2008 Ohio Psychologist - Ohio Psychological Association

thought to be “among the most severe and longest lasting
consequences for victimized men,” these problems are often
overlooked (Tewksbury, 2007, p. 31). No studies have examined
sexual identity problems with a control or comparison group,
yet almost every study that has examined case studies or men’s
comments concerning sexual assault experiences have described
sexual identity and orientation confusion in men following
sexual assault experiences. For example, in a community sample
of 40 British men who were sexually assaulted, 70% reported
long-term sexual identity problems and 68% a “damaged
masculine identity” (Walker et al., 2005). Homosexual victims may
experience internalized homophobia and feel that the assault was
a punishment for being gay (Garnets, Herek, & Levy, 1990), while
heterosexual victims may feel confused about their sexuality and
masculinity, especially if their body sexually responded during the
assault (Mezey & King, 1992; Scarce, 1997).
Predictors of Psychological Symptoms from Sexual Trauma
A few studies have examined predictors or correlates of
psychological symptoms and functioning in men after a sexual
assault experience. A past history of childhood sexual abuse has
been shown to be related to experiencing a sexual assault as an
adult (Coxell et al., 1999; Elliott, Mok, & Briere, 2004). One study
examined several demographic factors and found that being male,
younger, and experiencing an incident of adult sexual assault
in the last year increased the likelihood of reporting trauma
symptoms (Elliott et al., 2004). Burnam et al. (1988) found that
younger male victims were more likely to report subsequent
drug abuse than older victims, whereas older victims were more
likely to report obsessive-compulsive symptoms. Experimental
studies also suggest that men find unwanted sexual contact from
men more negative than unwanted sexual contact from women
(Lev-Wiesel & Besser, 2006; Struckman-Johnson & Struckman-
Johnson, 1993), and have more negative reactions as the level of
coercion increases (Struckman-Johnson & Struckman-Johnson,
1994).
Implications for Help-Seeking, Practice & Research
Male rape victims often remain silent, do not report their assault
to police, family, or friends (Coxell et al., 1999; Hillman, O’Mara,
Tomlinson, & Harris, 1991) and are reluctant to seek counseling
or medical services (Hillman et al., 1991; Ratner et al., 2003).
Male victims who decide to disclose their assault may have to
endure unsympathetic and unsupportive statements from law
enforcement, friends, crisis centers, counselors, co-workers, and
family members (Brochman, 1991; Donnelly & Kenyon, 1996;
Sarrel & Masters, 1982; Kassing & Prieto, 2003). These responses
seem to be influenced by homophobia, gender stereotypes, and
rape myths and can be detrimental to the service provision and
support available for male victims (Donnelly & Kenyon, 1996).
In a survey conducted with representatives of 30 rape crisis
agencies, many representatives voiced a lack of sympathy for
male victims, traditional gender role stereotypes, and a general
lack of responsiveness to male victims (Donnelly & Kenyon, 1996).
Another survey of counselors-in-training found that trainees,
especially those who were inexperienced, show some degree of
acceptance of rape myths and believe that a man who does not
physically resist his attacker should have done so (Prieto, 2003).
Davies and Rogers (2006) concluded that counselors and other
professionals need to be aware of negative attributional biases
and judgments of male sexual assault victims and possible
negative reactions of those to whom the victim disclosed their
assault experiences, and more information and publicity is needed
to encourage male victims to come forward and to dispel male
sexual assault myths.
Whereas research has demonstrated that male sexual assault
does occur and can have long-term detrimental effects, the vast
majority of studies investigating sexual assault and rape only
assess the experiences of female victims. Although the majority of
adult sexual crimes are committed by men against women, sexual
assault can be perpetrated by or against members of both sexes.
More research is clearly needed concerning the psychological
effects as well as predictors of psychological functioning in men
after an assault, especially among high risk populations such as
gay, bisexual, and transgendered individuals. Moreover, it has
also been noted by researchers (King, Coxell, & Mezey, 2000;
Larimer et al., 1999) that there has been almost no psychometric
evaluation of the measures used to assess male sexual assault, and
that this is needed to advance reasearch in this area. Efforts must
also be made to educate counselors, law enforcement, support
service providers, and the general public. Until male sexual
assault is publicly acknowledged and accepted, male victims will
be isolated and marginalized, leading to unnecessary secondary
victimization of these men.
About the Author
Jessica A. Turchik, MS, is currently a fourth
year clinical psychology doctoral student
at Ohio University. Her research interests
include sexual risk taking, sexual assault, scale
development and validation, and assessment.
References
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Victimization over the life span: A comparison of lesbian, gay,
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Brochman, S. (1991). Silent victims: Bringing male rape out of
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Burnam, M. A., Stein, J. A., Golding, J. M., Siegel, J. M.,
Sorenson, S. B., Forsythe, A. B. et al. (1988). Sexual assault
and mental disorders in a community population. Journal of
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Busby, D. M., & Compton, S. V. (1997). Patterns of sexual
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Coxell, A. W. & King, M. (1996). Male victims of rape and sexual
abuse. Sexual and Marital Therapy, 11, 297-308.
Coxell, A. W., King, M., Mezey, G. & Gordon, D. (1999). Lifetime
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sex in men: Cross sectional survey. British Medical
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Davies, M. (2002). Male sexual assault victims: a selective
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