
43. Marichal 1979,448, on grain supplies. (Also 8: 2, notes 25 - 26 above).
On the consumption of meat by the Roman army see Davies 1971,222-48;
Bowman and Thomas 1983,83-96 (the Vindolanda evidence).
44. Cf. Fentress 1979,176-82; Leschi 1947,101-04; Lequement 1980,185-93.
45. P. Kendrick and J. N. Dore pers. comms.
46. Goodchild 1949b, 39; 1951b, 96-99; Bartoccini 1929,93-95; Arthur 1982,
61-72. On Tripolitanian amphorae see Manacorda 1977,542-601; Panella
1977,135-49.
47. Pliny, NH, IX, 60; Reese 1980,79-93.
48. Pers. obs. The shells were mainly of murex branderis and murex trunculus.
For the technical detail of the dye production process, see Reese 1980,
79-86.
49. Constans 1914,278-82; AE 1915,44.
50. Haynes 1959,54-55, noted the appointment of curatores rei publicae
for Lepcis and Oea during the third century as a sign of financial
trouble. This may have been in part occasioned by the oil dole for
the city of Rome which was given by the Emporia as a form of tax from
the reign of Severus, SHA, Sev, XVIII, 3; XXIII, 2. It is difficult
to judge the effects of this tax which was levied intermittently until
the time of Constantine.
51. This was strikingly illustrated by the recent excavations at Sidi
Khrebish (Benghazi) where there was a dramatic fall in imported trade
goods in post-third century levels, Lloyd (ed) 1977; 1983, and pers.
comm.
52. Romanelli 1927,69-84; 1960,63-72; 1971,11-17; Manacorda 1977,542-
601, Zevi and Tchemia 1969,173-214, on the evidence from amphorae
distribution.

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CHAPTER 9 ROMANISATION AND DE-ROMANISATION
9: 1 The cultural character of'Tripolitania
1. See, for instance, the three-cornered discussion between Benabou 1978,
83-88; Leveau 1978a, 89-92 and Thebert 1978,64-82. Also useful in
relation to Roman Africa are Broughton 1929; Romanelli 1959; 1968; 1975;
Barton 1972a; Benabou 1976; Kotula 1976; Lassere 1977 and Desanges 1980.
2. Benabou 1976,261-380 (religious resistance); 385-469 (urbanisation
and political structures); 470-570(language and nomenclature). This
is essential reading even though some of his conclusions can be
questioned, see note 4 below.
3. Compare the emotive views of certain French and Italian scholars during
the colonial period, when a book about the ruins in the Gebel Nefusa
could be called vestigia di colonie agricole Romane(Coro 1928).
4. See Garnsey 1978,223-42; Whittaker 1978a, 331-62; 1978b, 190-92 (a
review of Benabou 1976). Compare also Frere 1978,342-75; Salway 1981,
505-38 (on Roman Britain); Mocsy 1974,112-82; Bartel 1980,11-26
(Pannonia and Moesia) and the series of papers collected in Burnham
and Johnson 1979. Dio 56,18 and Tacitus, Agric. 21,30-32, are
classic ancient statements concerning the processes of Romanisation.
5. Garnsey 1978,252; Gascou 1972a, 46.
6. Gascou 1972a, 45-54; Leglay 1968,220-22; Romanelli 1975,365-92.
7. On the process of enfranchisement, see Seston and Euzennat 1971,
468-90; Sherwin-White 1939; 1973,86-98.
8. Leglay 1968,234-46; Benabou 1976,261-380.
9. Compare Salway 1981,615-633, on the economy of Roman Britain.
10. Garnsey 1978,252. See also the important demographic studies carried
out by Lassere 1973,7-151; 1977, passim; 1982a, 396-426.
11. Leglay 1968,202-03.
12. Reynolds and Ward-Perkins 1952,73-86; Thompson 1971,235-50;
Benabou 1972,511-50; for the Neo-Punic epigraphy, see Caputo and Levi
dells Vida 1935,91-109; Levi della Vida 1927,91-116; 1935,1-29;
1949,399-412; 1965,63-70.
13. IRT 273,319,321-23,341,745 and Neo-Punic nos. 28-30,33.
14. IRT 319,321-23; Caputo and Levi della Vida 1935,91-109.
15. IRT 338 (Neo-Punic
no. 31), recording the paving of the Forum Vetus
in A. D. 53.
16. IRT 324, recording the construction of the Chalcidicum in A. D. 11-12
by Iddibal son of Caphada Aemilius.
17. IRT 273, this Iddibal was son of Mago Tapapius and the inscription
records the erection of a temple behind the theatre to the Dii Augusti
in A. D. 43.
18. IRT 294 (Neo-Punic
no. 19) recording the dedication of a statue to
Liber
Pater.
19. IRT 300, recording the dedication of the temple of Magna Mater in A. D. 72.
20. IRT 347,348,449a, 412,418 for the sufetes. On Lepcis as a "municipium
sufdtal", see Gascou 1982-, 165.
21. The latest dated instance is in fact A. D. 93-94 (IRT 348).
22. Reynolds and Ward-Perkins 1952,80. There are parallels at Sabratha
and Gigthis (XRT 567,603,95,275,347,318,321-32 and Neo-Punic nos.
30,32).
23. Levi della Vida 1927,108-09; 1965,60.
24. ART 828. See also IRT 826-827.
25. Apuleius, Apol., XCVIII, 8: loquitor
....
nunquam nisi punice ....
See Pavis d'Escurac 1974,96-98; Birley 1971,46-60.
26. Compare SHA, Severus, 1,4:
Graecisque litteris
_Latiniis
.... quibus
eruditissimus fuit, with Aurelius Victor, de Caes., XX, 8: Latinis
litteris sufficienter instructus, Graecis eruditus, Punica eloquentia

9: 1
-454-
promptior. Severus was also alleged to speak Latin with a slight
"African" accent, SHA, Severus, 28,9. On the education of Severus, see
Birley 1971,59-63.
27. SHA, Severus, 15,7.
28. As first recognised by Levi della Vida in 1927 (108-14). But these texts
were frequently referred to as Latino-Libyan (Goodchild 1950b) until
Levi Della Vida translated some of them, 1963,65-94; 1965,59-62.
See also note 66, below.
29. Benabou 1976,511-50; Lepelley 1981a, 355-67; Reynolds and Ward-Perkins
1952,73-86.
30. See particularly, Ward-Perkins 1971,101-16; di Vita 1968,7-55;
1971,173-80; 1982,515-95; Johnston 1982,193-208.
31. See notes 13-20 above and Thompson 1971,235-50. An interesting exception
at Lepcis was Muttun (IRT 319 - Neo-Punic no. 27).
32. IRT 754.
33. IRT 539,649,707.
34. Reynolds 1955,128, no. S. 8.
35. IRT 236.
36. Constans 1914,278-82; Thompson 1971,241.
37. CIL 8.22729, see above 3: 3, note 38 for the text.
38. ILAf 22.
39. CIL 8.11007,11014.
40. ILAf 15 - ILT 50 (Ksar Koutine; BCTII 1904,44) and ILAf 25. IRT 29,
refers to a senator from Sabratha called Messius Rufinus.
41. See note 36 above. Also IRT 319 (and Neo-Punic no. 27) from Lepcis
for Muttun son of Hanno.
42. Romanelli 1922,405-27; Abouhamed 1975,298-300; 1977,27-34; Bakir
1967,241-51, on Neo-Punic tombs near Lepcis and 0ea; di Vita 1971,173-
80, on the Sabratha obelisk tomb.
43. The same is true of cemeteries outside other towns in Roman Africa, see
Leveau 1978b; Rowe 1956; 1959.
44. Courtois 1955,252-82.
45. Camps 1960,159-84; 1979,43-53; cf the bilingual inscriptions from
Dougga, Chabot 1940,1-10 = RIL 1-2.
46. St. Augustine, Letters, 108,5,14; 209 and Johannis Ep, 11,3. On
the significance of this evidence, see Millar 1968,126-34, contra
Courtois 1950,252-82.
47. See above 8: 1; Cowper 1897,131-93; 224-300; Oates 1953,81-117;
Barker and Jones 1981,38; 1982,6-7.
48. Cowper 1897,153,156; Brogan and Smith 1967,139-41 and pers. obs. at
a site in the wadi Mansour (Mn 6).
49. Di Vita 1964a, 67-71.
50. Barth 1857,113-14,118-19 (with illustrations); de Mathuisieulx 1904,
27-32; Haynes 1959,156-58; Brogan 1971a, 122-27; di Vita 1971,173-80.
51. The early dating was first suggested by Brogan 1971a, 122-27.
52. As already noted by Brogan 1971a, 124-25. That at Bir Gebira translates
as "Tamrar daughter of [..... ]", Brogan and Smith 1967,141-42. The
farms at Faschiet el-Habs and Bir Gebira have been surveyed by the ULVP.
53. Brogan 1964,48-50; 1971a, 122; Levi della Vida 1964a, 57-63. See my
figure 48b for the ULVP survey conducted by myself and Rob Burns.
54. Pers. obs. 1981 and Brogan 1971a, 126.
55. Haynes 1959,156-57; Burns and Mattingly 1981,26.
56. De Mathuisieulx 1904,27-28; 1912,75-76. From his description it is
certainly not one of the two gsur which stand on prominent hills about
I km northwest of the tombs.
57. Brogan 1971a, 126; Barker and Jones 1982,6-7.
58. CIL 8.22758; Berger 1895,71-83; Trousset 1974,113.
1

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9: 1
59. Lecoy de la Marche 1894,402-05; Berger 1895,71-83; Brogan 1965a,
54-56; Trousset 1974,110-13.
60. Haynes 1959,153-61; Di Vita 1964a, 70; 1971,173-80; Brogan 1965a,
45-56; Brogan and Smith, forthcoming.
61. Levi della Vida 1951,65-68 = Goodchild 1976a, 93-96; Goodchild 1951b,
79-84.
62. Levi della Vida 1964b, 1-14.
63. Balsilech lived near Ain Wif (Thenadassa), Brogan 1962,368-69; Hanno
is mentioned on the ostracon described by Levi della Vida, 1964b, 1-14.
64. Iddibal appears on one of theBu Njem ostraca, Marichal 1979,448.
Annobal and Imiltho are known from the wadi Umm el-Agerem, IRT 906;
Reynolds 1955,141-42, S. 24. See also, below, note 83.
65. Levi della Vida 1964a, 57-63.
66. The greatest modern authority was Levi della Vida 1927,114; 1963,
65-94; 1965,59-62. More up to date work is reported by Elmayer
1983b, 92-95. Compare, inter alia, Beguinot 1949,14-19; Goodchild
1949b, 138-42; 1950b, 135-44; 1954d, 59-71; di Vita 1964b, 138-42.
67. Levi della Vida 1963,65-94, illustrated the possibilities and the
problems. Recent translations by Elmayer 1983b, 86-95, must be
considered
as overspeculative.
68. See, for example, IRT 894: DMS/Nabor/surnia/avo sanu/n. LXXX40 SATli/
(.. JMILIME/(... J DUO (.. J S.
69. For avo sanu see note 68 above, also Bartoccini 1929,187-200, on
its occurrence in the Christian catacomb at Sirte. It is interesting
to note that Procopius, de aed., VI, 3,9-12, described the Libyan
population of Tripolitania as a "Phoenician race".
70. ILT 51, near Matmata; BCTH 1928-29,251.
71. CIL 8.22758, el-Amrouni.
72. Donau 1909a, 32-33; Trousset 1974,66-67, reused in the gate tower
of
the Tebaga clausura.
73. IRT 859, near Jefren.
74. IRT 867, from the large mausoleum at Bir el-Uaar.
75. IRT 873; Levi della Vida 1963,79-80, near Gasr Doga.
76. IRT 875; App. 3, no. 114, near Breviglieri.
77. IRT 877; Levi della Vida 1963,187, Breviglieri (near Tarhuna);
App. 3, no. 115.
78. Levi della Vida 1951,65-68, from the Ammonium of Ras el-Haddagia.
79. The el-Amud inscriptions were in Neo-Punic script and, therefore,
almost certainly of first or second century date. One of the Agerem
inscriptions mentions the cost of the tomb in denarii, which rules
out a fourth century date. Stylistically the tomb in question could
be late second or third century (pers. obs. ).
80. Levi della Vida 1964a, 57-60, inscription 1; Brogan 1964,48-50; 1971a,
124. It can be translated as follows: "The tomb, in absolute ownership,
which Masawkan made for his father Yamrur, son of Gatit the M. s. li,
and for his mother Zu t, daughter of Gatidan (or Ganidan) the T. g. l. gi
(or N. g. l. bi), and for his son and his wife Asliyat, daughter of
Yankdassan, son of Siyuk the T. g. l. bi (or N. g. l. bi)
.0 woe that
there are four! The tomb was made at his expense and during his
life and the lives of his sons Ari3am and Iosdan. "
81. Levi della Vida 1964a, 60-63, nos. 2 and 3; Brogan 1971a, 124. Both
inscriptions seem to relate to the same tomb, which is the smaller
of the two major monuments in the cemetery. Text 2 can be roughly
translated as : "stele which was set up to Nimran Y[.... ] by his
sons; the builder was Ari3'am. " Text 3 is more lacunous but the gist
is as follows: "this stele was set up for Nimran son of Magukkagan
son of [.... ]w, n. t .......... t
the builders were . s. p. t.
p. l. son of
't ....
J and Ari' 'am son of Bod' a9tart. "

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9: 1
82. Nimran himself cannot have been a grandson of Yamrur and nephew of
Masawkan. It seems more likely that he was either a great nephew or
a second cousin of Masawkan. Since the cemetery seems to have served
the important olive farm at el-Amud he is unlikely to be from a
completely different family.
83. IRT 906; Reynolds 1955,141-42, no. S. 24; Levi della Vida 1963,71-77;
1965,60; Brogan 1971,126, suggest a range of possibilities. I have
followed Levi della Vida 1965,60. Inscription 1- IRT 906 can be
translated as "Thanubda and her son Nasif have made this monument
to Masauchan son of Iylul with 2100 denarii to which were added by
the builder Annobal 1000 denarii...... ". No. 2a Reynolds 1955, S. 24,
reads: "Masauchan and Ysyean have made this tomb for their father Iyllul
... the builders were Imiltho
..... and Annobal son of Masauchan
Chaross. " The fact that Annobal the tomb builder contributed to the
cost of the first tomb suggests that Masauchan Chaross is the same man
as the Masauchan to whom the first inscription was erected, though
Thanubda was evidently not his mother. The other tomb builder Imilt-
ho's relationship to the family of Masauchan is unclear.
84. Barker and Jones 1982,6-7 and pers. obs. A small scale excavation in
the northeast corner of the gasr in 1981 (by myself and J. R. Burns)
located elements of two olive presses.
85. Chabot 1940 - RIL nos. 60 (near Hr Agareb); 61 (Negga, in the Nefzaoua);
62 (near Hr Remtia); 63 (near Hr Krannfir). See also Trousset 1974,42,
71,73,79, for the findspots.
86. Goodchild 1950b, 141, knew of no true Libyan texts. But see now Reynolds,
Brogan and Smith 1958,112-15; di Vita 1964a, 78; 1964b, 141-42 and
pl. LXXI; Sattin 1967,161-77; Brogan 1975b, 268-78. On Bu Njem, see
Rebuffat 1975a, 165-87.
87. Daniels 1975,251-64.
88. The alphabets from Bu Njem, Ghirza, Fezzan and west Tripolitania are
all different and indicate distinct dialects.
89. On Amnon worship see Goodchild 1951b, 79-84; 1952,156-63.
90. Smythe's report was published in Beechey and Beechey 1828,509-12.
The best available discussion of the tomb architecture and decoration
is still di Vita 1964a, 70-78.
91. The definitive report by Brogan and Smith is still "forthcoming" in the
Supplements to Libya Antiqua series. On the tombs, see Denham and
Clapperton 1826,305-11; de Mathuisieulx 1904,22-27; Romanelli 1930,
53-75; Bauer 1933,61-78; Brogan 1955,136-42,181-85; also, as note
90, above.
92. See the works referred to in notes 1-4 above.
93. Whittaker 1978b, 190-92 (a review of Benabou) and Garnsey 1978,235-52.
94. Garnsey 1978,244; Gascou 1972a, 46.
95. See above Chapters 5: 3 and 6: 2.
96. See Daniels 1969; 1970a; 1971a.
97. A tax-free and rent-free period was the inducement offered to bring
unused land (subseciva) on Imperial estates into cultivation, according
to the lex Manciana, Dilke 1971,94; Van Nostrand 1925,9-11.
98. A pre-Caracallan date is not absolutely certain in all the cases listed,
but, conversely, even after the constitutio Antoniniana many people in
the region remained known by their Libyan names alone. On early grants
of citizenship in Africa see Dondin-Payne 1981,93-132.
99. IRT 888; Petragnarni 1928, p. 17. The inscription is now lost, but
the temple is otherwise still well preserved.

-457-
9: 1
100. This inscription from a mausoleum (whose ornamentation included a
statue of a seated figure) is to be published by Brogan. The site
has been revisited by the ULVP.
101. These comments are based on my reading from the stone and my photo-
graphs
of it.
102. ILT 51, L. Domitius Tellul (near Matmata); ILT 52, L. Domitius Aumura
(Hr Oum el-Abbes); ILT 54, L. Domitius Masculus (Hr Oum el-Abbes).
103. Cf. ILT 52 and CIL 8.22774 and above note 59.
104. CIL 8.22758; Trousset 1974,113.
105. Berger 1895,71-83; Trousset 1974,113. Neo-Punic inscriptions are
rare in second century contexts. The stone is now in Foum Tatahouine
(pers. obs. ).
106. Haynes 1959,161-63; Brogan and Oates 1953,74-80 and note 89 above.
107. See above pp. 127-28 and above, notes 10-16.
108. Leglay 1966,107-52,418-78; 1968,234-46; Benabou 1976,261-80;
Beschaouch 1980,125-34.
109. Elmayer 1982,49-50; 1983a.
110. IRT 920; Rebuffat 1975b no. 71-206; App. 3 nos. 53 and 59. Hammon is
Ammon and Canaphar is to be identified with Sinifer, referred to by
Corippus, Ioh. V, 37; VIII, 305.
111. Marichal 1979,436-37; Rebuffat 1975b, 214-15; 1977,406-07; Lassere
1980,955-75, all emphasise that the majority of soldiers in the
third century were recruited in Africa.
112. IRT 918; Lavagnini 1928,416-22; Rebuffat 1975b, 214-15; 1977,406-
07; App. 3, no. 57.
113. Marichal 1979,436-37; 448.
114. Synesius, Letters 148 (trans. Fitzgerald 1926).
115. See above, 8: 1, notes 27-29.
116. Apart from the tribal hillforts there are no good candidates for
earlier, permanent settlement sites in the marginal zone. The
establishment of individual farms implies a radical change in the
tribal pattern of landholding. It is a reasonable supposition that
Rome will have played some part in this, given her attested concern
for tribal land allocation from the Flavian period onwards, see above
Chapter 6: 2.
117. Garnsey 1978,223-54; Whittaker 1978a, 331-32.
118. Thompson 1971,245-48, gives a detailed list of knights and senators
from Tripolitania.
119. See above Chapter 6: 2 and Romanelli 1962,1347-366.
120. Brown 1972, is essential reading on this. See also Bohannan and
Plog 1967.
121. Between 1860 and 1890 the population of the United States rose from
31,443,321 to 62,622,250; the Indian population dwindled in the same
period from c. 300,000 to a small fraction of this number. The
survivors were disarmed "prisoners" in the reservations, for the
most part dependent on government handouts for their sustenance.
122. Brown 1972,119-39, is just one example of how the wars were provoked
by the Americans unjustly playing on the idea that the Indians were
warlike savages. The level of bigotry is well-illustrated by
General Sheridan's famous remark "The only good Indians I ever saw
were dead. "
123. For instance in 1875, the U. S. Government offered the Sioux 400,000
dollars for the mineral rights to the Black Hills or an outright purchase
price of 6 million dollars. Within months of Little Big Horn in 1876,
the mountains were seized without compensation. One gold mine alone
subsequently yielded 500 million dollars worth of gold, Brown
1972,220-46.

