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consonant in a cluster (as they are the left-most member of the continuum), dorsals are only followed by labials, laminals are followed by dorsals and labials, and apicals are followed by all three (although there are only two examples of an apical followed by a laminal: /rnj/ and /rdj/). Cross-cutting these cluster constraints based on active articulators are constraints based on sonority values. Consonant clusters in Wambaya are well-formed only if the second consonant has a value that is lower than or equal to that of the first on the sonority hierarchy: OBSTRUENT
These seven principles account for the well-formedness of all of the clusters contained in Table 2.3 as well as the ill-formedness of those corresponding to empty cells. The only exceptions to this are the three cells containing question marks which possibly reflect accidental gaps in the corpus. This discussion of consonant clusters has so far centered only on clusters containing two consonants. However, there is one tri-consonantal cluster (/rrgb/) found in Wambaya. This cluster is found only in a small number of Wambaya words (in a sample of over 1200 words only 6 contain this tri-consonantal cluster intramorphemically). Examples of this cluster are: bunjurrgbarra burrgbanju jarrgbardi lurrgbanyi milirrgbarna gurrgbarra bend down (towards) blow (on) make string by rubbing hair/fur on leg with hand grab, abduct blue tongue lizard stare 2.2.3.2 Intermorphemic Clusters There are significantly fewer consonant clusters that are found across morpheme boundaries in Wambaya than are found within morphemes. There are some very simple reasons for this. Firstly, the phonotactic constraint that all words must end in a vowel means that a lot of stems are vowel-final. gijilulu money gijilulu-ngunya money-PROP (II) jamba ground jamba-nmanji ground:IV:nAbs-ALL Secondly, although there are some consonant-final nominal and verbal roots which function as stems for the addition of suffixes, in all examples in the corpus the final consonant of the stem is either /j/, /g/, /ny/, /n/, /rd/, /ng/ or /rl/ and the initial consonant of the suffix is /b/ (or /w/ after liquids): bungmaj- old man bungmaj-bulu old man-DUAL gulug- sleep gulug-baji sleep-PRIV (I) jany- dog jany-bulu dog-DUAL garran- stand garran-barda stand-INF agard- wash agard-barli wash-AGNT (I) mirrang- sit mirrang-ba sit-Fut ngarl- talk ngarl-waji talk-PRIV (I)
Page 1 and 2: A GRAMMAR OF WAMBAYA by RACHEL NORD
Page 3 and 4: 3.1.2 Non-inflecting word classes 6
Page 5 and 6: 7.1.4 Possessive clauses 205 7.1.5
Page 7 and 8: Acknowledgements Although there are
Page 9 and 10: Preface The research for this thesi
Page 11 and 12: Fut G GEN H Hab IMP inc INCH INF IN
Page 13 and 14: Chapter One THE LANGUAGE and ITS SP
Page 15 and 16: 1.1.1 The West Barkly languages The
Page 17 and 18: 1.1.2. Wider relationships As they
Page 19 and 20: absolutive gender affixes which app
Page 21 and 22: The Yumpia (Umbaia) lives in countr
Page 23 and 24: mostly Gudanji with a bit of Wambay
Page 25 and 26: Figure 1.1 Wambaya Subsections (fro
Page 27 and 28: mother and his third choice is some
Page 29 and 30: The Wambaya kinship terms are given
Page 31 and 32: Table 1.8 Kinship terms - female eg
Page 33 and 34: (i) The homorganic nasal-stop clust
Page 35 and 36: Chadwick (1978:15) also recorded bi
Page 37 and 38: that /rr/ and /d/ only contrast in
Page 39 and 40: garnmangga 'jaw' l/rl bulinja 'alga
Page 41 and 42: mimayirna/ 'mother-in-law' > [·mÈ
Page 43 and 44: (v) CVCC eg. lurrg.ba.nyi 'grab, sn
