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from the ‘master’ previously; Wingti was made to swallow his own medicine, so to<br />
speak. Tom Olga must have been a young voter during the heydays <strong>of</strong> Wingti who might<br />
have had a keen eye on the ‘master’s’ techniques. Elections in PNG have been on one<br />
hand, breeding grounds for ‘politics’, and ‘hunting grounds’ for social scientists, on the<br />
other!<br />
Established Melanesian principles <strong>of</strong> reciprocity loomed large as intervening factors for a<br />
candidate’s survival in PNG elections. From the attainment <strong>of</strong> bigmanship status through<br />
to the reinvention <strong>of</strong> tradition and customs, and/or adaptation <strong>of</strong>, altogether leave behind<br />
little breathing space for a fair electoral process. Elections for the average voter<br />
particularly for the person in between are in fact an opportune moment to gain cash and<br />
store goods (see for instance Dorney 2002, and Haley 2002). This is generally inevitable<br />
given the prevailing level <strong>of</strong> modern material poverty and negligence subjected to the<br />
remote and poor people out there, and over a protracted periods <strong>of</strong> time by the state. This<br />
includes the marginalized and unemployed in urban areas. 3 Election is a time to better<br />
one’s own poor economic standing even if it is only for a few weeks. It is neither the<br />
party policies nor, the national issues that matter (cf. Anere 2002: 87-88). Quite crudely,<br />
it is a time when the uncouth and the oblivious intensively ‘prostitute’ there own<br />
characters.<br />
Therefore, claims <strong>of</strong> success by the most victorious political party in the 2007 national<br />
elections were both hollow and a rhetorical farce. It is not the National Alliances party’s<br />
(NA) policies that got the candidate in rather the party candidates’ adequate endowment<br />
with ‘handout goods’, which ensured the party’s ultimate victory. ‘Shrewd distribution’<br />
was not in fact a fund management requirement as most NA candidates were excessively<br />
and recklessly supported. To the average Kiriwina-Goodenough voter, NA party was a<br />
mere name attached to a Michael Somare, Prime Minister <strong>of</strong> PNG, and thus remains<br />
insignificant. His one hour sojourn on the island <strong>of</strong> Kiriwina during the 2007 campaign<br />
period did little to impress the voters for such a well known name glued to an obviously<br />
weary face.<br />
The NA sponsored candidate for Kiriwina-Goodenough seat readily assumed the<br />
extravagant strategy with a modestly estimated spending <strong>of</strong> anything between a half and a<br />
million kina. 4 It was no surprise that the candidate had an unassailable lead with 3973<br />
votes after the count <strong>of</strong> the first preferences. This was further vindicated when the lead<br />
was surrendered at the last minute to the eventual winner who had surreptitiously<br />
garnered the secondary votes everywhere. The NA candidate’s, together with the sitting<br />
MP’s narrow-focused strategy in setting up lavish-feasting ‘support bases’ cost them the<br />
required secondary votes to come from elsewhere. The NA candidate would have won by<br />
a mile had the situation been that <strong>of</strong> the previous First Past the Post (FPP) method. 5 On<br />
the other hand, and regrettably, the 3973 votes was way below the required 50%+1<br />
absolute majority required for a victory considering the amount <strong>of</strong> wastage <strong>of</strong> funds and<br />
resources which might as well be used for better causes.<br />
Perhaps the most contemptuous aspect <strong>of</strong> PNG election process was to do with the<br />
unmediated and excessive influence on election rules and procedures by unscrupulous<br />
4