-458-
9: 1/9: 2
124. Brown 1972,294-308, details the disastrous attempt by the government
agent Meeker to "civilize" the Utes in the Rockies. Further incidents
occurred on most reservations, as with the Sioux in 1883, Brown 1972,
336-37.
125. In 1875, Standing Bear the Poncas' chief won a civil rights case
establishing his existence as a "person" with regard to the U. S.
habeas corpus act, but the ruling was not accepted as a precedent by
other courts nor by the government, Brown 1972,279-91. Brown gives
numerous examples of the maltreatment of pacified Indians.
126. See in particular Dunn 1977; Woolman 1969. Abu-Nasr 1975,235-392,
gives the Arab version of modern colonialism in the Maghreb.
127. Woolman 1969, passim, is the standard account of the revolt led by
the Abd el-Krim
brothers.
128. Horne 1977, passim.
129. See for instance Abu-Nasr 1975,377-92. Holmboe 1936, Bagnold 1941;
Moore 1940; Denti di Pirajno 1955, all contain contemporary insights
into the condition of the Libyans under Italian rule.
130. Moore 1940,88-111, revealed that Italian farms created on confiscated
or appropriated lands varied in size from 62-124 acres. By contrast
some of the dispossessed Arabs were offered new farms (on the poorest
lands) of between 31 - 12 acres size "because of the lack of space and
because Arab needs are less. " The only reason that even this land was
available for the Libyans was that it had been considered unfit for
Italian colonists.
9: 2 The tribal resurgence
1. Rebuffat 1969,193.
2. Garnsey 1978,235.
3. -
Resistance to Roman rule in the late Roman period was centred to a
large extent in areas of limited or marginal resources. The elite
in these areas had suffered the greatest diminution in the scale of
the rewards they enjoyed within the Roman system.
4. Courtois 1955,70-79.
5. Warmington 1954,69-75; Millar 1968,126-34.
6. See above, pp. 160-75, on the overall pattern of wars and revolts
in Africa.
7. Compare the revolt of the Abd el-Krim brothers in Morocco after
working for the Spanish colonial government for some years, Woolman
1969, passim.
8. The provisional statement by Barker and Jones 1982,6, that the gasrsystem
developed during the second century is not supported by
further work. The latest information suggests that the earliest gsur
are late second or third century, Dore 1983,54-57; Buck, Burns and
Mattingly 1983,51-53 and Dore pers. comm. of fineware database for
ULVP.
9. See above 9: 1, notes 70-83 and 8: 1.
10. See above pp. 279-81.
11. SHA, Severus, 18,3; Aurelius Victor, de Caes. 20,19.
12. Buck, Burns and Mattingly 1983,52-54.
13. As note 12 and Dore 1983,54-57. Dore (pers. comm. ) notes that sherding
at the olive farm in the wadi el-Amud (Lamout = Lm4) has produced 39
recognisable sherds of Terra Sigilata, 18 of early ARS, 5 of late ARS
and 4 of TRS. Sherding of the nearest gasr (Lm 3) produced only a
small quantity of late ARS and TRS.
14. Oates 1953; 1954.

-459-
9: 2
15. The following are Latin texts from the Sofeggin and Zen-Zem region
(but exclude official texts): IRT 883,888,891,894a, 898,899,900,
905; Reynolds 1955 138-39, S. 16 and 22; Brogan 1964,53. See also
notes
38 and 63 below.
16. The most important Latino-Punic inscription from the Sofeggin and
Zen-Zem are: IRT 886 (over 20 texts), 889,890,893,902,903,
906; Reynolds 1955, S. 20,21,24; Reynolds and Brogan 1960,54, nos. 6 and 7.
17. Also from the Sofeggin/Zem-Zem area: IRT 884,885,894,900,910;
Reynolds and Brogan 1960,53, no. 5.
18. As is evident from the indices of Reynolds and Ward-Perkins 1952.
19. Reynolds 1955,138, no. S. 20.
20. See above 9: 1, note 83.
21. IRT 900 (Ghirza) and Reynolds and Brogan 1960,53, no. 5 (wadi Migdal).
22. For an example of this sort of union see above 9: 1, note 80.
23. See above 6: 3
24. Rebuffat 1977,412-14.
25. Buck, Burns and Mattingly 1983,42-54.
26. IRT 886f s Goodchild 1954d, no. 6.
27. IRT 886k and h- Goodchild 1954d, nos. 14 and 9.
28. IRT 886g - Goodchild 1954d, no. 7.
29. IRT 886j s Goodchild 1954d, no. 13.
30. IRT 899,901 (Ghirza).
31. IRT 867 (Bir el-Uaar).
32. IRT 902 (Ghirza).
33. IRT 898,899 (Ghirza).
34. IRT 884 (Upper Sofeggin, near Mizda).
35. IRT 886a and c- Goodchild 1954d, nos. 1 and 3.
36. Corippus, Ioh., V, 283.
37. IRT 898-903; Reynolds 1955,139-40, nos. S. 21-23. See above 9: 1,
note 91 for the principal references concerning the tombs.
38. IRT 899: M. Nasif et M. /Mathlich m/atris M. Nimir/a et Fydel fili/
k(aris) p(arentibus) fecerunt. IRT 900: M. Fydel et F. Thesylgum/
pater et mater M. Metusanis/ qui eis hec memoriam fecit/discussi
ratiocinio ad ea erog/atum est sumptos mercedes/in numero * follis
nß.. 7.. = nonaginta J milia/preter cibarias o(perant)ibus/feliciter
legant [et] vissite/nt filos et nepotes meos/et tales faciant.
IRT 898: M. Chullam [et] Varnychsi/n pater et ma(te)r Marchi/
Nimmire et [M Jaccurasa/n qui eis hec memori/am feceru(nt d]iscussi/mus
rati(oci]nio ad/ea eroca(tu)m est sump/tos merc[e]dibus in n/ummo
foil(is) singula/res numero quadraginta quinque (milia) sesce/ntos
preter c(ijb[aria] op/era(ntjibus felicj..... J/visitent fili et
n(epJot(es). IRT 899 has the best cut lettering and came from tomb A
in the north cemetery, which is stylistically the earliest of the
group. The texts of IRT 900 and 898 and the style of the tombs they
refer to (B and C in the north cemetery) are so similar that they
must be broadly contemporary. It is therefore reasonable to assume
that the M. Fydel mentioned in IRT 899 and 900 is the same man in both
cases. The two men called Marcius Nimmira were presumably closely
related, perhaps the elder Nimira was a cousin of the younger ones
father, M. Chullam.
39. IRT 901,902.
40. G. Bacchetti quoted by Goodchild 1950c, 8.
41. Vergera-Caffarelli 1960; Di Vita 1964a, 74-78; Brogan and Smith,
forthcoming.
42. Sammac was son of Nubel who served as an officer in the field army,
but was also a Moorish chieftain, CIL 8.9255; Anmianus Marcellinus xxix,
5,2.

Ii! 1
-460-
9: 2
43. Ammianus Marcellinus xxix, 5,2-3.
44. Matthews 1976,157-86; also Lawless 1970,105-12.
45. Matthews 1976,177, concludes that "Above all, I would suggest ...
that the limes structure as we see it in the Notitia Dignitatum
depended entirely on the co-operation and participation of the native
princes in order to function at all. "
46. See above, Chapter 8: 3.
47. See above, 6: 2, notes 61-63.
48. Brogan and Smith 1957,179-81. Brogan 1975b, 272-74,276.
49. Brogan and Smith 1957,177-78; Brogan 1975b, 268-72,276; Reynolds,
Brogan and Smith 1958,112-115.
50. Pers. obs. with ULVP.
51. Jerary 1976, passim; also see above pp. 92-95; 136-41.
52. Mattingly 1983,96-108. The raids are attested in Cyrenaica by the
Letters of Synesius and in Tripolitania by Ammianus Marcellinus,
XXVIII, 6,1-5; 6,10-14. In Byzantine times the confederation was
active much further west against Byzacium and on one raid they
reached as far north as Lares (see Procopius, Wars, Books III-IV;
Corippus, loh, passim.
53. Synesius, Catastasis I, 1568. Cf. Letters 78.
54. Mattingly 1983,104-05.
55. Courtois 1955,71-79, dated the abandonment of the eastern Tripolitanian
limites to the end of the third century A. D. The evidence I have
presented suggests that Rome never willingly renounced control, but
that with few troops, the security of the zone increasingly rested on
the cooperation of tribal groups. The real breakdown of this revised
frontier system occurred during the mid - late fourth century during
the main period of Laguatan raids. The decline of western Tripolitania
was slightly slower, but the Laguatan were probably making inroads
there too by the early fifth century. See also 8: 3, note 15, above.
56. The fundamental study is Ward-Perkins and Goodchild 1953a, 1-83. See
also Haynes 1959,163-69; di Vita 1967,121-42, de Angelis d'Ossat
and Farioli 1975,28-156. Pariberi 1927,75-82, demonstrated the
continued survival of Christianity in the region after the Arab
conquest.
57. These are Suk el-Oti on the wadi Buzra south of Beni Ulid, Ward-
Perkins 1952,25-30; Ward-Perkins and Goodchild 1953a, 54-56; Haynes
1959,166-67, and Chafagi Aamar on the Sofeggin near Mizda, Barth
1857,107-10; Ward-Perkins and Goodchild 1953a, 50-54; Haynes 1959,
167-69.
58. There were bishoprics at Turris Tamalleni, Tacapae and Gigthis,
Trousset 1974,44.
59. IRT 863; Ward-Perkins and Goodchild 1953a, 4-5,37-43, for a Donatist
church in the Gebel Nefusa. Frend 1971, remains the standard work on
Donatism, but see now also Frend 1978,410-90.
60. On the rural shrines, see Goodchild 1951b, 79-84; 1952d, 158-59;
Brogan and Oates 1953,74-80. IRT 898 and 900 and Reyholds 1955,
no. S. 22 graphically indicate some of the aspects of the ancestor cult
(see above, notes 38 and 63). Bates 1914,181-82, summarised the
literary evidence for the importance of ancestor worship in Libyan
religion.
61. Corippus, roh., II, 109; 405; V, 25; 39; 495; VI, 116; VIII, 304,619.
For the Neo-Punic inscriptions see Levi della Vida 1951,65-68; Elmayer
1982,49-50 and (pers. typescript) 1983.
62. De Slane 1913,31-32.

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9: 2/9: 3
63. Reynolds 1955,139, no. S. 22: seque[ns.... Jo[... Je[. J/cis
memorator M/(.. Jneorum est Mon/[. Jsan filius voc/iis omnibus par/
entibus pos(uitJ/quis et v[... 7... J/diem (.... c. 1O.. ]/vic(toriJarum
[s]u/aram exhibuit/sacrificia [p]are/ntaliorum to/uros n. L1 qu/
inquaginta e[tJ/[unum ] capros [n]/[XX ]XVIII tri [gi/nta o]ct(o....
64. Pers. obs. and Brogan and Smith, forthcoming.
65. See above, note 49.
66. The size of the Chirza settlement and the widespread similarities in
nomenclature across the Sofeggin and Zem-Zem region, suggests that
Ghirza had a tribal and religious importance for the whole zone.
The detailed archaeological detail is given by Brogan and Smith 1957,
and forthcoming.
67. On Ammon and Gurzil worship among the Laguatan see note 61 above and
Corippus, loh., II, 109-112; III, 77-170; VI, 145-187; 556; VII,
515-20; VIII, 300-17.
68. Bulliet 1981,110-14. Compare Picard 1975,98-111.
69. Whittaker 1978,331-32.
70. Matthews 1976,177-78.
71. See above 8: 3, notes 21-23.
72. See above pp. 45-47.
73. See above pp. 136-41, for a rebuttal of the theories which assign
a major role in the raids to the camel.
9: 3 Postscript - the sub-Roman period
1. Courtois 1955, remains the best account of Vandal Africa. See, in
particular, pp. 311-23 on the political and economic structures and
pp. 325-50 on the Vandal/Berber interaction.
2. As note 1. Also Bourgeois 1980,213-28; Pringle 1981,10-13.
3. Warmington 1954,69-75, on late Latin and Christian inscriptions
from the area of Volubilis and western Mauretania Caesariensis
dating to the period from the mid - fifth to mid-seventh centuries.
Many of these were dated by "provincial
year" over two hundred years
after the provinces had ceased to exist. Moorish chieftains on the
fringes of the Vandal. kingdom still retained the Latin titles they
had previously used to justify their power, pp. 74-75. See also
Camps 1974,191-208.
4. Diehl 1896 and Pringle 1981 are the standard works on Byzantine Africa.
See Pringle 1-44 for a detailed historical analysis.
5. Pringle 1981,208-86, summarises the evidence for the Byzantine
garrison towns on the Tripolitanian coast.
6. Procopius, Wars, III, 3,25-27; IV, 8,25, on the resentment caused by
the Byzantine reassessment of taxes. Also Pringle 1981,11-12, on
the apparent lack of enthusiasm for the reconquest among the Romano-
Libyan
landholders.
7. See notes 3 above and 33-34 below.
8. Warmington 1954,69-75; Pringle 1981,11-16.
9. Abun-Nasr 1975,67-86; Brett 1978b; 1978c.
10. Camps 1980, passim; Abun-Nasr 1975,67-138.
11. Abun-Nasr 1975,10-11; also relevant sections of Oliver 1978.
12. Mattingly 1983,96-106; Jerary 1976, passim.
13. See note 5 above.
14. Contrary to the older view of Goodchild 1953,195-209. By the sixth
century, most of the gasr dwellers were probably Laguatan or had
been assimilated by them. There is no epigraphic evidence for the
existence of a formal garrison in the former frontier zone; Goodchild
simply assumed that all defensive buildings were military in nature.

9: 3 -462-
15. Jones 1971,293.
16. Goodchild 1967a, 255-61; Gateau 1947,35-37; Mattingly 1983,99.
17. Goodchild 1967a, 261-65.
18. Goodchild 1967a, 255-67, failed to appreciate the importance of the
Laguatan and the relative insignificance of the Byzantine garrison
in the events of 642.
19. Procopius, wars, IV, 21,1-16; Pringle 1981,29-30.
20. See above 6: 2, note 63. The events of the revolt were recorded by
Corippus in his Iohannidos and by Procopius, Wars, IV, 21 - IV, 28.
There is an excellent analysis in Pringle 1981,30-39.
21. See, for example, Corippus, loh., II, 40-155; IV, 332-392; VII, 300-317.
22. Ierna was high priest of the cult of the bull-god Gurzil,
Corippus, loh., II, 109-112.
23. Brogan 1975b, 276.
24. E1-Bekri (trans. de Slane 1913,25-35) on the Nefusa, Hawara and
Fezzan tribes; also el-Edrisi (Dozy and Goeje 1866,154). In the
eleventh century the tribes of Tripolitania were still capable of
putting a force of 20,000 cavalry in the field. Vonderheyden 1927,
39-44, commented that the Laguatan (or Lawata) profited from the Arab
conquest of Byzantine Africa by expanding their own territories.
Thereafter, there were occasional serious revolts involving the
tribes, as in A. D. 896 when between 12,000 - 20,000 of the Nefusa
sub-tribe were defeated in battle.
25. One Carbon-14 date of A. D. 860 + 80 is confirmed so far, Barker and
Jones 1981,42. Many other gsur are evidently sub-Roman in terms of
their architecture, as Goodchild himself recognised, 1950a, 42.
26. El-Bekri (trans. de Slane 1913,25 and 31). The fertility of the
Sofeggin was proverbial with harvests reputed to be as high as
100-fold in certain years (p. 25).
27. Stillwell 1976, "Ghirza" and Brogan pers. comm. Finds included
early Fatimid coins and sherds.
28. Brogan and Kendrick 1971,8-9, for the first description of Mm 10,
where sub-Roman occupation has also been established by the ULVP,
Barker and Jones 1982,15. For the church at Suk el Oti, see Ward-
Perkins 1950,25-30; Ward-Perkins and Goodchild 1953a, 6,54-56;
Haynes 1959,166-67. Kite air-photographs of both Suk el-Oti and
el-Fogi were obtained by the ULVP in 1980.
29. Barker and Jones 1981,38-42.
30. The political importance of the wadi Beni Ulid settlements sometimes
brought the region into conflict with the Arab authorities in Tripoli,
as in the abortive revolt of Ali Abu-Telis in the fifteenth century,
Barker and Jones 1981,42.
31. Cauneille 1963,105, described the modern Orfella.
32. Despois 1935,279-91; Prost 1954b, 239-53; Louis 1973,257-70; 1975,23-
34,37-125. Architectural continuity in post Roman times is emphasised
by Romanelli 1924b; Shaiboub 1979.
33. El-Bekri (de Slane 1913,26) mentioned that some of the Nefusa tribes-
men were still Christian in his day. Religious persecution of Christians
started at about this time(the eleventh century). Allan 1973,147-69,
has shown that few mosques in the Gebel Nefusa seem to have been
converted from churches, though many reused Roman columns and stonework.
34. IRT 262; Pariberi 1927,25-28, on the Christian cemetery at en-Ngila.
The five latest texts fall between A. D. 945 and 1003. Cf also
Aurigemma 1932; di Vita 1967.
35. Despois 1935,279-91; Muhl 1954,67-93; Louis 1975,255-339.
36. The archaeological and historical evidence for sub-Roman Tripolitania
has never received the attention it deserves. It is hoped that this
concluding section has at least provided a few pointers towards
areas of future research.

