A Feminist Discourse Analysis of Sex 'Work' - of /courses - Victoria ...
A Feminist Discourse Analysis of Sex 'Work' - of /courses - Victoria ...
A Feminist Discourse Analysis of Sex 'Work' - of /courses - Victoria ...
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Ann WEATHERALL and Anna PRIESTLEY<br />
A <strong>Feminist</strong> <strong>Discourse</strong> <strong>Analysis</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>Sex</strong> ‘Work’<br />
The present research investigates how explanations for sex ‘work’, and constructions <strong>of</strong> it<br />
as a market exchange just like any other, function to reinforce and perpetuate the current<br />
shape <strong>of</strong> the sex industry in New Zealand. It also examines how key themes in feminist<br />
theories <strong>of</strong> sex work are used by participants to account for their experiences in the job.<br />
The data were from semi-structured interviews with 19 people who were working, or who<br />
had worked, in the sex industry. The sample was diverse in terms <strong>of</strong> gender and sexuality<br />
identifications. There was also diversity in the areas <strong>of</strong> sex work that had been experienced.<br />
The analysis takes a feminist discursive psychology approach that investigates the<br />
contradictions and dilemmas raised by different constructions <strong>of</strong> social objects. Insights<br />
that emerged from the analysis include that the construction <strong>of</strong> sex work as a service<br />
industry relies, in part, on the notion <strong>of</strong> an uncontrollable male sex drive; that the idea <strong>of</strong><br />
sex work as an ordinary market exchange both highlights and hides important features <strong>of</strong><br />
the sex industry; and that participants could account for both the violent and liberatory<br />
aspects <strong>of</strong> sex work that feature in feminist explanations.<br />
Key Words: discursive psychology, gender, ideology, metaphor, prostitution, sexuality<br />
SEX WORK IN NEW ZEALAND<br />
At present in New Zealand it is a criminal <strong>of</strong>fence to <strong>of</strong>fer sex in return for<br />
financial gain. However, it is not an <strong>of</strong>fence to accept money in exchange for<br />
sexual services and nor is it an <strong>of</strong>fence to <strong>of</strong>fer money in return for sexual services.<br />
Thus the law is seen as discriminating against the mainly female workers<br />
and favouring the predominantly male clientele. Despite the current criminality<br />
<strong>of</strong> many aspects <strong>of</strong> the sex industry such as brothel keeping, it is tolerated by<br />
many public institutions in New Zealand. For example, the police encourage sex<br />
workers to register with them for surveillance purposes. Also, the Inland Revenue<br />
Department (IRD) has been investigating plans to systematically tax all sex<br />
workers (Simpson, 1999). The blatant contradiction between the legal status <strong>of</strong>,<br />
Feminism & Psychology © 2001 SAGE (London, Thousand Oaks and New Delhi),<br />
Vol. 11(3): 323–340.<br />
[0959-3535(200108)11:3;323–340;018432]
324 Feminism & Psychology 11(3)<br />
and public service attitude towards, prostitution is seen as a contributing factor in<br />
the current push for legislation to decriminalize prostitution in New Zealand<br />
(White, 1998). A government report on public submissions to the Prostitution<br />
Reform Bill 2000 is due in May 2001.<br />
<strong>Sex</strong> work in New Zealand covers a wide range <strong>of</strong> activities including street<br />
work, ship work, parlour work, escort work, working independently, mistressing,<br />
peep show work, stripping, telephone work and topless dancing (Bell et al.,<br />
1998). An umbrella term that covers all aspects <strong>of</strong> sex work is the ‘sex industry’.<br />
For various reasons it is difficult to assess accurately the numbers working in the<br />
industry. However, it is likely that more than 10,000 people from a population <strong>of</strong><br />
3.8 million are involved in New Zealand’s sex industry, most being escort or<br />
parlour workers (Dayan and Healy, 1996; Woods, 1996). Furthermore, in comparison<br />
with the total population <strong>of</strong> New Zealand, it is estimated that women and<br />
people describing themselves as transgendered are over-represented as workers<br />
in the industry, whereas men are under-represented as workers but overrepresented<br />
as clients. The demographic pr<strong>of</strong>ile <strong>of</strong> workers relative to clients is<br />
taken as evidence <strong>of</strong> the secondary and marginalized social status <strong>of</strong> women and<br />
people from sexual minority groups.<br />
LIBERATORY APPROACHES<br />
<strong>Sex</strong> work is an area that has attracted substantial debate from a variety <strong>of</strong><br />