Page 45 and 46: There is no contrast between [wø]
Page 47 and 48: Other dialect Wambaya Gloss (I) wal
Page 49: jurlurrburra 'ashes' rrm darrmanji
Page 53 and 54: ·garn.gu. + ji many + I:Abs > ·ga
Page 55 and 56: Following are some sample derivatio
Page 57 and 58: ∑ ∑ ∑ The feet that have been
Page 59 and 60: 2.3.1 Lenition The initial /b/ of a
Page 61 and 62: 2.3.4.1 /w/ > /y/ An intervocalic /
Page 63 and 64: Nor does it affect the vowel(s) of
Page 65 and 66: There are two examples in which a c
Page 67 and 68: iii. σ + σ σ banymi (b)any mi iv
Page 69 and 70: Chapter 3 PARTS OF SPEECH and OTHER
Page 71 and 72: Class IV (the neuter gender) is gen
Page 73 and 74: actually verbs, and not simply othe
Page 75 and 76: Temporal nominals provide temporal
Page 77 and 78: The following examples demonstrate
Page 79 and 80: and 'still'. It is a restricted cli
Page 81 and 82: more closely linked with specific s
Page 83 and 84: (3-28) Yabu gama gujiga-nmanji mang
Page 85 and 86: Chapter 4 NOMINALS 4.1 THE STRUCTUR
Page 87 and 88: Nouns in Wambaya are divided into f
Page 89 and 90: As (iii) suggests, for some non-hum
Page 91 and 92: manganyma burnaringma jigama ngaman
Page 93 and 94: gulangunya/milirrgbarna 'blue tongu
Page 95 and 96: Table 4.3 Gender marking in Wambaya
Page 97 and 98: noun which, when compared with the
Page 99 and 100: assimilation of the nasal to the pl
Page 101 and 102:
Examples are bungmaji and abajabaji
Page 103 and 104:
cousin Absolutive form Non-absoluti
Page 105 and 106:
maga-wulu iligirra-wulu camp-DUAL r
Page 107 and 108:
agreeing with the inanimate semanti
Page 109 and 110:
Wambaya formally distinguishes thre
Page 111 and 112:
e generated with the use of the reg
Page 113 and 114:
or the nominal can have dual markin
Page 115 and 116:
(4-40) Gagulu-marndi y.brother-PLUR
Page 117 and 118:
As mentioned above, the most common
Page 119 and 120:
In Jingili rdarra is a free form th
Page 121 and 122:
old.woman:II:Abs-NOM 3sgS-Pst wait(
Page 123 and 124:
(4-61) Ngabulu-nu ngiyi-ng-agba daw
Page 125 and 126:
I'm going to spear you with a spear
Page 127 and 128:
The dative case is used in a large
Page 129 and 130:
You'll come back for money. The dat
Page 131 and 132:
The dative suffix can be used to ma
Page 133 and 134:
PERL tears:IV(NOM) 3sgS(Pres)-Pr ru
Page 135 and 136:
I'm sitting on the boy's bed. More
Page 137 and 138:
Sand-having (IV). For some nouns ei
Page 139 and 140:
One might expect that this differen
Page 141 and 142:
(4-165) janji-yaji dog:I:Abs-PRIV:I
Page 143 and 144:
care.for(nF) 3sgnmascA(Pres) talk-P
Page 145 and 146:
(4-186) Guyalinja darranggu-nka. la
Page 147 and 148:
Unfortunately there are not enough
Page 149 and 150:
The "cheeky" man hit me. (4-194) Ay
Page 151 and 152:
they modify in terms of gender, num
Page 153 and 154:
postposed demonstratives (see Appen
Page 155 and 156:
Number Singular: {-Ø} Dual: {-wulu
Page 157 and 158:
B rnana ngankiwa nganaga Ng arna, a
Page 159 and 160:
The remote singular forms in the ot
Page 161 and 162:
(4-200) Mirrang-ba ng-u ngankagunya
Page 163 and 164:
In this function, the difference be
Page 165 and 166:
du nagawuliji pl Class IV NOM/ACC s
Page 167 and 168:
fact that they can modify a head no
Page 169 and 170:
With what will hit (him)? (4-223) G
Page 171 and 172:
This ignorative can be combined wit
Page 173 and 174:
what:I:nAbs-LOC 3sgmascA-Pst pull(n
Page 175 and 176:
The non-singular accusative/oblique
Page 177 and 178:
number and case with the noun that
Page 179 and 180:
suffix (4.4.1.4), have all involved
Page 181 and 182:
for its existence as a constituent.