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APPENDIX 1: Ancient roads and itineraries
I THE COAST ROAD : Tacapae (Gabes) to Arae Philaenorurn (Ras el Aali)
(a) Published milestones
1.4 km SSE of Gabes, M/s of Nerva (A. D. 97). (Might also be from the
inland route to Martae - see IV below). CIL 8.10016.
2.20 km SE of Gabes, M/s of Aurelian (272 or 274). CIL 8.10017.
3-11. M/ss of Caracalla (216) found at the following distances (m. p. )
from Gigthis (Bou Ghara) XV, X, IX, VIII VI, V. III
.
, also
two of uncertain provenance. BCTH 1908, CCXII; BCTH 1920,39-42;
ILAf 653.
12. M/s of Caracalla (216) 2 m. p. from Gigthis and a Tacapis XLVIII,
BCTH 1920,38; ILAf 653.
13-15. M/ss of Caracalla (216) -a finibus Tacapitanorum 'XI-N, Diocletian
and Maximian; Constantine and Constantine Caesar m. p. I from Gigthis.
BCTH 1920,37-38; ILAf 653.
16. Gigthis, m/s of Caracalla (216) a finibus Tacapitanorum XXII.
CIL 8.11022; ILAf 653.
17-20. Between Gigthis and Zita (Zian), m/s of Caracalla at the following
distances from Zita, m. p. XXVI, XXIII, XXII (one uncertain).
BCTH 1920,51-52; BCTH 1934-35,33; ILAf 652; ILT 1719.
21. Between Gigthis and Sabratha. Bu Chemmasc, Pisidia, m/s of
Caracalla. IRT 923.
22. Between Oea and Lepcis, Casr Garabulli, m/s of Caracalla. IRT 928.
23. M/s of Gallienus (264) from m. p. xVIII or xVIIII from Lepcis. IRT 927.
24. M/s of Claudius Tacitus (276) m. p. V from Lepcis. IRT 926.
25-26. M/ss of Maximinus (237) m. p. III, I from Lepcis, found at Homs.
IRT 924,925.
27. Lepcis, M/s of Diocletian (290-292) possibly relating to coast
road. Salama 1965,39; Goodchild 1971,169. IRT 972.
28.10 km. E of Lepcis, M/s of Caracalla (216 ) IRT 929; Goodchild 1948,
10 no. 5.
(b) Unpublished Milestones
29. M/s of Augustus (c. A. D. 14) found near Sabratha. Di Vita-Evrard 1979,91.
30. M/s of Caracalla found near Syrtic shore W of Sirte, Rebuff at 1982c, 196.
31. M/s of Caracalla found "near Misurata" ( ). Goodchild 1971,158.
On the course of the road see further Tissot 1888,196-243; Aurigemma 1926b,
3-15; Goodchild 1948,10,1954b; Bartoccini 1948,150-57; Brogan 1975b, 58;
Rebuffat 1973c, 137-44.
(c)
The Itineraries
The following table compares the information given by the Antonine
Itinerary, the Tabula Peutingeriana, the Ravenna Cosmography and Guido. In
this instance modern locations have not been suggested as some places are
easily identifiable (Lepcis, Oea, Sabratha etc. ) whilst others by their
very nature are unlikely to be locateable if there is even a small dis-
crepancy in the recorded mileages (Casas Villa Aniciorum, Ad cisternas
etc. ) A good deal of speculation has been attempted in the past, often
using inadequate maps, and the question undoubtedly requires reexamination
at some future date. I have tried to indicate here the sections where
the roads recorded in the Ant. It. and Tab. Peut. are coincident (thick
line), where they are possibly coincident (broken line) and where they
probably diverge (blank).
APP

-464-
ITINERARIES :I THE COASTAL ROUTES
(Tripolitanian Sector of Carthage - Alexandria road)
Ant. It. 59.6 - 65.6 Tab. Peut. Seg. VI. 5- VIII, 2 Rav III, 5 Rav V, 5-6 Guido
Tacapas colonia Tacape col Tacapas Tacapa colonia
25 M. P. xxv 25 1IXv
Agna siv. Fulgurita villa Fulgurit` 26 XXVI
Templ(um) veneris
-
25 ccv 25 xxvý
Giti Minicip1um Gigti Cithi Cithit -
17 xvzz
- Ziza municipium Zita vita -
35 xxCV
Ponte Zita municip1um -
15 xv
- -
Putea PalIene
- Putea baleanae -
30 xxx
villa Magna, villa privata 18 Xvrzz
- - -
- Praesidium
- Praesidium Praesidium
Flsidia vM' P3sidia mmuunicipium - Flsidia Presidia
20 roc
- Ad. Cypsaria Taberne Cipsaria Cipsarea Gypsarea
26 XXVI
Gasas villa Rniciorum - - - -
17 xvzx
- Ad Amonem
- Ammonia Ammonis
28 XKVIII 16 xVT
Sabrata colonia Sabrata Sabrata Sabrata Sabrata
16 Xvz
- Ponton 27 XXVII - Ponton Ponton
27 XXVII - (unnamed site)
vax villa Repenting 13 XIIj 18 Xvxiz
Assaria / Poteo
(corru-
28 XXVIII 20 xC
Ocea oolonia 08a Cbl ption)
Passaria
Oxea
Passarla
- 12 XII
Turris ad Algam 16(inland route) xvI - Turns Alba Turns Alba
25 XXV Flaccl Taberna
Megradi villa Aniciorum - 20 Ax - - -
15 xv Cercar
Getullu 15 xv
24 XXIV Subututtu
29 XXIX Ouintiliana 25 xxv -
Minna villa Marci -
14 XIv
Getula
oxena
Getue
- Ouinttltana puintiItana
Ad Pal-am
- C3vitas Palma Palma
29 XXIX 12 XII *Nate * 'Mapta "
Leptl Magna Colonia Leptimagna col Leptis Magna Leptis Magna Paletis magna
20 XX 20 xx
Seggera
ugolin
- Subgolf Subgolf
15 xv
Nivirgi Taberna Neveri Nivergi Nivergi
24 xxxv
Berge
- -
- 15 xv 15 xv
Slmnuana Virga Scemadana Simadana Simadana
25 xXV 10 x
Base
- - -
22 XxII
Tubactis Mun. Thubacis Thubactis Thubactis
30 xxx
Thebunte (or
Tabunte)
25 xXv
- Casa Rimoniana
- Rusticiana Rastitiana
APP :1

-465-
ITINERARIES
: THE COASTAL ROUTES (cont"d)
Ant. It. 59.6 - 65.6 Tab. Peut. Seg. VI, 5- VIII, 2 Rav III, 5 Rev V, 5-6 Guido
30 ýaoc ----
Auxiqua
(or Auziqua)
25 xxv
- Ad Cisternas Cisterium Cisternas Cisternas
30 xxx
Annesel ----
15 xV
-
18 XVIII
Auxiu
25
(or
Wad XXXV Nadalus Nadalus Nadalas
Auzui) ----
25 xxv
- Dissio or Vissio Disio Vision Vision
Aqua amara `" Onusol "* Onusol "
30 x)ox 30 oc
- Musula / Chosol Musoi Mulsol Musol
25 xrv
35 aoocv
Ad Ficum - Fioum Ficum
Astiagi (or Stixgi) ----
18 XVIII
Praetorium Prastorium Praetorium Praetorium
28 XXVIII
Putea Nigrorum - Putea Nigra Putea Nigra
20 xx 13 XIII
Macomadibus Marcomades selorum Sacomadis Macumades Maeitapades
Sirtis Maiores Maiores
13 XIII
-I
Zure - Zoures Zures
30-34
iscina
31
Tramaricto
25
Aubereo
24
Digdica
24
Tugulus
25
Banadadari
13 xzzx
Ad Speiuncas - Speluncas Speluncas
xxx xrxzv 13 xzzz
Scina loc. I uiaeor. Augti Isyri Ist na Iscina
Aulazon - Aulaton Aulazon
xxxz
xxv
I
I
20 xx
Ad Palmam Palma Palmam Alma
18 xviil
Ad Capsum UItimum - Capsum ultimum Capsultimum
12 xiI
Ad Torrex - Terris Lapidouir Turris
Lapidum
20 xx
Praesidio - - -
22 XXII
Zagazaena Zacassama Zasasma Zacasama
xxzv 12 xzz
Diadida ter v1odidaJ T, rrLs .t - Dlcdica Dtdicca
municipium Solorum Taborna
6 vz
xxzv
xxv
tt
Tagulus - Tragulk Trigulls
30 m
Arephilenorum fines Africa at Cyrenensium Arephilenorum Arep. Ionorum Arepoenorum

-466-
Table of recorded distances of Ant. It. Tab. Peut
coastal routes m. p. km M. P. km
Total distance Tacapae to Lepcis 338 500 310 459
Total distance Lepcis to Marco-
mades 222 328.5 min. 259 383
max. 286 423
Total distance Marcomades to
Arae Philaenorum 1594 235+ 151+ 223.5+
Total distance Tacapae to
Arae Philaenorum
. 719+ 1063.5+ min. 720+ 1065.5+
max. 747+ 1105.5+
II THE LIMES ROAD: Tacapae to Lepcis via Nefzaoua and Gebel.
(a) Published milestones
32. Tacapae (Gabes) m/s of Nonius Asprenas (Aug-Sept A. D. 14 in first
months of Tiberius' reign). CIL 8.10018.
33. Djarra (near Gabes) m/s of Caracalla (216 ). CIL 8.10019 - 21917.
34. Near Gabes (unprovenanced) m/s of Diocletian and Maximian. CIL 8.21916.
35. Gabes oasis. Severan m/s. CIL 8.21917.
36.9 km W. of Gabes, m/s of Diocletian and Maximian, m. p. VI from
Tacapae. CIL 8.21918.
37. Hr Zatria (between Gabes and el Hamma). Caracallan (216). CIL 21919.
31-37 above relate to the main Tacapae to Capsa highway. At el
Hamma (Aquae Tacapitanae) the limes road branched WSW towards
the Nefzaoua, see Le Boeuf 1905,346-50.
38-41 Between Aquae Tacapitanae and Turris Tamalleni, m/ss of Caracalla
at m. p. (XXV), xxxi, XXXV, XXXIX from Tacapae, Donau 1907,55-63,
note 1; ILAf 656.
42-50 Tetrarchic m/ss (Diocletian and Maximian, Galerius., Constantius
and Galerius) at m. p. (XXVXXI, XXI, (XXXIV), XXXIX, XLIII,
[XLVIII, L, LXVIII, LXIX] Donau 1907,48-66,174-178, ILAf 656.
51-52 1 (or 2) m/s of (Domitian] under Javolenus Priscus as legate, at
m. p. XLIII from Tacapae. Donau, 1907,66,173 note 1; ILAf 656;
Rebuffat 1980,108-09.
Apart from one or two fixed points, such as Bezereos and Tillibari,
the course of the limes road is almost entirely hypothetical
between the Nefzaoua and the Libyan Gebel. In all probability
it followed the wadi ben Hallouf in the Dahar S of Bezereos
(Bir Rhezene) before cutting back eastwards through the Gebel
somewhere in the Benia Ceder/Ras el Ain sector. It then
followed the line of the Gebel/Gefara SSE to Tillibari (Ramada)
and Dehibat ( ). From there it turned ENE along the Gebel crest
towards Zintan and Garian. The next milestones are not
encountered, however, until the WSW approaches to Tarhuna.
53. m/s of Gordian III (239) at m. p. LVII from Lepcis near Tazzoli
village IRT 9396.
54. m/s of Claudius Gothicus (268-70) at m. p. LVII from Lepcis - but found
c1 km NW of no. 53. Goodchild 1976c, 109-110.
55. m/s of Philip (244-49) at m. p. LVI from Lepcis. Goodchild 1976c, 109.
56. m/s of Gallienus from m. p. LIII from Lepcis. IRT 939a.
57-58 m/ss of Caracalla (216) at m. p. XLIII, XLI(Bu el-Acbasc and N of
Catarella). Di Vita-Evrard 1979,69-77.
APP. 1

-467-
59. M/s of third century emperor at m. p. XXXVIIII IRT 939.
60-63. M/ss of Caracalla (216) at m. p. (XXX)VIIII, VII, II and one with
mileage unknown. IRT 931,932,935,938.
64. M/s of Gordian (239) at m. p. XXX (wadi Daun) IRT 937; Oates 1953,114.
65-67. M/ss of Maximinus at m. p. XXX, VIII, (VIII. IRT 933,934,936. Oates
1953,113-14.
68. M/s of Tiberius erected, at caput viae in Lepcis by Aelius Lamia
A. D. 15-17. Refers to road built in mediterraneum ... m. p. XLIV.
69. A probable Domitianic m/s, from Lepcismay relate to either the
Gebel or coast roads. Reynolds 1955, no. S. 3.
(c)
The Itinerary
The limes road in the Antonia* Itinerary (after 0. Cuntz).
73.6 Itsr quod 11m. itea Tripolitanum per Turrem Tama lIeni a Tacapas
Lepti Magna ducit. m. p. DCV
Modern location
74.1 A Tacapis
18 m. p. XVZSrz (or xvzlr) Gabes
Ad Aquas al-Ha®a
30 xxx
Agarlabas (Agaslavas) Hr Mgarine
30 xxx
7=* Tamalleni Talmine
12 XII
Ad Templum
30 xxx
aezareos Bir Rhazene
32 XX II
AusiItrd1
30 XXX (or XXTZ)
75.1 Agma
30 xxx
Auzamzai
30 xxx
Tabalati (ThabalatiT Ras el Ain/Foum
25 xxv Tatahouine area
Thebelawi (Themalami) Hr Nedeina
20 xx
T1111. baz1 Ramada
30 xxx
Ad Awdum (Auaiaudum) Dehibat
76.1
23 "xxv
Tabuinati (Thrabunacti)
25 xxv
Thramusdusln
(Tharama)
30 xxx
Thamascalt1n
30 XXX (or XXV )
Thentece Nr Zintan (Edref
30 xxx
Auru
35 xxxv
vinasa
16 XVZ (or xv)
Thalatati
(Talalati)
26 xxvz (or xxv)
77.1 Thenadassa (Tenadassa) Ain Ulf
30 xxx
Nesphe (M. spe)
40 XL
Leptl Magna Labda
(Total) DCV (894 km)
Ain ei Auenia
Madiaa Doga
See further Tissot 1888,697-710; Cagnat 1914b; Trousset 1974;
Euzennat and Trousset 1975,53-55; Hammond et al 1964; Hammond 1967,1-18;
Goodchild 1976c, 109-110; di Vita-Evrard 1979,69-77.
APP. 1.

-468-
III TACAPAE TO THE DJERID OASES - passing south of the Chott Djerid
(a) Published milestones There are no known milestones from this road.
(b) The Itinreraý Tabula Peut. Seg V, 5 - VI, 5; Ravenna Cos. 111.5;
Tissot 1888,684-91.
Tab. Peut. Ravenna Modem location
Thusuros - Tozeur
XXX
Aggarsel Nepte Nepte Nefta( )
CXV
Agarsel
Agasel
XIV
Puteo
Putam
VII Tinzimedo Tingimie
Mazantanzur -
VI
Timezegeri turris -
X
(road junction) Avibus - part of el Hau na
XVIII
oasis
Tacape col (Tacapas) Gabes
TOTAL LENGTH OF ROUTE 200 m. p.
- 296 km.
The course of this road is extremely uncertain, though having passed
S of Chott Djerid it probably crossed the northern Dahar in a west-east
direction passing through the Tebaga gap (and through the clausura). It
is possible that Avibus is the name for part of the el Hamms oasis. The
existence of a Roman baths establishment (Aquae Tacapitanae) is established,
but the oasis is big enough to have been considered as two separate
villages/small towns (as it was in the nineteenth century). The main
Capsa to Tacapae road on Peutinger is shown to fork at Silesua with the
mileage to ad Aquas being XIX and that to Avibus XVIII. From ad Aquas to
Tacapae the distance is recorded as XVI, from Avibus as XVIIII. These
distances are reconcilable with the topography of the el Hamms oases and
with the long mile of the former road (Le Boeuf 1905,346-50).
. IV THE WESTERN GEFARA ROAD - Tacapae - Martae - Veri.
(a) Published milestones
70. M/s of Constantius Chlorus Caes (293-305) from m. p. XVII or XXVII
from Gabes. BCTH 1914,614; 1915, CXXVII; ILAf 657.
See also no. 1, above.
APP. 1.

-469-
(b) ItineraEZI Tabula Peutingeriana, VI, 5- VII, 2; Ravenna Cos.,
111,5; Tissot 1888,691-97.
Tab. Peut. Ravenna Modern location
Tacape col (Tacapas) Gabes
X
Martae Marthae Mareth
XXVI
Afas Lupeici Afas Lucernae
V
Augarmi Agarmi Ksar Koutine
XXV
Ausere f1 Aucertim
Putea
Ad Putam
Laminie
Laurie
Veri Afas Verim
Total length of route Tacapae to Ausere wadi 66 m. p. - 97.7 km.
Most scholars who have studied this road trace it through Mareth and
Medenine, though it is necessary to "correct" the mileage figures to do so.
Augarmi has generally been identified with the large site of Ksar Koutine,
but with so few fixed points and a question mark over the mileage figures,
speculation about the other sites is pointless. In all probability,
however, the road followed the SW edge of the Cefara plain in a SE direction.
V
INLAND (GEBEL TARHUNA) ROUTE BETWEEN OEA AND LEpCIS
(a) Published milestones
If the road runs into the Gebel as Oates and Goodchild suggested (and
there is clearly a major discrepancy in the mileages given in the Tabula
since the inland route has a shorter total length than the coast road) then
the milestones between Lepcis and Medina Doga (nos. 57-69 above) should
relate to the eastern section of this road as well as to the limes road of
the Antonine itinerary. See further Goodchild 1951b, 75-76; Oates 1953,92.
Cercar is normally identified with Ain Scerciara and Subuttutu with
Gasr ed-Davn.
(b)
Itinerary
See above on the table in Section I. Oea - Flacci Taberna - Cercar -
Subuttutu
- Lepcis.
APP. 1.

-470-
VI GEBEL EL-ASKER ROUTE - Capsa to Turris Tamalleni
(a) Published milestones
71. M/s of Trajan (A. D. 105), m. p. XXII from Capsa, erected by civitas
Capsensium. Donau 1904b, 355. CRAI 1909,572; ILAf 655.
72. M/s of Trajan (105) m. p. (xxvIIJ. Toutain 1906,248; ILAf 655.
73-74. M/ss of Trajan (105) erected by the civitas Nybgeniorum at m. p. XXIX
and XXVIII from civitas Nybgeniorum (Telmine) (- 32 and 33 m. p. from
Capsa). Donau 1909b, 279-80; CRAI 1909,573-74; ILAF 655, ILT 1722.
75. M/s of Caracalla, mileage figure unknown. BCTH 1927,241,1938-39-40,
225; ILAf 655; ILT 1722.
The course of this route across the Cherb range and the Chott Fedjedji
is fairly well established by these milestones and by the topography. See
further Donau 1904b, 354-59; 1909b, 277-81; Toutain 1906,242-50;
Trousset 1978,165-68.
VII
THE CENTRAL ROAD - Oea to Mizda
(a) Published milestones
76-91 M/ss of Caracalla (216) from m. p. LVII, Lxxxll, L XXIIII, LXXXV,
LXXXVI, C(V). (CVIJ. CVII, (CVIII], C(X] plus six others with
no surviving mileage no. IRT 940,941,944,945,949,950-952,
954-955,957-962.
92. M/s of Maximinus (235-238) from m. p. LXXXV. IRT 946.
93-4. M/ss of Gordian III (238-44) from m. p. LxXXII, L[XxXV]. IRT 942,947.
95-96 M/ss of Callienus (262) from m. p. (LXXXV), LVIII. IRT 942,953.
See further Goodchild 1948,15-22 (for most of the full texts), 1971,
159,168-69; Bartoccini 1948,150-57. The m/ss give a very good idea of
the course of the road from Tripoli to the Garian plateau and down the
Mizda gap. The route south of Mizda to Gheriat does not seem to have been
marked with milestones, a fact which lends credence to the supposition that
Mizda was the site of another Roman fort.
VIII THE UPPER SOFEGGIN ROAD : Zintan (Thenteos) to Mizda
(a) Published milestones
99-104 M/ss of Caracalla (216) at zn. p. xxv, Xxxii or XXxIII, XLIII, XLVIIII
(plus two of uncertain mileage). IRT 963-966,968-69.
105. M/s of Maximinus (237) mile [XLIII] IRT 967; Bartoccini, 1948,151;
cf Goodchild 1948,15 no. 15.
Several rough-hewn and uninscribed milestones from the Wadi Sofeggin
a few km W of Mizda indicate the final stages of this route. The caput viae
of the road is in the Zintan area, presumably Thenteo. s, whilst the absence
of other m/ss E of Mizda is further evidence for the importance of Mizda
itself as the terminus of two marked roads. See further, Coro 1935,
69-75; Goodchild 1948,22-23, Bartoccini 1948,151-52.
APP. 1.

-471-
IX
MILESTONES OF UNCERTAIN ATTRIBUTION
The lack of detailed information about the provenance of many M/ss,
particularly those found in or near major centres of the road network has
meant that some cannot be reliably assigned to a particular road. In addition
to nos. 1,27,33-35,69 above which are doubtful to a greater or
lesser extent the following m/s also belong to the Tripolitanian series.
106. M/s of Caracalla (216) found "near Tripoli", no mileage number.
Aurigemma 1926,143; Goodchild 1948,24 no. 36. IRT 970.
(Could be road I, V or VII).
107. M/s of Caracalla (216) reused in Mosque in Homs, m. p. III. Probably
from coast road but could also be Gebel road. Aurigemma 1926,145;
Goodchild 1948,24, no. 37.
108. M/s of Caracalla (m. p. xxxIIr from ) found in a position N of the
known alignment of the Roman road between Aquae Tacapitanae and
Telmine. Found near several other illegible m/s so may relate to a
branch road. Cagnat and Merlin 1932, Oglet Merteba sheet, site 8;
BCTH 1930-31,179, ILT 1720.
Number of milestones relating to individual Roman Principes
(cf. Goodchild 1948,30)
Name Numbers relating to lists above Total %
Augustus 29 1 0.9
Tiberius 32,68 2 1.9
Domitian 51-52,69 3 2.8
Nerva 1- 1 0.9
Trajan 71-74 4 3.7
Caracalla 3-13,16-22,28,30-31,33,37-41,57-58,
60-63,75-91,99-104,106-108. 59 54.6
Maximinus 25-26,65-67,92,105 7 6.6
Gordian 53,64,93-94. 4 3.7
Philip 55 1 0.9
Gallienus 23,56,95-96 4 3.7
Claudius Gothicus 54 1 0.9
Aurelian 2,97-98 3 2.8
Claudius Tacitus 24 1 0.9
Diocletian/
Tetrarchy 14,27,34,36,42-50,70 14 13
Constantine 15 1 0.9
Unknown 35,59 2 1.9
108 100
APP. 1.

-472-
APPENDIX 2: Tribal centres in Tripolitania and Fezzan
I The Magrusa/Mdhaweb oppida (Figures 12-13)
Situated some 18 km west of Ghirza up the Zem-Zem at a point where two
large tributaries join the wadi from the north and where there is an exten-
sive area of cultivatable alluvium in the combined wadi floor. The eroded
scarps of the area provide a series of semi-detached or isolated outliers
projecting over the wadi plain. These sites are classic "4peron barre"
positions, but it is surprising that all five such sites were utilised in an
area of limited water resources. One possibility is that the complex marks
the tribal centre of one of the Macae sub-tribes and was fully occupied only
on a seasonal
basis.
(a) Mdhaweb I (ZZ2) (Jones and Barker 1980,29-30). Figure 12.
The site known as Gasr Mdhaweb is the most visually prominent of the
group, on account of a standing tower of c. 6 in. height which controls the
direct approach to the site from the west. The ground plan of the tower
is of an unusual trefoil plan, presumably adopted to fit the difficult
cliff-top position. This tower lies about 8m west of the main defensive
wall of the site in which there is no apparent gate on this side. The entire
summit of the rocky promontory is surrounded by a wall of drystone construc-
tion, there being a single entrance in the south side. The zig-zagging path
approaching the gate from the south west was built up in places on ramps of
rubble.
The interior of the site was very densely built up (Jones and Barker,
1980, Plate 4b, p. 29). The drystone buildings were regularly coursed and of
a reasonably high standard of construction. Some fragments of ashlar masonry,
including a piece of entablature (Jones and Barker 1980, plate 4c, p. 29) may
have been reused from a mausoleum or possibly designed specially as door
lintels. Unlike the other sites in the group there was little free space
between the buildings, which were built both against the outer perimeter
wall and over much of the interior space.
The pottery and the architecture both suggest that the site as it
stands is of comparatively late date (third century A. D. forward). Traces
of earlier structures are probably obscured by this late phase.
Dimensions : 75 m (E-W: 87 m if tower included), 25.5 m (N-S max).
Area : 0.168 ha. Original survey for ULVP : D. Mattingly
T. Watson
(b) Mdhaweb II (ZZ7) (Jones and Barker 1980,30; Allan 1980,26) Figure 12.
Although Mdhaweb I is more sophisticated architecturally, Mdhaweb II
was by far the larger site in terms of size and population. It is in fact
the largest of the Tripolitanian oppida so far discovered and the plateau
top exceeds the area of the plateau top at Zinchecra by several times. As
at Zinchecra, occupation also continued down the scarps (see ZZ5 below).
Although at first sight the barren plateau appears featureless, close
inspection revealed traces of demolished walls and shallow depressions, which
can be identified
on kite air photographs as traces of extensive huts.
These traces of occupation spread over the greater part of the plateau (c.
300 x 100 m). These huts ranged from circular to rectangular to linked units,
the greatest density of occupation being towards the eastern extremity of
the plateau. Almost all the pottery collected came from the eastern 150 m of
wide plateau.
APP. 2.

-473-
Although there are no perimetal defences, other than the natural
scarps, the narrow isthmus connecting the western end of the spur to the
main escarpment was fortified. At its narrowest point (4 m) a wall was
constructed using a natural rocky outcrop augmented by a rubble dump and
leaving only a 1.5 m passage at its north side. There was also a second
way of approach direct from the Zem-Zem following the track to Mdhaweb I,
passing through the terraced levels of ZZ5 (see below) and then ascending
the eastern scarp from the shoulder of land between the two Mdhaweb oppida
(fig. 12). This line of approach accounts for the density of occupation
at the east end of the plateau.
On the narrow, projecting, eastern spur there are no traces of
buildings, but a series of rock cut features, including a cistern and
feeder channels. Others might represent silos for storing grain, or places
for milling it (quernstone fragments were recovered from the site). Grain
and water storage might well have been located on an area of the site from
which animals could be easily excluded.
Sherds collected from the site included the earliest ARS forms (late
first/early second century A. D. ) as well as some later material. In view
of the demolished condition of the buildings it is likely that the floreat
of the site came before the construction of the later buildings on Mdhaweb I
(when Mdhaweb II will logically have been an easy source of building stone. )
Since the western part of the site is aceramic but is covered with traces
of unsophisticated scoop buildings (or hearths) cut into the limestone
pavement, it is reasonable to infer that the greatest extent of the site
was achieved in the period before the first contacts with Rome. However, no
flint was found and the problems of dating such a site without excavation
are obvious.
Dimensions : 460 m (E - W); 110 m (N -S max. ).
Area : 2.. 95 ha. Original survey for ULVP : D. Mattingly
T. Watson
(c) Mdhaweb southern scarp (ZZ5) Figure 12
A series of man-made terraces shelter in the lee of the two spur
sites on the southern slopes of Mdhaweb. The main trackways to Mdhaweb I
and II ascend through these terraces, which were covered with building
platforms and structures. These comprise sub-rectangular huts of several
rooms whose main axis follows the contours. Pottery(collected only from the
topmost terrace) spanned the second and third centuries A. D.
Dimensions : There were 5 or 6 major terraces with many subsidiary
ones cut into the slope. The main terraces were in excess of 60 m
long. There were also additional buildings at the foot of the scarp.
It was not possible to conduct a full survey. The most apt parallels
are from Zinchecra, see figure 14 and below.
(d) Gasr Magrusa (ZZ 1) (Jones and Barker 1980,30-32), plate 5b; Brogan
1971,127, who mistakenly referred to this site as Mdhaweb). Figure 13b.
This site is second only in size to Mdhaweb II. Its superb natural
defences were augmented by a massive stone rampart and monumental gateway and
these make it the most striking site of the group. The perimeter wall is well
preserved on the east and west sides, but eroded to the southeast. It was
constructed using two lines of irregular and massive limestone blocks, set
on edge with an infilling of smaller stone (Jones and Barker 1980, plate 5b).
APP. 2.

-474-
At the narrow northern end of the site, where the rampart overlooks the
approach track it was backed by a parapet walkway to allow for effective
downward observation and firepower. The gateway comprised two massive orthostats
set on the inside of the inturned rampart terminals. Such inturned
terminals are also evident at the Banat village and to a lesser extent at
Magrusa north
(see below).
The buildings on the top of the plateau occupy the centre of the site;
in no case were they built as lean-to structures against the perimeter wall,
which suggests that the buildings were constructed before the defences
(compare Magrusa north and Banat below). The plan and layout of the site
has a certain sophistication since buildings are ranged on either side of a
street (Figure 13b). There are five main building complexes, each facing
away from the street and onto the privacy of its yards. Such discreet
plans are typical of Berber and Arab villages even today (see Shaiboub 1979).
Construction was of roughly coursed, irregular limestone blocks, with some
crude orthostats being used to reinforce corners, wall junctions and as door
posts (the buildings are described in more detail in Jones and Barker, 1980,32).
The overall impression given by Magrusa is of much less claustrophobic
development than on Mdhaweb I. Apart from the street, the yards and enclosures
there are also large open areas, where presumably livestock or additional
population could be accommodated in times of stress. The best parallel for
this sort of layout comes not from Tripolitania, but from El Krozbet in
Algeria (Figure 13. See also Baradez 1949a, 251-53; Fentress 1979,39).
As well as livestock on the summit, some of the space was used for
threshing grain (an area of the plateau cleared down to bedrock). The
earliest ARS forms are present on the site.
Dimensions : c. 280 m (N - S); 80 m (E -W max. )
Area : 1.234 ha. Original survey for ULVP J. H. Allan
A. Prior
J. Blackburn
(e) Magrusa North (ZZ3) (Jones and Barker 1980,30-34) Figure 13a
Between Magrusa and the main escarpment to the north lies another
semi-detached spur site and this too was fortified and inhabited. The
zig-zag approach is well preserved and can be followed easily up the west
side. It is terraced or built on ramps in places. When it nears the top
it passes directly below the southern defences and runs up the east side to
a gate.
The top of the plateau is surrounded by a perimeter wall, on average
1.2 in thick. At one point, it is still standing over 2 in high. The gate was
approximately 1.66 in wide, with an apparent attempt at blocking part of it.
The south side of the gate was flanked by an inturned rampart terminal and
coupled with a slight climb up from the gate to the interior, this added to
the defensive arrangements.
The structures of the interior were, with the exception of a two-
roomed hut, erected as lean-to structures against the enceinte. This
shows that the defences were constructed before the buildings in this
case. Although there are a few hints of earlier structures, only excavation
can clarify the nature of the earlier phases. The standing structures were
of rouch drystone walls employing some orthostats for doors and in the
foundations. But in appearance these huts are inferior to those of Magrusa
APP. 2.

-475-
itself (the building units are more fully described in Jones and Barker
1980,32-34).
As we have observed, the internal arrangement is inferior to Magrusa
where a single hut complex contains as many rooms as the entire Magrusa
north site. The largest building on the latter site comprises 5 rooms and
is in any case divided into two separate units. It is a possibility that
Magrusa north was built to house the same size of sub-tribal, hierarchical
unit as utilised each one of the large complexes on Magrusa itself. Both
would seem suitable to house an extended family group or small clan.
Early ARS was also collected from this site.
Dimensions : 92 m (N - S); 30 m (E -W max. )
Area : 0.25 ha Original survey for ULVP : D. Mattingly
J. H. Allan
(f) Magrusa east (ZZ4) Figure 13c
Situated on another detached outlier, this time to the east of the wadi
Magrusa, Magrusa east is a contrasting site to the previous two and more
closely resembles Mdhaweb I.
The spur top is only built on at its north and south ends, but the
buildings rival those of Mdhaweb I for architectural pretension. The
north structure had no direct access onto the plateau, its solitary entrance
in its west side giving out onto a difficult descent. This building is
similar in plan and construction to the gsur of the Ghirza region. The
masonry is of roughly squared and trimmed blocks, neatly coursed to form
two faces with a rubble core. The interior of the building is divided into
two parts each facing onto a yard. The outer yard, through which entrance
was made, was surrounded by three rooms which perhaps served as stores or
stables. The inner court was reached through a doorway and was flanked by
12 living rooms, though those on the west side have now been slightly eroded.
This part of the building looks like a typical single storey gasr.
The southern area of the plateau was occupied by two distinct groups of
buildings. The first complex much resembled that just described. The neat
masonry, traces of two external staircases, niches, windows and a stone door
lintel clearly show a degree of architectural pretension. The complex was
entered through a two-storey "tower". The rest of the rooms were then
entered off a corridor behind the tower or a yard area. It is possible that
these two buildings were the residence(s) of a sub-tribal chief or chiefs in
the later
Roman period.
The other buildings are of much rougher construction (similar to those
of the other Magrusa sties). They were apparently constructed after the
southern complex as they seem to respect its position. One of these is a
simple 3 room unit; the other forms anL-shape of 8 rooms with a long
narrow building (21 x7m; perhaps a byre) attached to its north side.
These are best interpreted as service or subsidiary buildings for the main
southern complex. The dating of all these structures seems to be roughly
contemporary, third to fourth centuries A. D. A fragment of quernstone was
also
found.
Dimensions : c. 180 m (N - S); 60 m (E -W max. )
Area : 0.635 ha (built up area 0.25 ha)
Original survey for ULVP : D. Mattingly, J. H. Allan
APP .
2.

-476-
II The Banat 'Village (Nf '39) (Burns and Mattingly 1981,27-29)
Figure 13.
P1 6a,
b
A further example of the "perched" oppidum was discovered by myself
in
November 1980 near Gasr Isawi (Banat) in the wadi N'f'd. At a distance of
c. 400 m west of the well known ashlar masonry gasr, stands a prominent, flattopped
spur, the top of which was protected by a perimeter wall. Investiga-
tion showed that the original approach path had zig-zagged up the east side
of the steep, scree-covered scarp. The site was entered through a gate near
the southeast corner. The sill stone of the gate was still in situ with the
pivot hole visible. Beyond the gate the inturned terminals of the rampart
and a slight slope up into the interior are paralleled by defensive features
at the Magrusa sites.
The flat summit was protected by a 1.5 m thick rampart of drystone
construction. At the entrance the rampart was thickened to up to 2m wide
and the wall was constructed with particular care. The rampart was erected
before the internal buildings as most of those lean-to against it.
Although there are some traces of earlier building phases and align-
ments, once again it is not possible to say more without the benefit of
excavation. The surviving huts are in good condition and a full survey was
made (for the detailed published plan see Burns and Mattingly 1981,28; also
Figure 13 below). Most of the huts can be divided into 3-5 room units,
some with small enclosed yards or enclosures attached. The layout falls
midway between that of Magrusa and Magrusa north in terms of complexity.
As at those sites, construction was in a drystone rubble build, using
crude orthostats at corners and at doorways.
There was also a series of small circular features (1-2 m diam) which
are too small to be dwelling huts and in all but one case lack any door.
Nor do they make satisfactory hearths since there is no sign of burning
on the stonework. It is possible that these were some sort of storehouses,
perhaps grain silos since quernstone fragments were found on the site and
the wadi alluvium below is suitable for some cerealiculture.
A mass of pottery was recovered from the site, including large
quantities of late first, second and third century ARS. In this instance
the close proximity of Gasr Isawi is interesting. The relationship between
Roman fortlet and native hillfort may have been even more significant if
Banat was a traditional sub-tribal and market centre of the Macae.
Dimensions
: 148 m (SE to NW); 70 m (NE to SW max)
Area : 0.697 ha original survey for ULVP : D. Mattingly
J. R. Burns
III Garjuma or Qurma (Gj 8)
A small dperon barrd site was located in the wadi Garjuma, c. 10 km.
west of Beni Ulid. The basalt cap in this area gives the ground a "scorched
earth" appearance. The same can be said for the site which lies on a barren
projecting spur with the connecting isthmus to the west blocked by two
large walls. A rampart of black and brown basalt surrounds the built up
interior,
with the main gate in the south side. This is approached by the
usual zig-zag path from the wadi and is built up on ramps in places.
There is a possible postern type gate at the east end of the south defences.
APP. 2.

-477-
The centre of the site is densely built up around a central east to
west roadway. The. hut units are very well preserved with some walls
standing to almost full height (c. 2 m) and are mostly lean-to structures
against the rampart. The pottery evidence suggests late occupation and
early ARS forms are absent. The site was probably constructed entirely
during the Romano-Libyan period.
Dimensions :c 80 m (E - W); c. 20 m (N -S Max)
Area : approx. 0.14
-
0.15 ha Not surveyed, but detailed kite
photographs
available.
IV Gheriat el'Garbia (G. G. 15) (Jones et al 1983; Goodchild 1954a, 56)
The air-photograph taken by Goodchild (1952b, 77) in the 1950's
showed, as he himself noted, a series of sites on the west side of the
oasis opposite the Roman fort. One of these features is a promontory site
defended by a rock cut ditch and a substantial rampart formed of irregular
orthostats set on edge with a rubble fill. The site is not particularly
strong in terms of its natural defences, but the style of the rampart in
particular point to a native interpretation (for comparison, see above,
Magrusa). As a small native fort it is well positioned to have controlled
the oasis. The recognition of a Roman style L-shaped enclosure (G. G. 17)
added on to the south side of the promontory site suggests that Rome's
earliest concern in the area was to control the native fortification on
the west of the oasis prior to building their own fort on the east.
Dimensions : 95 m (E - W); 65 m (N - S)
Area :. c. 0.6 ha. Original survey for ULVP : G. D. B. Jones
R. Suddaby
V Zinchecra (Fezzan) Figure 14
Select bibliography. and references to the key published plans.
Daniels 1968,113-94 s 1970b, 37-66 (figs. 1-11, pls. X-XIX);
1971a, figures 2-6; pla. I-V.
VI Germa (Fezzan)
For the ashlar buildings, Ayoub 1962,1967a, 12-26 and plans of the
site, buildings A, B and E); Daniels 1971a, 264-65, fig. 7 (Bldg 1= A)
1973,36, Shaiboub 1979,190-200.
For medieval Germa, Daniels 1970a (plan; Shaiboub 1979,190-200.
For the suburbs, Daniels 1971,6-7 (plans of 2 phases at Saniat Gebril).
APP. 2.

-478-
APPENDIX 3:
MILITARY EPIGRAPHY FROM TRIPOLITANIA
Section 1 Garrisoning, policing, campaigning
Section 2 Land delimitation and survey
Section 3 Civilians and the army A Vici
B Tribuni and centenarii
Index of main sites
Name
Bir Rhezene (Bezereos)
Ksar Rhilane
Ksar Tarcine
Ras el Ain
Remada
Si Aioun
Ghadames
Ain el Auenia
Gasr Duib
Ain Wif
Bir Tarsin
Gheriat el Garbia
Gasr Zerzi
Bu Njem
Lebda
Tripoli
Inscription
1-4,100
5- 10
11
12 - 14
15-19
20 - 21
22 -
25,
26 - 30,
31 - 33
34 - 36
37
38 - 47,
48 -
49
50 - 77,
78 - 85
86
Nos.
101 - 104
105 - 108
109 - 111
112,113
Centenaria ( )
Turris( )
Turris Maniliorum Arelliorum (Hr el Guecerit)
Bir ed Dreder (tribuni)
114 - 116
117 - 118
119
120 - 126
SECTION I. GARRISONING, POLICING, CAMPAIGNING
BIR RHEZENE (Bezereos/Vezerei)
1. Impp. Caess L [Septimius Sever]us.
Aug. et M
_pius/Pertinax
A[urelius A]ntoninus Brit Part Max Gel-riltitulum/quod. divo
Commod[o fratr]e suo aerasum fuerat restit[ue]runt per vexil. /
L Aug p. v. Q. [Anicio Fa]usto Leg Au/gustorum pr pr
[cos. c. v. sub cura C. Iu/li saturnini 7© [eiusde]m M Arri[o]
Muciano e[t Fabian]o cos.
A. D. 201
ILAf26; ILT 56,58 (fragments of two identical texts). Merlin 1921,
238. Found close to fortlet.
2. (front) pro salu[te imperato]rum d[dd. nnn]/Auggg. L. Septimi Severi
et M. Au[rel]/Antonini ILeS Brit Par Germ / et Iuliae. Aug. matris
castroru[m]/vexillatio
u. p. v. qua[e]/Vezerei praeten
[dit et T(itus) Gen[n]iu[s or Gen[t]iu[s
... perhaps 7 Leg III etc. ]
(left face) Military list of over a hundred names, substantially
complete. Headed by [Ia]nuarius optio.
(right face) Military list, badly damaged but evidently of similar
character and length to the previous one.
APP. 3, (rear)
few lines only survive.
...
]d/[....... /..... ]ldem
A. D. 209-211

-479-
rr, 27; Merlin 1921,238; Lassere 1980,957 (for the reading of
line 6 of the front face), 457 (for a reading of the fragmentary
right face), passim for a discussion of the onamastic detail provided
by the list.
rrxf 27 and ILT 57 suggested that the end of line 6 read either :
gen[til]iu[m terris]. ..
or gen[til]iu[m barbariae]
Found in centre of fortlet.
3. Minerve Aug Sacfrum]/pro salute d[o]min[orum]/nostrorum Im[ erato /
rum L Septi[mi Se]ve[ri]/ et M. Aureli. Antonin[i]/Brit P ar th
Ger[m]. /M1 ax Agg et Iul[iae]/Auguste m Augg [e]t [cas /trorum
Iulius Zino/optio Leg III Aug ar[am]/posuit deae patria[e]/ex viso
libent[e] an[i]mo votuo exs[ol]/vit.
C. A. D. 210.
rrMM 28; Donau 1909a, 36. Found 200 m. S-E of camp. Temple.
4.
.....
fiiu
.......
ILAf 29; Donau 1909a, 37.
/.... is 7 i...... /.... fec[e]ru[nt]
IOSAR RHILANE (or GHELANE) (Tisavar)
5. Imp Cae]s M. A[u]r Commodo/[Antoni]no pio fel Aug Germ/ [anic.
Sar]mat Britan maximo/L[eg] Aug pr. [pr]aet[o/re.. ]. sub cura
Claudin[... ]
A. D. 184-191
ciL 8.11048; Trousset 1974,94 (a slightly different version to
the above, but working from a substantially more damaged stone). Found
in front of gate of fortlet.
6. Genio Ti/savar Aug S/Ulpius Pau/linus. 7. Leg/III Aug. V. S. cum/
vex cui praef/Vibiano
et Myrone/opt.
Third Century
ciL 8.22759; Gauckler 1900,543-46; Trousset 1974,94; Rebuffat
1980,111 (Myro is perhaps identifiable with an optio of the same
name at Lambaesis, CIL 8.2554) Found in a temple close to fortlet.
7. by. opt. max. vic
csr, 8.22760; Trousset 1974, fig. 27 (photo) From central building.
8. (graffito) Tisavar
... /ta. /.. en CIL 8.227611 Scratched onto
fragment of painted plaster, from the fortlet.
9. (graffito) Ma .... cit, 8.22762. As 4 above.
10. (tile stamp) c 11 Fi (Cohors II Flavia Afrorum). CIL8.22631,33.
KSAR TARCINE (Centenarium Tibubuci)
11. Centenarium Tibubuci/quod Valerius Vibianus/v. p. initiari/
Aurelius Quintianus v. p. /praeses provinciae Tri/politanae perfici
curavit.
c1L 8.22763 = rrs 9352. Found in front
c. A. D. 297-303.
of entrance.
APP. 3.