Page 183 and 184:
I'll go. Pro (Obl) (4-276) Yandu ng
Page 185 and 186:
As mentioned above, the constructio
Page 187 and 188:
Chapter Five THE AUXILIARY The auxi
Page 189 and 190:
I therefore disagree with Blake's c
Page 191 and 192:
When the object is third person non
Page 193 and 194:
(5-23) Alag-bulu wurlu-ngg-a nyurru
Page 195 and 196:
tense, aspect and mood information
Page 197 and 198:
(b) Ngara-bi ngurru-Ø. drink-nF 1p
Page 199 and 200:
I will always be thinking about you
Page 201 and 202:
is singular (5-46, 5-47, 5-48). The
Page 203 and 204:
PAST NON-PAST TOWARDS -amany -ulama
Page 205 and 206:
(5-68) Gannga g-a ngurraramba-ni. r
Page 207 and 208:
The auxiliary is usually obligatory
Page 209 and 210:
non-future tense. In future tense c
Page 211 and 212:
Table 6.1 Verbal inflections J Ø N
Page 213 and 214:
of the two conjugation classes can
Page 215 and 216:
yarrujbarda yarrujinka cry yugu- yu
Page 217 and 218:
(6-8) Ngarl-wa gujinganjanga-nka! t
Page 219 and 220:
Table 6.5 shows the possible combin
Page 221 and 222:
clauses, this suffix is glossed 'SI
Page 223 and 224:
A dative adjunct, however, usually
Page 225 and 226:
Basic form Gloss Root Causative for
Page 227 and 228:
She played all her money away. (6-4
Page 229 and 230:
(6-58) From mambulya 'soft' (IV) Ma
Page 231 and 232:
nominal inflected with an adnominal
Page 233 and 234:
complement (as in 7-14), the object
Page 235 and 236:
dog:I(NOM) that:I:sg:NOM The dog (i
Page 237 and 238:
INTRANSITIVE 1. Simple intransitive
Page 239 and 240:
A few intransitive verbs subcategor
Page 241 and 242:
in the nominative case, the auxilia
Page 243 and 244:
The old man waited for you. (7-59)
Page 245 and 246:
the other object argument is inanim
Page 247 and 248:
I put too much food in my mouth. (7
Page 249 and 250:
(b) Juwa-ni gini-n nij-bi jawala. m
Page 251 and 252:
sit(nF) 1sgS(Pres) have.crossed.leg
Page 253 and 254:
alone to mean 'no, nothing'; yangul
Page 255 and 256:
I can't remember (it). (7-114) Guya
Page 257 and 258:
The privative suffix can be added t
Page 259 and 260:
good:II(NOM)=INFER 3sgS(Pres)-Pr si
Page 261 and 262:
(7-144) Gulugi-nka=minyi gi-n yugu.
Page 263 and 264:
Each of these three functions will
Page 265 and 266:
The adnominal function can often be
Page 267 and 268:
There are a few examples in which t
Page 269 and 270:
Table 8.1 Verbal inflections in non
Page 271 and 272:
(8-35) Nyurrunyurru gini-n [dawu-jb
Page 273 and 274:
(8-45) Ngaragana-nguja ngiy-a gujin
Page 275 and 276:
Text A.1 Ilarrawulu Gujarrawulu 143
Page 277 and 278:
(18) "Gulyagulya ngarri, gulinya gu
Page 279 and 280:
(37) "Gujinya, gujinya, gujiny-buli
Page 281 and 282:
[To Milinya and Wagalamarri now]
Page 283 and 284:
(70) Injani gurlu-n yarru?" where 2
Page 285 and 286:
Text A.2 Barnanggi and Jabiru 160 S
Page 287 and 288:
He felt around for some dog shit 16
Page 289 and 290:
"Burrij." He jumped on (the Jabiru'
Page 291 and 292:
Old man Barnanggi went.
Page 293 and 294:
(74) Anka-mi gin-a wurla. alive-FAC
Page 295 and 296:
(11) ngawu ng-u ngara-ba banjangani
Page 297 and 298:
Text A.4 Jinkijiyulu 170 The two st
Page 299 and 300:
(24) Bard-bi wurl-a. Dirrag-bi wurl
Page 301 and 302:
He met up with his cousin, Bagarrin
Page 303 and 304:
He saw the water flooding. (42) "Ah
Page 305 and 306:
(15) "Ngara-ba nyami galyurringi!"
Page 307 and 308:
(10) Garnaa ngi-n yabu." long:IV(AC
Page 309 and 310:
(24) "(SPIT) yarru gama dawurdawurr
Page 311 and 312:
We were working for the white man.
Page 313 and 314:
(43) Yarru ngirr-aji alalangmi-ji-n
Page 315 and 316:
References Aguas, E. F (1968) 'Guda
Page 317 and 318:
Dench, A and N. Evans (1988) 'Multi
Page 319 and 320:
Mathews, R. H (1900) 'The Wombya Or
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