-480-
RAS EL AIN (Talalati, Tabalati)
12. Imp Caes [P Lici]nius Ga[1]1[i]enus Pius felix invictis/Aug
Germanicus Persicus maximus pontifex/maximus trib p. XII cos. v.
p. p. procos. castra coh/VIII Fidae opportuno loco a solo instituit/
operantibus fortissimis militibus suis ex limi/te Tripolitano.
A. D. 263
cIL 8.22765 = ILT 3; Trousset 1974,101.
Texts are from N and E
gates and are the same.
13. vagani[.. ] sio[.. ]s[.... ] dinel[.... ]/ [ddnn] constanti pii felicis
ac triump1atoris s(emper Aug/ et Iul]iani fortissimi ac floren[t]issimi
Caes[aris/castell]um funditus evers[u]m [par]tim ex su[o sumptu/
partim ex ......
]um [.. ] resconii [.. i]nlaesis n[.... / provin]cialibus
[... F. A]rchon[tius Nilus v. p. /p. et comes provinciae Tripolitanae
restituit]. A. D. 355-360.
CIL 8.22766,22767; xLAf 11 (reconstruction of text after Merlin
BSAF, 1911,294) cf. Trousset 1974,102. Found reused in buildings
in the vicus.
14.
[con] ]apsa
...
ad rei[.... /... ]os propugna[cula ... / F.
Archo]ntius Nilus v. [p. p. et comes p]t. / [prov] incialibus di/
[... ] inci pu uma /procuravi[t].
...
A. D. 355-360.
crL 8.22768; Merlin BSAf 1911,294; Trousset 1974,102 (gives a
poor version); Rebuffat 1980,111-12, after crL suggests the following
reading for lines 4-6 [prov]incialibus o[btulit/ ad ex] ercituum
u[tilitem/
p]rocuravi[t].
Found reused in a vicus building.
REMADA (Tillibari)
15. Imp Caes L] Se[ptimio S]ev[ero Per/ti]naci Aug Pi[o] Parthico
[Ara/bico P]arthic[o Adia]benico pp /[trib pot] v c[os II imp VIII]
Q Anicio Fausto / [Leg Aug p[ro]pr c. v. aedem/[an]norum vetus[ta]te
dila/[psa]m a solo restituit et per[f]ecit/ ...
M. Valerius L[epi]dus ( )
praef coh II [Fl] Afr.
A. D. 197
Euzennat 1973,143, Trousset 1974,117-118 and fig. 36 (photo).
Context unclear, perhaps originally outside S-E angle of fort. Temple
16. (tile stamps) Coh II Flav Af (6 examples)
ILAf 9; Euzennat and Trousset 1975,35-37; Trousset 1974,116.
Found near N gate and near principia.
17. (4 lines mostly illegible)
....
Donau 1909a, 39; Trousset 1974,116.
7 ...
( )
Found near the fort.
18. DMS/ Octav[i]us Vict/or mil. [vi]x[it]ann/
Vi/[ctoria
patri]piis[simo]
....
111 O[c]tavia
Euzennat and Trousset 1975,40; Trousset 1974,117.
Found near fort.
19.
...
IOM ...
Trousset 1974,117. Found on tumulus by fort.
APP. 3.

-481-
SI AIOUN
20. I. O. M. /[A]em. Eme[ritus]/a. p.
A. D. 198.
ILAf 8; Donau 1909a, 42. Found in front
of gate of fortlet.
21. Pro salute impp nn/L Septimi Severi Pertinac/et M Aureli Antonini
Augg et L. Septimi setae Caesaris /Q Anicius Faustus cos de/
praesidium poni iussit sub cura Aemili Emeriti dec al/praepositi
coh II Fl. Afr et n. col.
A. D. 198
ILAf 9; xis 9177; Trousset 1974,120; Euzennat 1972,19, pointed
out that the last
line is to be expanded as n(umerus) col(latus)
not n(umerus) col(onorum) as previously
thought.
GHADAMES (Cidamus, Cydamae)
22. [..... /prae]tendent[es / Cy]damis votu[m sol/li]b sub Val[erio/
Sene]cione [Leg Aug/pr] pr c. [v.
c. A. D. 212-17
IRT 907; Picard and Saumage, Karthago II, 1951,105f.
Unprovenanced, Ghadames.
.....
23. [Imp Caes M Aureli[o Severo/ Ale]xandro pio fel[ici Aug/et Iuli]ae
Mamaeae Aug [Matri Aug e]t Castrorum sub Fa[.... /.... L]eg Aug pr pr
c. v. vexi[lla/tio Leg III Au]g p. v. Severianae per/ [...... ]vum
7 Leg eiusdem/[......... ] fecit.
IRT 908; CIL 8.1=10990.
c. A. D. 231-35.
Found among ruins of "Asnam" (tombs) in
necropolis.
24. Impp[p] Ca[es...... ]/ Severo Pio [..... /Parth max [....... etc. ]
c. A. D. 201-211
IRT 909; Pavoni, Rivistä coloniale VIII, 1913, ii, 315*and fig. 16.
From an arab house in Ghadames.
25.
. [.... fortu ]/nae Aug/ sacrum/M. Aureli/us Ianu/arius 7/ Leg III Aug/
p. v. /s. 1. a.
c. A. D. 198-231
Reynolds 1958,134 no. 1. Altar found in Ghadames oasis.
AIN EL-AUENIA
(Aura)
26. Soli Hierabolo pro sa[lute]/dominorum n Augg[g. Se]/veri et Antonini
e[t. Getae]/e[t] Iuliae totius do[mus]/divinae per vexilla[tio]/nem Leg
III A[u]g et mil. /coh[o]rt[is S]yro[r]u[m - sagitt]ariorum a solo[.... ]
Reynolds and Brogan 1960,51
no. 1. S of modern road at Ain el Auenia.
27. DMS/Migin p. /mil Leg III/Aug vixit/an CXI (sic) Mi/Militavit an/
VIIII fect contrabernales aeius (sic)
Third Century
Reynolds and Brogan 1960, '52, no. 2.
As no. 1, above.
28. (Tile stamps) (i) 'er Leg III Aug
(ii) [pe]r Leg III Au[g]
(iii) A]ug
.... p. v.
(iv) Sat[.... = Sat[urninus; ]
Early Third Century
Reynolds and Simpson 1967,45-47.
From a presumed bath-house.
APP. 3.

-482-
29. [In]comparabilis virtutis et/innoce[nt]ia[e] viro/ L Clodio Clodiano
vet. ex dec. /qui v. a. XLVIIII m ensib VIII/Valeria Processa uxor et/
[Clodius ] Victor Clodianus Processus/[.... ]v[. ] emeritus patri piissimo.
Third Century( )
Reynolds 1955,135 = IRT supp. $ 14. As No. 1 above.
30. i)
ii)
.....
...
]iqu[.... /....... ]. unio[.... /
Iim[..... /.... ]port[.... /.... ]ix (or iv)ei[.....
...
Leg eiu ]sdem[..... ]
IRT 857; Romanelli, ivotiz. Arch. III, 1922,111(2 fragments of the same
inscription( ) of which fragment (i) has lower moulding). As no. 1. above.
GASR DUIB
31. Imp Caes [N ruldus Ph]ilippus invictu[s Aug]/ et M Iul P[hilippus Ca]esar
n regionem limiltis Ten]/theitani partitam et e[ius] viam incursib.
barba[ro]/rum constituto novo centenario [..... /... a. s. ] prae[cl]userunt
Cominio Cassiano leg Augg/pr pr Gallican[o
cura/Numisii Maximi domo[.... ]sia trib.
.....
]/ v. e. praep. limitis
A. D. 244-46
Ward Perkins and Goodchild 1949,91-92, IRT 880. From the doorway
of the centenarium, half of panel still in situ.
32. A second inscription on a prepared block (IRT 881) although partly
overlain by graffiti may contain a text in Latino-Libyan (Libyco-Punic).
The letter forms 4, f, ý, are typical of these late Roman texts.
IRT 881; pers. obs. and photo.
On the 1. hand side of entrance
passageway.
33. [.... /... ]memorsu[. ]im[.... /... ]oe[. ] Atilio Ve[.... /.. ]cermat[... ]
IRT 882.
Found loose by Gasr Duib
AIN
WIF (Thenadassa)
34. [I]0 M D/[pr]o salute et victoria [dom]/inor nostror impp L. Sep[t]/
Severi pii Pert Aug et M Aurel [i] /Antonin Aug Aug nf et P. Sfeptimi
setae] Aug n. fratr et Iuliae/Aug matr castr M. Caninius/Adiutor
Faustinianus praefectus/coh II Hm praep vex Le[g/IIr]Aug pv aram
po[sul/it
et dedicavit.
A. D. 201-211
Ward-Perkins and Goodchild 1949,86, pl. XI, 4; IRT 868.
Found (reused) in a building in the civil
(see Mattingly 1982).
settlement of Ain Wif
35. M. Coeli[us
... c16 ]/ninus[.. . . c12]/balneum v[etustate corrup]/tum
restituendum [curavit]/eidem assam cellam a so[lo]/ fecit et cylisterium
institu/it curante Iunio sucesso/7 principe.
Early rather than later
Severan
Ward-Perkins and Goodchild 1949,86-88;
From the bath-house.
.
rRT 869; Mattingly 1982,77-78
36. (fragment of monumental inscript)
... /... ]NOS[... /.... IRT 870.
APP. 3.

-483-
BIR
TARSIN
37. Imp Caes L Septimio Severo [.....
IRT 887 Seen on a stone built
into an ancient wall at Bir Tarsin.
GEERIAT EL-GARBIA
38. [I]mpp Caess L Se[ptimio Severo pio Pertin/a]ce Aug et M. Aurelio
Antonino Aug et P. Sept timfo Geta Caes [Aug Q. Anicio Fausto( )
Legato]/Auggg pr pr cos v[exillatio Leg III Aug p. v. ]
c. A. D. 198-201
suppi. LA 12,1966,107-11.
by Brogan and Reynolds.
The version above is that suggested
Found close to the fort.
39. [Imp Caes M Ant Gordian]o pio fe[lic Aug/sub
.....
leg Au]g pr
p[r c. v. /milit. alae (or coh) ]g Gordian(ae/.... ]
.......
vetusta[te
di/lapsum item aquaeductu]m bell dissi(patum/et viam quae ]
...
atsa col Lep[cim ducit.... ]o restituer[unt/ imp d. n. Gordian et
Avi]ola cos curan[te... ]
"A. D. 239
IRT 896 = AE 1973,573; Loriot 1971,342-46. Loriot's ingenious
reconstruction of a fragmentary text forms a useful framework. One
further suggestion can be advanced, albeit tentatively. The unknown
auxiliary unit referred to in line 3 could be [coh I Syrorum Sa]g.
From an arab house at Gheriat.
40. Imp Caes M. Aurel/Seve[r]o [Alexandr]oIpio fe[l]ic[i] Aug [et Iuliae
Mamaeae Augustae matri Aug] et cas/trorum M. A[... c. 20/7 Leg III Aug
P"v"[ S[e]veriane prepo/situs vex[ill]ationis Leg eius/ dem burgum
-
[a] solo per eandem vexillationem
instituit.
A. D. 222-35
IRT 895, cf. Barth 1857,121-25. The context of the inscription is
quite certain, it is the dedication stone of the circular Roman
watchtower c. 1 km N of Gheriat fort.
41. Pro/Afr/IL1 c. A. D. 198-201 IRT 897; czL8.4. Keystone of N. E. gate of
fort.
42. DM [S]/Marius/Ianua[ri]us/ miles Leg III A[ug]/ vixit anni[s]/
XXXX suppi LA II, 1966, No. 1. Neocropolis to SSW of
fort.
43. [D M S] Iulius Ro/gatianus/filius Ro/gatiani co/rnicinis/vixi anis
XVI Me II. (On base) dies mo[..... ]
Third century
Suppi LA II, 1966, no. 2. As No. 5 above.
44. D. M. S. /Claudius M/axime mils/Leg III Agust/upevigdua v/ano XXXX
pate Ana f.
Third century
suppi LA II9 1966, no. 4
As No. 5, above.
45. [D. M. ]S. /[C]laudi/anus Inno/[ce]ns qui et [....
Third century
Suppi LA II, 1966, no. 7
46. [D. M. ] S/ [.... ]us/ [mil]es Leg III/ [Aug v. a xx] IIIm/ [...... ]
Suppi LA II, 1966, no. 8
Third
century
47.
.... mil ] Leg [III Aug]/vixit a]nnis/[...... ] x[x]xxx/[.... ]e feci[t]/
Pers. obs. and photograph with uLvP. Third century
Built into Berber house attached to S-E gate of fort.
APP. 3.

-484-
GASR ZERZI
48. Imp Caes L Septimio Severo Pio Pertinace et M. Aurelio/Antonino et
[P] Septimio. G[eta]e Caess[s] Augg[g] toti/usque domus divin/
[...... last line erased ... ]. A. D. 201-211,
probably 209-211.
Brogan and Reynolds 1960,43, no. 1. Found fallen in front of
doorway of gasr.
49. Imp Caes L. Septimio Severo/Pio Per Aug et M. Aurelio Antoni/no
Aug et [P] Septimio [Getae] Caes/Aug et Iuliae Aug matri castr Gist/
[.... possible further line in smaller letters].
A. D. 209-211
Brogan and Reynolds 1960,44, no. 2.
From the Roman cistern at Gasr Zerzi.
BU NJEM (Gholaia, Golas, Chol). Only inscriptions fully published by
October 1983 are included below. The full publication of the
remaining inscriptions and ostraca is awaited.
50. Imp Caes L Septimio Severo/pio Pertinaci Aug Arab Adi/ab Parth pont
max tr pot X/imp XI cos III pp et Imp Caes M. Aurelio Antonino
Aug tr pot III/cos et L Septimio Getae Caes Aug/per vexillationem
Leg
u
A. D. 202
IRT 913; Bartoccini 1928b, 58. From the bath-house.
51. Imp Caes L Septimio/Severo pio Pert Aug tr p IX imp XI [cos] II pp et/
Imp Caes M Ajurel] Anto/nino Aug tr p [IIII et L] Sept/Getae
Ca[es Au]g Q Ani/[c]i[o] Fausto Leg Aug cos Leg III Aug p. v.
A. D. 201.
IRT 915 (from the E gate of the fort-porta praetoria). The
inscriptions from the other gates are identical with slight
variations
71-199(S).
reinscribed
in arrangement: IRT 914 (W), 916 (N), Rebuffat 1973a, no.
Only on the N gate was the name of the Third Legion
in the 250's.
52. vexillatio Leg II Aug p. v. s. /quae at castra Chol aedific venit/
Muciano et Fabiano cos viiii Kal Febr et/reversa est Antonino ii
et Geta Caes Augg cos vii Kai Ian.
Late Dec. A. D. 205/206.
Rebuffat 1973b, 121-134, no. 74-94. Temple of Jupiter Hammon.
53. Iovi Hammon/reduci Aug sac/Tullius Ro/mulus 7 ex ma/[i]oriario prae/
[posit]us ve/ [xillationi
... ] late Dec. A. D. 205/
early 206.
IRT 920.
Temple of Jupiter Hammon (c. 1 km. N of fort).
54. Genio Gholaiae/pro salute Auggg/C. Iulius Dignus/7 Leg III Aug p. v. /
qui primo die/quo ad locum/ventum est/ubi domini nnn/castra fieri/
iusserunt locum consecravit et ex p[...
A. D. 201
Rebuffat 1973b, no. 72-26. Chapel in C. O. 's house.
55. Numini/praesen/ti Iulius/Vitalis de/cur vs1a
Rebuffat 1973b, no. 72-26 Chapel in C. O. 's houseDr240's.
56. Soli/invicto/sac Peti/cius Past/or m. v. s. l. a.
IRT 917
APP.. 3.
Keystone of arch of one of gates.
A. D. 201

-485-
57. Quaesii multum quot/memoriae tradere/Agens prae cunctos in/hac
castra milites/Votum communem pro/que reditu exercitus/Inter
priores et fu/turos reddere/Dum quaero mecum dig/na divom nomina/
Inveni tandem nomen et numen deae/Votis perennem quem/dicare in hoc loco/
Salutis igitur quan/dium cultores sient/Qua potui sanxi nomen et
cunctis dedi/Veras salutis lymphas/tantis ignibus/In istis semper ha/
renacis collibus/Nutantis Austri solis/flammas feruidas/Tranquille ut
nando/delenirent corpora/Ita tu qui sentis mag/nam facti gratiam/
Aestuantis animae/fucilari spiritum/Noli pigere laudem/voce reddere/
Veram qui volent/esse to sanum tib[i]/Set protestare vel/salutis gratia.
A. D. 205.
IRT 918; Lavagnini, Riv. F31. N. S. VI, 1928,416; xs 1929,7b.
From the bath-house.
58. Centurio/Leg III Aug/faciendum/curavit.
A. D. 205.
IRT 919; Bartoccini
1928b, 54; AE, 1929,7a.
From the bath house.
59. Deo Marti Canapphari Aug/pro salute et incolumitate dominin/Imp
Caes divi Septimi Severi nepotis/divi magni Antonini filii/M.
Aureli Severi Alexandri in/victi pii felicis Aug pontificis/maximi
trib potestatis IIII cos/p p et Iulia Mammeae Aug matris/Aug n et
castrorum totiusque/domus divinae per vexillatio/nem Leg III Aug
p. v. Severianae/curante T. Flavio Aproniano 7/Leg eiusdem
praeposito
vexillationis.
A. D. 225
Rebuffat 1975b, no. 71-206.
Temple to east of vacua.
60. I. O. M. /pro salute et incoluminate/dd nn Impp C Iuli Veri Maximini/
pii felic Aug et C. Iuli Veri/Maximi n. c. vexill Leg/III Aug p. v.
aram Cerei/consecravit M. Caecili/us Felixs 7 Leg III Aug/p. v.
Maximianae pp vex[ill]/per vexillationem Le II [Aug] p. v. /et
Numerum Conlatum fac. cur.
A. u shed8.
Rebuffat 1982b, 912-914, (py some fragments previMay ously published
as Rebuffat 1967, no. 67-15). Fragments from various areas of
fort. Some built into late wall by E. entrance to principia.
61.
....
]/Imp Aug[ ......
]/Gen vexilla/[......
A. D. 236-238
Rebuffat 1970a, no. 68-97. Found between the baths and the principia.
62.
]/ Leg III Aug / Vicrius Ve/rus 7
....
Leg III Aug pp/
[vex....
Severan dynasty
Rebuffat 1967, no. 67-89. Found in the principia.
63. [1m]pp dd nn Philipp[is/Aug]g M. Aurel Cominio/[Cassiano Leg]
Augg pr pr/[cu ,,.,
A. D. 244-249,
Rebuffat 1967, nos. 67-67; 67-75. Found in the principia
64.
... prae]/ fu[it vexill]/Golensi fe[...... ]/[rmpp Philippo] III
[et Phi]/Tippo II cos. A. D. 248
Rebuffat 1967, no 67-68,1973c, 135. Reused as sill stone for
65.
sacellüni
.......
in principia.
]/C Comini/us [..... ]/n[.... /...
Rebuffat 1967, no. 67-69.
Found out of context N of Bu Njem,
probably from fort.
66.
.....
/ýýý. ]ct[.. ]i[... /...... ]L[.. / feli]citer. -a`ri. exercitus.
APP.. 3.
felicit]er... /........ ]iiuis/[......... /domi]ni n. Antonini. id.
Iuliae. id [... /....... ]o[.....
Boyer, Fattori, Rebuffat, 1970,177-80. Reign of Elagabulus
Found in-passageway of E. gate.

-486-
67. I. O. ]m/[pro salute et inco/[luminate...
Rebuffat 1970b, no. 70-36/60. Two separate fragments in baths complex.
68. [... ]/pmpo[.... ]/[----------- ]ri[.. /Alexandri] pii fel Aug[. ]/[et
Iu2 Avita Maraaeae/Matris] Aug et Cast[r/-]iuli[......
Alexander Severus
Rebuffat 1970b, no. 70-49. N. aisle of principia.
69. Fortunae/deae sanc/tae votum solvimus
post A. D. 238.
Rebuffat 1970b, no. 70-52.
Bath-house, room of Fortuna.
70. Iunius Amicus HS (sesquiplicarius)/qui e lbirarius/pregolem
labar/clum xe parte esti/tuit cum omne numerum mili/tum. (sic)
(l. hand side) Nu/mina (r. hand side) invicta
post A. D. 238
Rebuffat 1970b, no. 70-46. He corrects the grammar of this
painted mural inscription
as follows:
Iunius Amicus sesquiplicarius qui et librarius priorem lavacrum
ex parte restituit omne numerum militum - numina invicta.
Bath house, room of Fortuna.
71.
... Je. et. vic[.... /... ] ni. invic[... /.. ]va[...
Rebuffat 1975b, no. 71-108 (mural frag) S. aisle of principia.
72. T. Iulius Cristonianus miles liciniis iii Auggg lii
A. D. 253-260.
Rebuffat 1970a, no. 68-6 (graffito) vices "building of the niches".
73. DMS/L Domtius Cresc/vixit annis XX[... ]/Octavius Ro[... ]
et Hostilia [Ma]/xima herede(s]/merito posuer[u]/nt.
Third century
IRT 921
Found in S. necropolis.
74. DMS/Evasius/qui et Calvana vixit an 1m IIII h. s.
Third century
IRT 922
Found in S. necropolis.
75.
... /Salutem a Gem/inio Crescente/un asinu cuis n/obis atulisti
Bar/las decimu Cal/emit asinu va/lias opto te/bene vale/re.
A. D. 250's.
Marichal 1979,437.
Found with other ostraca in fort.
76. Octavio Festho dec pp meo/Aemilius Aemilianus m[il salutem]/
transmisi at to domi[ne per]/Macargum siddipia trid[ici]/dua q. f.
viginti qua[ttuor]/cos futuris post Thusc[o et]/Basso cos (in a
second hand) acc xji kal Febr/[... ]it. i
21 Jan. A. D. 259.
Marichal 1979,447 (letter of carriage). Found with ostraca
in principia.
77. VIIII kas Ian n lvii/in his librarius i/optio i/[proculcator i]
eq viii/quintanari xxii/de speclis i/ad porta i/ad pp i/structor i/
egri iii/Sulpicius Donatus/Titus Buzuris/ Aurelius Rufus
(perpendicularly)
ad virgas i/reliqui repungent xvii/fur[n]us XV/
[balneus]
ii.
A. D. 250's.
Marichal 1979,439 (Day list) Found with ostraca in principia.
APP. 3.

-487-
IEPCIS
MAGNA
78. Marti. Augusto. Sacrum/auspiciis. Imp. Caesaris. Aug/pontificis.
Maximi, patris/patriae. ductu Cossi Lentuli/cos. xv. viri. sacris.
faciundis/procos. Provincia. Africa/bello. Gaetulico. liberata/
civitas.
Lepcitana,
c. A. D. 6
IRT 301; Romanelli 1939,99-104; th 1940,68.
Found in the old Forum.
79. Victoriae/(A]u[gu]stae/P. Cornelius/Dolabella. cos/vii vir ep[ul].
so/dajli]s [Ti]t[tiensis] pro/cos. occiso T[acfa]/rinate posuit.
A. D. 24
Bartoccini 1958,1-13. Found near harbour, reused in Byzantine wall.
80. Ti Caesari divi Aug f Augusto divi Iuli
n pont max cos v/imp VIII,
trib potest XXXVII/C Rubellius Blandus
q divi
Aug t pl pr cos procos
pont patronus/ex reditibus agrorum quos
civitatis Lepcitanae sternendas silice
leg pro pr patronus sub hasta f. 1.
rRT 330-31. From two arches, one over
Lepcitanis restituit vias omnis/
curavit/M Etrilius Lupercus
A. D. 35-36
cargo, other by theatre.
81. I. O. M. /Dolichene/pro salute et victoria domi/norum nostrorum Augg[g]
et/[C. Fulvius Pfau]/[tianus e]t redi/tu[i]mp in urbem (s]uam/T Flaviu[s. ]
arin [us] 7 Leg/v. l. p
(on 1. side) dd iii Idus Apriles. A. D. 202-204.
IRT 292; Guey 1950,55-67. Dolichenum on harbour.
82. Nilii. Nili[i]/vigilis atque consilio domi forisque prae/stanti
integritate praecipuo iustitia et iu/didiorum moderatione perpenso
instaura/tori moenium publicorum ordinis ciumque om/nium salutis
providentissimo custodi verita/tis honestatis et fidei amicissimo/
Flavio Archontio Nilo v. p. comiti et praesidi/prov Trip. patrono
optimo ob infinita eius be/neficia quibus vel separatim vellum omni
pro/vincia sublevata ac recreati Lepcimagnenses/g ratulamur uno consensu
ordininis viri/secundam statuam decreverent eamque/propter praecipium
eius meritum singu/laremque praest atiam in Severiano/foro ad sempiternum
posteritate me/moriam constituendam curaverunt.
A. D. 355-60.
IRT 562 = Aurigemma 1940b, 132-40. Severan Forum (a second almost
identical base has been discovered in the Forum Vetus, IRT 563).
83. Nepotianii. FJ, Nepotiano v. p. com et praesidi prov Trip/iustitia et
integritate prae/cipio moderatione ac benigni/tate praestantissimo
abstinen/tiae et honestatis officiorumq/ omnium cultori rei etiam
mili/taris peritissimo armis consi/lisq inconparabili quod idem/
ordines universosq provin/ciales iuridicendo fide bene/volentia
multis beneficiis/cum laverit quod barbaro/rum insolentiam exercitio/
scientiae militaris adtriberit/ quod limitis defensionem tui/tonemq
perpetuam futuris etiam/temporibus munitam securam / ab omni hostili
incursione prae/stiterit quad civitatum moenia opelrum instauratione
vel nomine. de/coraverit ordo civitas Lepcimag/cum populo statuam
marmoream/ob haec merita decretis et sufragiis/concinnentibus
conlocavit.
Between A. D. 355-78, probably
' A. D. 355-63.
IRT 565; Caputo 1951,234-47; Guey 1951,248-52.
Found in the Severan basilica.
APP. 3.

iI .
-488-
84. [. ]allomentis/praedicabilis in/tegritatis et benivoli/vigoris iustitiae
singu/laris Flavio Victoriano/comit[.. ]cesi Africae/quod defesso
territorio/nimia incursatione bar]/barorum sequens[... 6 or 7. ]/
excubiae [. ]d[. ]que[.... ]ente motderatione iudiciarum obe[... ]/
quam privatorum restit[uit]/etiam[........ ]Lepcim/[agnenses..... ]
A. D. 375-78.
rRT 570 = Reynolds 1955,130. Severan forum.
85. Ortygii/florentissimis saeculis dd nn Honori et Theodosii/p: p.
semper Augustorum/F1 Ortygio v. c. et sp, com et duci p. T. /ob insignia
meritorum. et labore/fidemque exhibitam/Austurianorum furore
repraessa/ordo et populus Lepcimag civita[tis publice].
A. D. 408-423.
IRT 480; Reynolds 1977,13.
Severan forum.
TRIPOLI
(Oea)
86. Bonae memoriae Sti[d]dinis Centurionis vixit a [L ]
IRT 236.
Cemetery near Tripoli.
. Third century
The following inscriptions may also be relevant, though their
significance is uncertain. IRT 528,585.
SECTION 2. LAND DELIMITATION AND SURVEY
87. Leg III A]ug/[Leimitav]it/[C. Vibio] Mars[o/ pro c]os III/DD LV/
[UKCCC
A. D. 29-30.
ciL 8.22786a, Trousset 1978,130-31.
Survey stone found between Aquae Tacapitanae
and Chott Fedjedj.
88. Leg III A[ug]/lemitavi[t]/C Vibio Marso/Pro cos. III/DD LXX/UK
CCLXXX A. D. 29-30
cm 8.22786f (k has the same text-numbers lost)
Near Hr Chenah (k was 7 km S-W of Bechima).
89. DD LXXXI[. ]/U K CCLXIIII
A. D. 29-30
CIL 8.227861 (also e. g. h. 1, m- different numbers, same
format) Trousset, 1974,47,51).
Trousset 1978,126-29, ILT 73-74.
See Trousset 1978 for detail of locations.
90.7 111. A. D. 29-30, cIL 8.22786 b, c, d; Trousset 1978,132-33.
As no. 89 above.
91. (on one side) DD LXV, (on other) UK CCLXX Nybg.
A. D. 29-30 and c. 105.
(similar type to 89 above, utilised in Trajanic delimitation of
Nybgenii tribe when word Nybg added ) crL 8.22786e; Trousset 1978,135.
3 km N of Hr Chenah.
APP. 3.

-489-
92. Imp Nervae Tr/aiani Caes Aug/dum. -formam m/ [is] sam sibi ab do [pos /
h]aec no meo posita
est [i]nf.
-m. in summum venire
(1. side) Terminte/Tace[. ]n[..... ]es/N[yb]g
non potuit.
(r. side) Ex auctoritae/Tac
(r. side, upside down) BavibcniSATV/[..... ]dia[...
c. A. D. 105
cIL 8.22787; Trousset 1978,135.
At foot of Gebel Stiah.
93. Ex auctor[itate Imp] N[ervae/Caes Aug
.... sec]undu formam missam
sibi ab eo posu[it] (on side) [... ]laj//]i/er III cos.
(on other side) [.... i]nter Tac.
On a separate but associated stone, (one side) Tac. (other)
[N]ybg
c. A. D. 105
crL 8.22788; Trousset 1978,135 2.7 km. W of Hr Chenah.
94. [...... ]Aug Sacrum/pro salu[te] Imp Nervae [Traiani] Caes Aug Ger Dacic/
[... ]sufetibus Attico et Frontone Maslae[.... (another fragment)
state/ .... semper/...
...
]
c. A. D. 105
cmL 8.22796; Toutain 1906,246. Rdet bou Redima (Gebel Asker),
originally erected on territorial boundary between Capsa and
Nybgenii Perhaps from a small temple or shrine (Trousset 1978,165-68).
95.
.......
]ter[.... /.... ]Nyb ravi[.... A; D. 105
CIL 8.11051; ILT 55; Trousset 1978,135-36 (ter[minus] or [in]ter, )
Found on the summit of Gebel Terhendourt, 5 km E of Sidi Guenaou.
96. Ex aucto[ritate Imp Nervae]/ Traiani [Caes Aug]/p. m. trib pot[...
(two further
fragments)
... maba.... and Arzosei
....
Trajan, c. A. D. 105
cmL 8.22763a = rzAf 30.
Bir Soltane.
97. Imp Ti Cae/saris Aug/iussu L. Aelius Lam/ia Pro cos ab/oppido in
medi/terraneum di/rexsit m. p. XLIV
A. D. 15-17
IRT 930 =
Romanelli 1939,92. (the
mileage corresponds to the
distance to the S-W boundary of Lepcitanian territory with that of
Oea, di Vita-Evrard 1979)
Found in situ by the Severan Arch, Lepcis.
98. Ex [auctoritate/I]mp Ves[pasiani Cael/saris Aug p. p. po[nt max trib]/
potest. V. imp XIII c[os V desig VI]/Q Iulius Cordinus [C] Rutilius
Galli/cus Leg Aug pro pr [cos pont]/limitem inter Le[pcitanos et
Oeen]/ses derexit/Lepcitan[i pub pos ] Jan-June A. D. 74
Di Vita-Evrard 1979,77-83 nos. 3 and 4 (2 versions of the same
text found at separate points along the boundary between the
territories
of Lepcis and Oea in the Gebel Tathuna).
Found at Ras el Halga 6 km W-N-W of Gasr Doga (text
used here)
and Gasr Masaud (Wadi el-Msid).
99. [Ex] auctorit/[i]mp divi Vespasi/ani f Domitiani/Aug Ger pont/
max trib pot VI/cens. perpet. p. p. /iussu Suelli Flac/ci. Leg. Aug.
pro pr/ terminus positi inter na/tionem Muducivviorum/e[t]Zamuciorum
ex conven/tione utrarum. que/nationum.
Jan to Sept. A. D. 87
IRT 854; Romanelli 1939,111-18; A. E. 1940, no. 70.
Found 3 km E of Sirte.
APP. 3.

-490-
SECTION 3 CIVILIANS
AND THE ARMY
A
vicr
BIR RHEZENE (Bezereos)
100. DMS Antoniae Ma/ximae vix ann/xviii mi dxxi/Iul Sabinianus c/
eg coniugi
[.. ]ar.
Third century
ILT 59; Poinssot 1937,322-23. Found just N-W of Sidi Mohammed ben
Aissa/Bir
Rhezene.
REMADA (Tillibari)
See No. 18 above.
GHADAMES (Cidamus)
101. D[M]/Atin[ia.... ]/lia Ati[ni.. vi]/xit an[nos.... ]
Third century
Reynolds 1958,136 no. 2.
From the oasis.
102. Dis Manibus m/emoria morna/mocimemtu/culiiaibictem/eiciimioivbom/
eeci (sic) (perhaps monumentu (1.3) and bona feci (lines 5-6)
IRT 910 From among ruins of "Asnam"
103. Dis mani[b]us [me]/moria monume/ntu Rosauarua/rage femina bon/a feci
an XL m/i d v.
IRT 911
Found among ruins of "Asnam"
104. See also IRT 912; Reynolds 1958,136 no. 3 for two other civilian
texts, one of which though in Latin letters is in the Libyco-Punic
language.
AIN EL AUENIA
(Auru)
105. D. M. S. /[Iu]lia Faus/tina vixit/pia ann XXVIII/m XI d XXV Jul
Hon/[or]atus lib ce
Second - Third century
IRT 856
From the ancient site.
106. DM [S]/Anti[.... ]/Valer[i.... vixit ann]/XXV m[enses]/VIIII di[es.... ]/
nus T[......
IRT 858
Third century
As 105 above.
107. D. M. S. /Corneli/a Quintul/a vixit an/nis xxii /maritus
eius fecit. Third century
Reynolds and Brogan 1960,52, no. 3. As 105 above
108. D. M. S. /Iulia Priv/ata vixit a/nnis LXX
Third century
Reynolds and Simpson 1967,45-47, no. 3. As 105 above.
See also no. 29 above.
GHERIAT EL GARBIA
109. D. M. S. /Grania Hos/pita v. a. XXI/h. s. e. Third century
suppl. LA II9 1966, no. 6 necropolis S of fort.
110. (frag) rxnsi/vooc[.... ]/[. ]'
suppl. LA II, 1966, no. 9.
111. (frag) [D. M ]S/[.... ]natus/[.... ]V VII
Suppl. LAII, 1966, no. 5.
APP. 3.

-491-
BU NJEM (Gholaia)
(Many new civilian texts will be published in the forthcoming corpus
by Rebuffat). See above, nos. 73-74.
112. [.... /... ]ivii/... ]vi[... /.... ]ria[.... /.... ]ni[.... /..... Third century.
Rebuffat 1967, no. 67-109. Found in "building with 2 windows" in vicus.
113. See also Rebuffat 1975a, 165-87, for the Libyan graffiti, from the
"building of the niches" in the vices.
See also Cagnat 1909; Trousset 1974, on Telmine (Turris. Tamalleni)
and Constans 1916,1-113, on Bou Ghara (Gigthis)for advanced cases
of municipal development of a tribal centre (or ex-vices, ).
B TRIBUNI AND CENTENARII (a selection of texts relevant to the
late Roman frontier and the question of soldier farmers and
border militia).
KSAR TARCINE (Centenarium Tibubuci) - see above no. 11.
GASR DUIB (centenarium) - see above nos. 31-33.
cf czL 8.20215 (Acqua Frigida); Leschi 1943 (Aqua Viva), crL 8.8712
(Cent. Solis) and crz 8 9010 (Kabylie area) for other African
examples of centenaria (mostly fourth century in date).
114. Flavii Sebentius ctn/et Stiddin eius coß/iunx hunc locum/didicarunt 0
bonuni [i]ni/tium natisqui filiis concil/ium salvis libiris/cum
filicitati trium fanti Binaitir poississu. Fourth century( )
IRT 875; Goodchild 1949a, 33, suggested c(en)t(e)n(arius) in line 1.
Between Breviglieri village and Tarhuna.
115. Centenare/mufelthla/namarctce/etc. Goodchild suggests the first
five lines were centenare/mufelthlana Marci Cecili Bumupal,
but other arrangements are possible, centenare/ mu fel (fel = to make)
'fhlana Marci Cecili by[n] Mupal (Levi della Vida)
IRT 877; Goodchild 1949a, 33; Levi della Vida 1963,87.
Near Breviglieri.
116. Flabi Dasamau vbinim/Nacrine felu centeinari Balars// umarn ar
sabar eý/aun Fourth century
IRT 889; Levi della Vida, 1963,86-87 (text used above).
Gasr near Shmeck.
117. Fl Gaudentius/bono tuo proce/das et inomine/(C)hristi omnes genus/
Seberi bibant (Omega and Alpha)/hec turfs fabric/ata est Anotap lsa/
et raulihord et fol XXX (sic) later Fourth century
IRT 876
3 km NE from Breviglieri.
118. In his[p]red[iis.. ] Cin[.. ]r benti[.. ]toris ex[st]/ ruct[or]isto[. 8. ]
ni[. 8 ..
] incur[s]i[o]/ni barbarorum seu gentilium[.. ]n[... ]enti
s/impensis in cons [. ]nte [..... ]decem et i[.... ]/quadragin[ta]-
idiaiie[. /.... ]on[.... ]ne[.. /.. ]ono[. ]te[.. ]/3nricivitme 1[.. ]rius
se[. ]p[.... ] aedefica [.... ] Fourth century
Goodchild 1976,111-112 (esp. Reynolds' version on p. 112)
Gasr at Sidi Sames.
Cf also Reynolds 1955,138 no. S19, IRT, 884,894a.
APP. 3.

-492-
119. Maniliorium - in his pr(a)ediis M. M. Ingens v d, et Arellia/
Nepotilla hm uxor eius et fili nepotes-pro/nepotesquae eorum
vivant senescant et melio/ra perficiant. turris perfecta
disposition[e] eorudem/per instantia Arelli Vita[lis] ser act eorum
instruenti/bur a solo Rufi(no]ri [i
amatores
domes eorum - Arelliorum.
...
]e Senecione quad et sig[.... ]
cm 8.22774; Trousset 1974,86. Found in front of gate of Gasr
at Hr el Gueciret.
120. Flabis Aich/am bn Ma/carcum/ýonmo/n tribynus bymy/st yrirab/an
Machruk u/seb
Late fourth or fifth
century
IRT 886a; Goodchild 1954d, 65 no. 1; Levi Della Vida 19 63,81.
Bir ed-Dreder cemetery.
121. Flabius Mac[a]rcum/[.. ]obma[.. ]trib/[unus].... /4 lines/ Macarcum tribu/
nus ob [...... As No. 120.
IRT 886c; Goodchild 1954d, 65, no. 3. As No. 120.
122. (in tabella ansata, from stepped tomb) Maýigama byn Isachu/
tribunus sir As No. 120.
IRT 886d; Goodchild 1954d, 66 no. 4. As No. 120.
123. Iulius Nasif/tribunus b[yn]/Siraban by/its ih[ ....
]rira/chanba[.. ]
mfa/raschi[... ]mys[. ]/etc. As No. 120.
IRT 886f; Goodchild 1954d, 67, no. 6. As No. 120.
124. Flabius Isi/guari triby/nus byn Iarnu/han Byc/tin[. ]r.
As No. 120.
IRT 886k; Goodchild 1954d, 66, no. 14. As No. 120.
125. Flabiu/s Masin/[th]an Tr[i]/bunu[s.... As No. 120.
IRT 886j; Goodchild 1954d, 68, no. 13. As No. 120.
126.
]mirath[..... ] Tri[bu]nus[.... As No. 120.
....
The stele is decorated with a relief of a warrior and
an eagle)
Goodchild 1954d, 66, no. 10. As No. 120.
APP. 3.

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-527-
FIGURES
For full list of figures and sources
see Volume I, pp vii - ix.

me
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-531- Fig 4.
rrauitional economies - map

-532- Fig 5.
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-533- Fig b.
v
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o 1
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i
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i
Tripolitania in the Tabula
Peutingeriana. From Miller 1887.

-534-
Fig 7.
t'
J
SETTLEMENT
w"
11111 "
ratio.
'
7,
ý`
ý. ".
.. __
--
. "'
_v
, ý"'""ý ý"..
,'
''"
/ M, YY.
"ý
"I If i
\Tacape
DISTRIBUTION
EACH DOT REPRESENTS ONE SITE
Oea
abratha
pcis
Magna
&f# Sup aF
GRAND °
.ýý
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P4. ß'" '" /ý "
ERG ""
l;
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OR I EN TA L
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.
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UL
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"I/R
r ro.
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\
I. ýY
A'P
.\: ",
r,
/ ý' 4wu7/ }11
si-ýI
\\
V
LMýOYIM [ý )
Iljýýý1' ti" + limits of sedentary
n
"
-S

-535- Fig 8.
THE
. MAIN ETHNIC AND TRIBAL
`" DIVISIONS (early Principate)
Fe
1%ßy ; ..
r. e, nrýr.
ý, "; F
sF
fossor
N0
ti
srir. 8 KM
f00 500 1000
1yF
dip
100
/ "''
DICE
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Grond
Erg
orit to,
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cq
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RID A
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ey
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bý...: ti ýIi
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':
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"
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:j ýýi-
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1 »M
Tribal confederations - map

-536- Fig 9
olr.
11& ter..
{
i1" .1
-lie
ýýlIMý """+ "If7
SUB-TRIBAL
DIVI
SIONS
__
_ý
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..
1; K
uwrf
Tacape
ar"
ifthis
4L
C5
1
. r.
7r
týýs
Cl.
i
r
/ý/ýi/
Oca
ý"ý
..
; "'" ti"t;
" t. n1 Z
abrarba
Lrpcir
Malaa
..; ý "
'. ' ": aý.
-I
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i.. 1~: '. v: {jýq'': '". iýl"..
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o4 n
pa",
'40
r1 "' ý. ':: ý ýý"ý'r
m
Artur r 9__
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and other M ACAE
sub-tribes
GRAND
^n
n1. "kry`+....
ý
ý, UMAA
TES
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FRG
0RILNTAL
WON &&
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i
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lost&
984 es
2
I;, -
0 100 200 300 400 500
F
KM
.p
",
I
Sub-tribal
groups - map.

- ,_
Fig 10.
CIDAMUS
" 'ýý ' Geriºt et
1i
ý.,
1l
Ghºdºmºs ý`+ A Iem
Gerlºt
ash
Daº/ Shºrpiº I1
GAºrbie
i'
GOLAIA
Bu N
Ramada el º ISheºu
Hamra
^ý..,, M*
ý%%
1
DIW dde'
I "%`nt'`O'
Socny, 0,
%%
I
Hun
,:; , ffr! i'
`` ",.:
t
l
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SODA-
iloo
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r. ' I ;:
S.; ', '
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1 ', ý,, mow/
rýýf
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00
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cºtll
SAND SEA: '"'. I/"'
,,
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I
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t
II . '"
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(
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r
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t'ý,,, '
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1 "' "' ", .I: ý'
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0 Wow
gel Kºbir
", I' . '" . ',
I
SAND SEA W"Modrusin
Doses (ancient origins certain) i:, r block (basalt)
0 other principal oast
.: sand sea
mountains "..
" principal wells s%i% "r"is "xt"nsivHy llrip. t, d
THE
FE ZZAN
i
Settlement
A dp. ron barrd Alllforls
Coýnmunica tions
and
f
mausolea
100
600
KM
DAM
Fezzan and the'Garamantes

-538- Fig 11.
THE LAGUATAN: SPREAD OF THE
CONFEDERATION 3rd-6th Cent.
Cýý
ý
º'
F 0
(ýý
`K M
r
i
`ýtiýrylie"y^A'
9
9
.'
Lotes
,"
ý' Syrl. i
ti
F
It
4,
s
0 I00 500 1000
KM
i
F
ý7
-1
.,
.
. .
.
Grand Erg ". ! I, 'ý
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G
orienfpr "v' Ci S
'^,
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syri.
ter
s
oooýý
No on ad a
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yý. N
iii:
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: ß`.. r4:: ':. ".; _º=ý
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15
lei.
r ", ::; "ý jam.
,
'' ""` ,- :'::"
{. : ;, .` Ger : ---.
1\ ,... ,,,
'
%
afi
'; v "f
1 )JM
The Late Roman tribal pattern and the
rise of the taguatan - map.
I

-539- Fig 12
It
a
'N
A
\' ti /
<
7-
N
Nt
.. r
ý
--*
''tom -- 4J
;'- -=---
(ý- -tr. -A -, % V4 ,
. 011
ASP
N
:: zj
a
ýýý
ýP
ý0
0
I D
LO
2
O
F`+
O
W
"-IZJ
e. 4
-Goo
Tripolitanian hillforts I.

-540- Fig 13
A
`\
i
q
ý'
`ý
ýy
Q
W
ýf
N
Vii:
'_y
`z
n
N ý.
O qý
o Nin
ý1/
ýý
cn ýýI
w
ý ýß --
ýa
ýý
r
ýw
V
ýý
.
p
N
N
I'
`mal 1
CIO
"i\
CC
0
Tripolitanian hillforts II

-541-
Fig 14.
:`.,
11
"%. . Is
000
-,
Ole
Oý
N TI
-IC
Yoý
No
, \/
2 -Oiiiiiijý
Zinchecra

-542-
Fig 15
Ji
i
.. ». nß
4
TRIBAL
CENTRES
OASES CENTRES "
OASES: occupation likely o
Tatapt
HILLFORTS
A
Iý4ý
:.
%.
7
ý, r".
j.
"" rr
h
/1r
1
" vý1/
0
probable
HILL FORTS
0
WELLS
Ora
";, " I: i; tt'". fy:
.1
" ... y. ý (j;:.
."
t' '{ ' i"
s iii! ': L{ !n' ; Yak
; "'(1:..:., .
y, rlri
"'i
M
. x: "1: 1{"::;.,:. " n"1: 7ý 'I ýJ: t. ". "..'i '".:.: ",'.
'l.
"I"ý
{t'lyJý: K{I:..,
"ý"'i"{iLi}/ý.
t\,.
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ti'J't%. "'. 'i,! ýw,
fii"; ; "I; ýitiy, f i"ý' ý:; Tný'ýh'a.
i
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/LI
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// '1
iA
F
abratha
tepIC is Malaa zone of modern hill villages
'/i, '
4
RA
rýwuiý
04 y,
RON 904
r
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GRAND
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7
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+
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In
G10FRA
HA \M RA
"
. eeu
; `, ` ýýý\
0 100 200 300 400 500
see&
ttuu
KM
D-111
Tribal centres - map.

-543-
Fig 16.
r
The Roman frontiers
of North
Africa c. A. D. 201 :
territorial
control
-imap.
and hegemonic

-544- Fig 17.
num
--S "V V VY111 /711
dli
MILITARY SITES all periods
__
zký
Hamma
Gabes
º.,, ti, ý,, ý43
_ _Ir 1lilggarrn Tacapr r=IZ5"
FORT
Pma sine
fORTLET
"L,
-ýýeml ýý %:1 r'ei. H d'ar
= _'}º da
OTHER OUTPOST
-= ý. " ". ' B7i hezene el"Güecire
Tabu Tarcine '; ; ýý' `\ \r -A OASIS " TOWN
eniä bel Recheb
x LAIE ROMAN FORTLET
CLAUSURA
MAIN ZONES OF GSUR
FORTIFIED FARMS
OPEN SYMBOLS DENOTE SITES OF UNCERTAIN
`ter1",
'"ý.
, t.: w ': rýý"
ý.
a
i :
tY:...
Rhilaneý
^", ".'i! ': "; ý. (T'ýj "tR1
-A
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Raäs '
:,: >.: ' :::..:. l:.;,.: ,.",.;:..:,:,:::; :: rt; "=R s elýÄin {
o" el"Grxdab ova
a6ratllG
OR DOUBTFUL ATTRIBUTION
Lepcis Magna
.,
ft f%
ý' .,
Medina
j ; jt " ... ...
"f;: " _rr, Medeina Doga
All
Aln ehr
1
Auenia
Si AioünGý
f%
Aaedina\'
Dehrbäto,
Zintan
ýý
ý.,.
Wbn)es'
CRA ND n :.: ",: ".::. c 1%,
agdäýý
.
Bir Tarsrn
selllte \ -.
Sdada E
el. Haddadia 0
nn.
Duib
ER
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ý'
M, zda
....
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t"'v
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n
Bu N jem
c
Gheriat ei
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Shergia
/I I erzi
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-ý
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r
Ghadames
... e. n
nr
1: 641of II
it
.
HAMADAELHAMR
A
MYM0
dan
'
Zella
nu
ree.
n
0 100
200
300 400
500
KM
aJM
The Tripolitanian frontier :
sites of all periods - map.

-545- Fig 18.
,
GA SA ""
THE SEVERAN FRONTIER
_sail
0 FORT (certain;
probable)
+.. 0THER ANCIENT SITES
MIITA. I, Nl
_"
IIIMIMI
[ýJ''
MYI
Tacape
"0 FORTLET
"o OUTPOST
CLAUSURAE
I
ROAD
AA
TOWN
ROAD (course
uncertain)
0 OASIS
ý,. ' TRACK
Oea
ASAA
ANIIAM
AA
't;
" F.
abºatha
14
If
Lepcis
Magna
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rý
ý
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"Y r
we .u Dew.
JM
fi
ýº 1 '",,
f)
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t
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ERG
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7I
.
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/
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O t
IN
/ i yy4i;
rti
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"
NIN
J \ý f01ýý15ý"`
ORIENTAL
f
ý1
1
"ý
r1J0A ý %ýl
1ý
,ý ýý-
A
Zn 'A
Ir,
"i
r. ý ý/ 3iw. ou(w
MIRIA
L5
*it
AO
# III
11`
'. 11' 1 I%
IM/JIII
6ý111ý
IS
,
GNI1111 IiN /
JMMO'A
.n
"/ rrrutr
/__
-
Dl '!
iMý. Mii
\ 1l`ß v\
IM»Md
ry
M'
I
G1 ýa FRA
1
y
AMRA
I
NUND If
ýyti
lDCNý /ýý1 ti.
ý
1
/
/
--i
0 100
200
ý\ `! t
300 400 S00
oo.
11 -204 KM
a1º+
The. Severan limes
in Tripolitania-map.

-546-
Fig 19.
i` ----
%" Capsa
CIVITAS
_vý,
TERRITORIA
&ý BOUNDARIES
CAPSITAN!
"r
l THVGES {
, Mrd.
_Ä
'011'" =_'f;
= BG+ "" GIGTHENSES
. ,, 5 "_1_ r
Tccape
-Fib,
" ='L, ý"_ý ýý `ýý
& C!
e,.,.
NITH!
Cýý =r1I1. :.. . 1"
f,
BOUNDARY
CERTAIN
ý' BOUNDARY PROBABLE
Bir Solrane 'R;
x BOUNDARY STONES
(ARZOSE! /.... MABA, `)
Oea
LEPC! TAN!
Lepcis
Magna
G
6ý' EENSE
.,
`lET
SABRATENSES%
.ý ý'
ý.
ýý"
MIIUIIII
r. i. r
e.
ry r
'ti
r,
rye.
`1ý
/,
-J
JI /-' ýü
11
iýýi7ý" (r
A iB
IDIGD/GA,.
MUN. SELORUM
-e V
GRA
ERG
ND
4-
,,..
Lý _,
.: ms's: °-ý' ýý I
lie-
dR/(
MILIIMO$U.
MARCnMAnF_c cPrnPIIAA
0 R1ENTAL n'
e
V
0ýHA R"
M o.
ýý
t
'.. '
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, I. fý
.; v
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t, M'eu, u
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lr"
ýý
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1 ýý 1
r".
i-laar
IA*
Pa
fl
3. LN. 11ý
MN/I
" 1/111! 1
alai
SMrfef
ýý\,
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fý
l
fýi
G10F
/
`WADDAN
LI
EL
H AlM RA
MYN
,
ýý
lt is
fall
5001
ff
0 100 200 300 400 5 00
KM
D1N
1erritoria
and boundaries
- map.

-547- Fig 20.
13 13
ZZ
_Q cr.
Q
W
W
Z
tý
Qm
ro 04
rý
O
"NN.
Ltj
4b lem, 11
C)
Q
t,
OO
Remada fort
and vicus.

1
-548-
Fig 21.
All
rz
0
C;
. ýý.
ti
y
t
rlj
v''e"Y.
`. 'Le7
J
Q
Z
O
4
1i
i
7s
'4 `. y
.I

-549-
Fig 22.
Nl-ý /I
OASIS
temples
BU NJEM
Gholaia
vices : {ý j""\ ":
. `"'ý-ý
,; ' fort
cemetery
temp/e
N
0 100 500
M
GHERIAT
EL -GARBIA
baths
\
ý\ iý!
ýiýi
temples
7
/ý
rs
"
native
fort.,. \\:
vicus
"": : i: `; ': ': \ýýý
OASIS`
fort
camp
DJM
Bu Njem, Cheriat el-Garbia and
their vici.

-550- Fig 23.
zA
co
E-i
"1
rO
OZ
Nf
E
O
Gheriat
el-Garbia.

-551-
Fig 24.
Gheriat
el-Garbia
Dý
a lý
v'ý
ij
ti
"ýt i
ýi
i
T
ýý
69 No&
I:
pi 1. Is
L --.. i
f-
L..
'1
-J
NORTHEAST
GATE
9
NORTHWEST
GATE
X
v
ý"ý
ýý `.
ý`
ý ýý
elevation
v
SOUTHWEST
GATE
p Ian N%
TOWER 2 NORTH CORNER TOWER
A
05 20
M
DJM
Gates and towers
at Gheriat.

-552- Fig 25.
i
7ý
;ý
ýi
zý
W
ti
Z
e
-t7::
a
0
14
T-1
ýý...
." y
... _ r [
cý
N.
oJ
I-
Cl)
0,
--
(3
I
Ji
o"
U-
U-
ct3 I
ý1
r
tC_.. ___ Q
CIO
!I
m
ui
CZ
". r T
W
Q
O
0
LO
W
cý
W
Z
11
4
0
W
I-
O
0
Bu Njem fort - detail plan.

-553-
Fig 26.
A. FORT
0 /00
1M
B. NORTH GATE
0 /0
M
RAS EL-AIN TLALET
Talalati
Dim
Ras el-Ain fort and north gate.

_CC/,
_
17 iK
ci.
RAS EL-AIN
Talalati
F0
1
A AFTER LECOY DE LA MARCHE 1894
B AFTER BO /ZO T 1913
F-71
baths
'
I
C 1982
N
mod road ,,,,,:. -" -;. ä -. t
Pylon
1ý::: " :ý fort ::.:
o.
'\
VICUS .:
0 100 500
'
DJM
xas el-Ain fort and vicus.

-555- Fig 28.
..
y
ýM
1rý\J7,
ill
2
I
JIMMLL
E-4
W
a
z
e
0
11
P
.4
t
I, -,,,
L. r
". '
3
ý"
W
cr.
m
Q
CO
CC
W
Q
V
Q
O
W
ti
cz
ý ý11
0
LO
0
rI
d
LLU
C
P
.,. A
ti
z
W
W
W
cc
Z
Q
v
cc
CC
,..
l. _J
... L_...............
CZ
Q
13
O
Q
Q)
w
w
W

-556- Fig 29.
1M1f
AA
CC
Lli
"c
cc
N
Q) LW
m
Armv
Iva
Q
Y
ý0
Fý
t4i
Lu E
ZQ
Fortlets I.

-557- Fig 30.
KSAR RHI LANE Tisavar
.,:. N
GOMBEAUD 190/
LLI
lime
kilns
U /0 50
M
HR MEDEI NA
N
LECOY DE LA MARCHE 1894
[TT
0 50
M
approx.
scale
ITM
Fortlets II. Detail plans of
Ksar Rhilane (Tisavar) and Hr Medeina.

-558- Fig 31.
AIN
WIF
old
track ýý"` ýý'
N
T11enadassa
new
; 'ý-.., ý`ý- _`ý`` ® ý", road
41014
ki
S.
.ýý.
_s
rp\
1
ý
/ma
. ý_,
op or slope 14
r. J' ý`"
., s.
,07,1
ter raced
ruins
sý bath-hoeise
/*
'"t
Ch.
ýý '
n a( ..
UG.
U0.
410.
Sc
IT
r
f UItýPf
modern
camp
ýýý
T-Z
0 0.1 02 03 04 0 .5 0-6,
kilomerres
DJM
spoilheaps _
= NNONW ._=
ýr
FrencTi Trit 7vöiäf -
this area destroyed
Fortlet under modern
C construction camp.
1
extent of walls,
floors, etc in trenches
Fort N, stippled.
1 -)11 0 50 100
, ý
metres
AIN WIF Military Structures
Dim
Ain Wif
(Thenadassa).

-559- Fig 32.
BANAT
VILLAGE
(NI 39) c 400 M.
Buildings
NJ 7S
ý iatrr additions stippled
-1
0,
-5
ý1-"r-'- IT ý/ý fir..
ýN
ti '1'Y, ß '""-(-ýi iý; -.
_x
": ". ý_ý.
,
ý`-
ýý
ý
N" ,i
Qyrý1a
:.
ýSi
fy'cý/e
: %:; Casº N) 37 ";
1 7,
Metres
-"
\`, t,
_
, _ý.
; ýý` Casr Baaat
tomb (Nf 3A)
ý'y 1ºc 200 W.
GASR ISAWI (Banal) r-,
II Wadi NJ'd s"". """ I'
NlG OIY
(a) Gasr Isawi (Banat)
ROMAN
FORTLET
1 /: ' RUINS OF ./
1:
I. V
IýI
ITALIAN
ITALIAN
FORT
FORT
A
GATE
O 10
, 50
M
GHERIAT
ESH-SHERGIA
DTM
(b) Gheriat esh-Shergia.

-560- Fig 33.
Zý
L
J
Banat)
_ý
doorway
/i'
Elevation of doorway, Casr Isawi.

-561- Fig 34.
ti
CC
W N
ý. t
ý"
O`S
LIJ
Z
T
[I I
Q
Qo
tý_"';
C',
Q
ýo
Q
CV
Oý
cb
O
CIZ
W
E
S
t
w'ý
Ot
tW
t
s
I
Qc
tau
Q

-562- Fig 35.
FIG 36
}
CLAUSURAE: location of
IOt10.
" ; 1- -
-""
"
Ots
detailed maps
GONNA
FIG 38%
FIG 40
CLAUSURA
0ea
Sa6ratha
Lepcis
Magna
n
rý
441 ry
11-1
y r;
.'v
FIG 39
TRANSHUMANCE
ýI , "_ i ROUTES
P_
nn
rt
(ý
`'"'. r `; }} :;;; ` 'f `
Al WA DA
10,
r1 ry I rj
,/y7
,ýr!
/
nný
Gam'
y, ý\ä
nn
B
10
ERG
ORIENTAL
ß, 204
/r-
VIX
-
whIM
n/
11 1ý
lam! ý` %
1
ýl '
G 1\0 FRA-.
EL
H
AMRA\
1
1i
i
/
*I
>r
I
ouSuODA ti
0 100 200 300 400 500
KM
DJM
Clausurae in Tripolitania and the major
transhuming routes - map. Location plan
for detailed maps, figs 36,38-40.

-563-
Fig 36.
/.
0 ýc
ýn
Q`\
:Z wzý
UE
ý1 \
wý
:ý
EAU
i
/
i
i
i
)
u.
i
/
/
I..
11i
1
00
Z'
m_O
f
Q
`5 I/
'/,
/O
i
44
V
1=
\I_! f"
'. 1
+,
. rte
t 'A
The Cherb and Tebaga clausurae
- map.

-564- Fig 37.
N
AA
J
W
ý
Q
C
Q
Cý
ý
W
W
cý U
o
11
11
10 zi
0
ýý
Q
W
Vb'L 1N3/, ß ,
do'^ý...,
SIjf1
Q n.
1--------
-J
rv
%
r1
ýý11
1
z-go-
Q
Bir Oum Ali clausura -location;
plan of gate.

-565- Fig 38.
THE TEBAGA
',.
'ý'",, '
, --- --
CLAUSURA
x/01
EL-HAMMA
Aquae Tacapitane
o
ENVIRONS
o ROMAN PERIOD RUINS
" CERTAINLY MILITARY
. oo
" FORTIFIED FARMS lo
f
MAUSOLEA
-mai
MR MGARINE
HR TEMASSINE
xe1;
i
0e
ö0
MAIN
ZONE
AGRICULTURAL
I--
S
o
;; ',.:; ":.
'
towers
c,
14,103
ä!
j
Q/
00 0")W0%G °0
i
, -- \'
reoý 0
0°
X jHR EL-HADIAR
f ono oi
0
Gg10
gate -o ro 0
0"
wl 0,0-
BENIA
CiUtuAm
L DER
farms
Gb
"LI
L1'vtivý_ý ago eý9
"
ý Z-
TAMEZRED
PRE-DESERT
ZONE
ýi
'i HR KRANNF/R
B/R RHEZENE ý1"9'; ý~
Beze_eos
MERGUEB
:, ý"
ý.
'
ED D/AB
(tower)
`
ý: a.
ýýf
O 20
1 KM
Xo KSAR CHETAOUA
DM
The Tebaga clausura and environs - map.

-566- Fig 39.
ti A
W
Z "
Q
H
t
O
O
ý
Q
ý
ý
Q
V
l' 0
W
OO=
OV
t
Q
WO
Q
N
ýý
O" ýM
ßi0
ý
'
ýÜ
J
rt
N
ý" Y
1
"
i
.
up
O
12
"
1
r
1
ýiý
ýI 1\
f
ýl
1
C3 i!
1
t
ýý
F
U
/ý
" j 1"
/
"
"
r
1
1
" I
1
w
1
f
1
IO
I
I
ý
I
i
pESýPt
1N
I
o"
N1
l" I"
U
Lol
""
"
5. lC
2'a. 4
;zz
tz. 0
tr
W/
i1 j!
W
tC
C
"vI
"r
r
y
Q"
z
a
-\C
iO
The Skiffa group of clausurae and
environs
- map.

-567- Fig 40.
14.1
"v 46 "t "j .... \.
'w
".
-4
. wem
". "\,
fee
b
"'C
if
I, -.
ý`
ýý
IT
Uadd Hajar and environs - map.

ý'3
.. d
-568- Fig 41.
" ----I
"' ""' N
". ;..
late
rebuild
0 /Q
M
A. 1982
B. BLANCHE T 1898
1 Lý l
outwo rk
noto scale
The Tebaga gate
DJM
The Tebaga gate.

-569- Fig 42.
GATES
N
ýýr.
FýF
ii
.. ý. i .:
-ýý+
1ýa
t'; ý
Z'y
ý. "ý r . -t. ý;
F
"+.....
ýý
A HADD HAJAR (BROGAN /980)
B
SKI F FA
XX
4 fj: "ý
ff;.
ýM
N
o
ýo M
sketch plan of the Skiffa clausura
mod
farm
wadi
luices
ýN
tombs`
gate
-... : ý" sand
tower
IJM
Hadd Hajar gate, Skiffa gate and
sketch
map.
1
3

-570- Fig 43.
I-,
A
ýý
Q
ý`
ýý
z ý,
i
c...
V
0
m
I
FIT
0
0
Lf)
I_
,a
:: Iº l1'L
-_rr
N
W
0
F-
w
LU
2
0
0
w
0
0
Gemeilae fort and vicus
(S. Algeria).

'J ýýý
-571-
Fig 44.
ýý ý\ \\
i 30
A
. rte
r^
_
ýýf
ý
Z
ý\\
u
L:. 2
1j
"11
""iiii\~i
\\
'ý
Liz
x
VT
-``\ ýý
" ", ý
0
0
L
S
ý.
.
0
U) N
N
W
F-
W
....: . ...........
".:.. ...... "....
/
2
0
0
N, 7\
_.
1\
_
0
. - '1
Ad Maiores
(Hr Besseriani)
fort
and vicus
(S. Algeria).

-572- Fig 45.
RAPIDUM
Sour Djouab
I iij, 10ý,
:. .": fort
1
virus: ' '.: ý"
0 100 500
METRES
Z=ZZ
V/Icu
N
". . '. ".:: .;;
. -ý fort
EL -
GHARA
DJM
Rapidurn (Sour Djoub, Algeria) and el-Ghara.

-573- Fig 46.
Senam Ho Lvod Ne jem Olive farm
Pt P2 P3
ýuý
1º
ºI 1º 11
It II ,ý
ý
11
II 11 11
If
ýý
11 " 11
11 Iý
I
,1
1º .. º1
.1
rl
I)
11 rl 11
__ 11
,_
ji
Q 11 ý
11
rl
j1
11
`
It 11
.1.11
,"
I.
It
1)
il
". courtyard
il
.
II
i
11 I/
II
ºr
ý
IrII //
Iº 1º //
Ir
II
Ir ºI
ý'
ý
tl
11 It
It
rl
I®
ý
II
Iý
It
II
Ir
11 rr
11
il
0 10 20 30 40 50
metres
DTM
Senam Howod Nejem- olive farm in
the Fergian region of the Gebel
Tarhuna.

iý
iý
ýý
fýý
-574- Fig 47.
Senam Rubdir olive farm
111111i
II
II
II 11
11
II
I I-
11-
11
II
II
II
ý-y\
-º
_
11 A.
-111 STIPITES
11 II- -
=uz =
----
a-
-- II
II
11
tl
11 II
I _...... (I.
P2m ILS
1.1ýý__
I
(I
,
II
II
II (ý
__
II
__
11 (I
11
1
If 23
111'
P3(ß
ý1II
II
I
-_ =="_ =_ ___ __ __ý
yard
courtyard
if
,1
If
If
11
I.
I, I"
M: 7-
1ItII. I,
II II II
."..
1`:
ý: ,
0 10 20 30 40
metres
DTM
Senam Rubdir - olive farm in the Fergian
region of the Gebel Tarhuna.

-575- Fig 48.
VVA. DI
MIMOUN
GASR, VILLAGE
& FARM
!ý~..
TEMPLE
N
. 1- 1rü Well
GASR
ý. ý
VILLAG
1 341"
ýrL(ý
"ý
dI*-
Tombs
O i»ý IY.
(a) detailed survey of wadi farming in the wadi Mimoun.
Lm
.
4
707
Cal, L.
, `'ýr 'ý '"\ ýýýrr 'i"
w. ork, ow.
40
'/
IvblJv , dI
f l, nr prl. Wv vl,
Q
,! -" trn Rlly "Ito
_
- unr , 1,
0 of 02 oI 04 cat c., ",. 1. -,; 1,,,.,
RAI....... l
`'
Is..
hon
n.. ý",,. r. nl
Q
OLIVE FARM. WADI
Water Catchment and Control
y Lf1MOUT.
wn, rr Il. n . M-r, ý
(b)
detailed
Lamout
survey of wadi agriculture in the
(el-Amud).
wadi

Itl
-576- Fig 49.
Gý .
e.,
n
V
O,
IC-1.
r
!"ö
lo..
v
-Li
4*'.
/ 4 / ý r
t
r
r
asý
J3 r. 1 .
z
iý
r/1/ rý =
1 ýr /
Et
0
N
Q
tia
`''
it
i. I it -
Bir ed-Dreder. Romano-Libyan cemetery.

-577-
Fig 50.
Md 18
SNEMr1T
ci
pressl
press 2
dö0 ý1 od
000 4W
iiii
ýy
pnod.
we11-head
cistern
ý1
",
p"! S a ntgorstone
'
1' ;
OPUS r1FRICANUM Olive Farm
1i
sns 10 20
iliiizi-mw
. ý. settling mnk
ci 3 fern
aui krnenlý 'han nrl
owr
Snemat, an opus Africanum olive farm
on the wadi
Merdum.

-578-
PLATES
For full list of plates and sources
see Volume I, pp x- xiii.

-5 79 -
PLATE 1
(a) Denuded landscape near Gasr Doga in the Gebel Tarhuna.
There is an ancient olive farm on the skyline in the centre.
(b) Fertile uplands of the Gebel Garian.
Note traces of agricultural terraces

-5 80- PLATE 2
77
ý'ý. ý ý ýý
" k"ý lC^` i r.. -*
+ýelMi-
,äy,
=r' aRýý`: ý
:ýý
, w: , ý,
s
1ý3r ýr . tý. _,
(a) Modern olive orchard near Tarhuna.
::
: ý'
_-
d
ýý ýý "-ýý_ ý"r ý'ý. "
ý
-' lam.
ý
ýý ý
'ý#'
__
(b) Denudation and refoliation in the Gebel Tarhuna.
Modern olive orchards (1. ) adjacent to defoliated hillsides
(r. ). In the foreground, Roman period olive press.

-581- PLATE 3
(a) The cliff-like escarpment of the Gebel Tebaga from the
north. In the foreground, modern agriculture using
traditional run-off technology.
d.,
1
`Z' .
(b) The Gefara plain south of Tripoli. In the distance the
Gebel
escarpment.

-582-
PLATE 4
" : mot". ^-
"ý- `'' 'ý' o .
y.
lex
yý. %A
(a) Remains of major Roman period barrage in the wadi ed-Daun,
Gebel
Tarhuna.

(a) Surviving wadi agriculture in the wadi Beni Ulid.
-5 83-
PLATE 5
wý"7ý i T'
Note in particular the magnificent mature olive trees
and traces of wadi walls.
ýýý. ý ;
(b) Toyota'landcruiser'lost in sudden flash flocd - wadi Scetaf,
late September 19 79 .

-584- PLATE 6
(a) The approach track and gateway of the Banat hilltop village.
u,., ,`
>: a- 4
.ý
+y
r
.:.
. ý,.
\`'Y!
l
ý
_ ! ý.
.. ý
.f
I
. "º ,1 /'.
.... .
wý.
ýý
`ýb...
(b) The main rampart and interior
of the Banat village.
Note the lean-to huts against the rampart.

-585-
PLATE 7
cd
U
ý ý. ýý
O
,G
Gl
v/ýt
, ý;, ý XY'
"ý U
cb .4
c0
.. ý" ', hüf ý,
j
.,. q
ý..
", a
1ý
i-.
'4-
O
Cl
4'
Cl
C
'}
pý, ,
-. {,, ý
zý 0
00
'S
:r
4
I az'
um
c
Iýwv
0
"- ry co
ai ". H
", - vi O
aL ýJ >"+
Qvv
Cý C1
4-4 O Jr
00 ý+
G G1
,Z
J 4. J
-14 .
i"+ 0 me-%
(1 O C1 G) 4)
U -+ r. Z: >
cu (u. ý4
-
.D_
i1 ß. Al U
cJ LJ }+
.iw
ro r- ro
ro on oo ý
y
cb 0. ý

-586-
PLATE 8
R
a_
0-
Z
+1" ,a "g+y'
ýý
eft
a
JAý 17
-AIL
(a) Gheriat el-Garbia - northeast gate.
(b) Gheriat el-Garbia - interior
of the north corner tower.
The domed structure is modern, but note the widened platform
and traces of two original windows.

-587- PLATE 9
(a) Gheriac el-Garbia - northwest defences looking northwest
showing preserved interval towers.
ýº
i
-+r
NMý
"
{;.
4.
-
l..
.....
... .
(b) The circular tower (burgus)
north of the fort. (It is also
visible on Pl. 8b). An inscription
was in situ above the
door in the 1850's.

-588- PLATE 10
m
Ii
3
0
ro
v
G
ro
s-I
ro
CJ
a)
" -Th
'Arc
ýa s
. ýo
. im
'-I
n
"J U
ýU JO
aJ
c. 0
1 ý;
>J
v1 N
tl Q 'L,
1+ 0
UU
.a"
3J
ý%N U)
ro

-589-
PLATE 11
(a) Gheriat el-Carbia - surviving fragment of semi-circular
front of southwest gate.
4
.

-590-
PLATE 12
L
r'
tow
x«y.
r.
`, 4"ý
ý9
J,
al
ý'
tip
4
000
1
-, t L
Mq-7
l
(a) Bu Njem fort - vertical kite air-photograph of baths (1. )
and trincipia (r). (CULVP archive).
qrº
ýr-
.ý.,,
ý
, ý. «,, "ý
! ý
_. ý ..... r s.
. _. _.
(b) Bu Njem - surviving masonry of the north gate.
Compare the frontispiece (ULVP archive).

-591- PLATE 13
'ý"
of,
,ý J
!,
(a) Ras el-Ain - Fort (centre)
vicus in the foreground.
.
Note the rampart of the
yý
.
.... ý ...
(b) Ras el-Ain - baths to north of fort (excavated by Boizot
1913).

-592-
PLATE 14
.:....
ý_
soll
,.
-»L,.,
.
, ý. ýý:
(a) Ain Wif (Thenadassa) - the robbed-out wall of the fortlet with,
to the left, the possible traces of an earlier enceinte.
The ruinfield extends as far as the modern building.
"ý `'
. 1ýW, .ý1 ýý ..
ý'
ý"- °ý
ý "
4 ...
4L
M ..
i'
f".: I _ý 'r-sß 1
., º
- .4
0 40
/-:
d"
(b) Ain Wif - military bath-house. The stoking area seen in
the side of a gullet'. Traces of masonry can be seen
extending as far as the oasis.

-593- PLATE 15
W, an MORWOM-1
1 ";
) "'= c: na : gda - main wall and interior building.
I
ý.
,: fir ý
ýf:;
l#ý'K
rý ,ý
r
h
,ý
44
"1
(b) Medina Ragda
- double cistern.

-594-
PLATE 16
I
`
L
`,
0
tir
u 1
cn
C3
ra /
1
of;
ý+ y
:vv
"- G
- a
.r1
"ý1ý
1
týý 1
ý/
ý,
1 "=i
'ýý ýý
c
äý
.,.; A
ko
ýu
p
ýv
U
u
iw
0
ro
Ji
aý
G
uý
=-L
: nroro
ý3
c
aß
3ý CJ
4. J 4j
fr W
CI
c
C2
L
cd

(a) A typical gasr (fortified farm) in the wadi Migdal.
-595- PLATE 17
I
4
9, .
.. ýý
.l
. 41
. L... a...
e ..
'fit,.
'ýý...
'Z'
"
T° 3
(b) The well preserved interior
os one of the Bir Scedua gsur
(B. S. 5). Note the distinctive
arched
niches.

-596-
I ýa
PLATE 18
0
0
ü
j
v c) ý4 "H
M un 0 '-
k4 a) 4-4 1
A Zi Z-+ C3.
jý c; TJ. CA
ýp a" 4) tJ
>, 41
-' c+
-'
cn C! b
N>4
4
.,
Q
f"4
u 00
0) Q)
co 4-1
iy_ýi
`t
S,,
ý
-w B fA fJ
44
4
1
k,
8
0
co
sA =
Q "-4
a4. j

-597- PLATE 19
! its
i ý'ý"ti
A'
rIl}AI,
1
v
ý4 b
Ocu
w U)
GJ "r1
u
. ry iw,. w
av"
. p. -0 y
1yÜ
O
1,7-
ti a
Zw
cn 0s4
z ro
fu CO
Ü
54 CD
C13 ct
-w O
z
oG.
*,
NO,
ýifä' .ý., ý
ti,
Ai4
'ý
1`ßy'
)-i O +-1
W ca
as oo a4
lim
'.
ýý»k'.
i1
g
ý.;
m
v
3
a
E
0
ýý,
ti
u
r-ý
Ei
O
is
. rl

-598- PLATE 20
Yi.,
y
'fk:
ice.
1 ,ý.
'ýý.
ý- wem.;. '" "`, ý "' -.
'
-º -7- t-`. -
..
`,
aye'
(a) Sir Oum Ali - the wall. Note the pitched "roof" to left.
il
tý
r
, y.. s
,
.. ý.. 9 ý!
fierýýý
"ý:. ='
w. 'ý .:
I
(b) Bir Oum Ali - the "parapet"
walkway
looking
east.

-599- PLATE 21
_+4
(a) Bir Oum Ali
- the gate area (top) and (below),
visible
in
the side of
the modern road cutting, the circular construe-
tion.
- , t'
4
...,:
'
"r'ß! "7.
-,
~'
'ýi
W. TZ
.'
ºr- , :,
.. -. -. + ''"
'ice
_r'º
ia
'ý""
Wa r, .
fib) The Tebaga clausura with the bank to the left. The car is
parked on the outer lip of the ditch.

-600-
PLATE 22
_''1º'
ßs9 ý,
1ý
Av -.
41
..
ýý r . _u
(a) The Tebaga gate looking east. The corridor runs away
from the camera to the left of the figure. In the foreground
is the south tower.
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(b) The Tebaga gate looking southeast. In the foreground the
north
tower.

-601-
PLATE 23
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(a) The Tebaga gate. Blocking of doorway in north tower.
Note the clausura crossing the plain below.
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(b) The Skiffa clausura looking south from gate. Note the large
circular tumulus to the east.

-602-
PLATE 24
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-603- PLATE 25
(a) Skiffa clausura - southern end on escarpment.
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(b) Skiffa south - new clausura. The wall is best preserved on
the sides of the valley (top 1. hand corner and centre of
photo). Cf. Pls. 26 a, b.

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PLATE 26
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PLATE 27
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(a) Hadd Hajar - watch tower on Ras al Tays al Abyad.
-606- PLATE 28
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Note the clausura crossing the plain towards the southwest.
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(b) Hadd Hajar gate - gasr Saqifah, looking
north.

-607-
PLATE 29
(a) Hadd Hajar clausura - looking southwest.
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(b) Hadd Hajar ciausura - the gate and wall in the Saqifah
defile.

-608- PLATE 30
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