approaches. Views <strong>of</strong> prostitution as crime, disease, sin and perversity play a role<br />
in everyday understandings <strong>of</strong> sex work as well as in legal responses to it.<br />
However, in this article we wish to align ourselves with approaches that aim<br />
to be in some way feminist or liberatory. Unfortunately, even within what are<br />
broadly feminist approaches, there is little consensus about how to understand<br />
sex work and little agreement about the best course <strong>of</strong> action for improving the<br />
lives <strong>of</strong> people involved in sex work. Unlike much past work (for example,<br />
Jeffreys, 1995; Jordan, 1991), we resist a single, coherent definition <strong>of</strong> what sex<br />
work means. Rather, we aim to document how the different concerns raised by<br />
feminists about choice, work, violence and so on, are used in sex workers’<br />
accounts <strong>of</strong> their experiences. In doing this we want to highlight the multiple and<br />
contradictory meanings <strong>of</strong> sex work. By embracing rather than resisting multiple<br />
feminist perspectives we aim to show how different understandings <strong>of</strong> sex are<br />
used productively by participants to both endorse and resist the social, cultural<br />
and historical meanings that define the work they do.<br />
At the risk <strong>of</strong> polarizing different feminist approaches, they can be categorized<br />
as roughly falling into two camps. In one camp, the radical feminist and Marxist<br />
feminist approaches are against prostitution, viewing it as essentially wrong. The<br />
radical feminist perspective on sex work is that it is about coercion and sexual<br />
subordination. In this view all prostitution is deviant – an act <strong>of</strong> sexual violence;<br />
a form <strong>of</strong> abuse against women (see Jeffreys, 1995, 1997). The Marxist feminist
WEATHERALL and PRIESTLEY: A <strong>Feminist</strong> <strong>Discourse</strong> <strong>Analysis</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>Sex</strong> ‘Work’ 325<br />
perspective places more emphasis on the ‘work’ aspect <strong>of</strong> prostitution, viewing<br />
any exchange <strong>of</strong> services for money as an entrance into a relation <strong>of</strong> subordination.<br />
Thus sex work can be viewed as a specific instance <strong>of</strong> the more general<br />
exploitation <strong>of</strong> the worker (see Zatz, 1997).<br />
The liberal feminist and sex radical positions have a more positive message<br />
about prostitution. Liberal feminists argue that sex is a job, much like any other,<br />
and can be a form <strong>of</strong> self-determination for women. The autonomy and freedom<br />
reported as being felt by some sex workers are cited as one justification for<br />
promoting a more positive view <strong>of</strong> prostitution. This more palatable construction<br />
<strong>of</strong> sex work tends to be endorsed by prostitutes’ rights groups and is the one that<br />
is promoted by the New Zealand Prostitutes Collective (NZPC). Furthermore, a<br />
market exchange <strong>of</strong> sex for money is viewed by many prostitutes and their clients<br />
as morally superior to the ‘gift’ exchange <strong>of</strong> sex that is characteristic <strong>of</strong> romantic<br />
relationships (Prasad, 1999).<br />
The sex radical approach is also pro-prostitution. Critical <strong>of</strong> any form <strong>of</strong> social<br />
regulation that places restrictions on sexual activity, sex radicals view the sex<br />
industry as one <strong>of</strong> the few social arenas where non-normative sexual activities<br />
may be practised. In this view prostitutes are aligned with other marginalized<br />
sexual groups such as sado-masochists, fetishists and bisexuals. Furthermore, sex<br />
radicals argue that sex work is treated differently from other jobs only because <strong>of</strong><br />
the social constraints historically associated with sexual practices (see Zatz,<br />
1997). A sex industry that is about sexual exploration and experimentation rather<br />
than sexual exploitation is part <strong>of</strong> Califia’s (1994) vision <strong>of</strong> what ‘Whoring in<br />
Utopia’ might be like.<br />
Nagle (1997) argued that much feminist thinking and research on sex work is<br />
inadequate because it has ignored the personal experiences and opinions <strong>of</strong><br />
people involved in sex work. Following feminist standpoint theory (see Harding,<br />
1986), and consistent with a Marxist perspective, sex workers’ testimonies are<br />
crucially important because they have unique insights into what prostitution<br />
means as a result <strong>of</strong> their marginalized position in the dominant social moral<br />
order. Nevertheless, any general claims made by sex workers about prostitution<br />
have to be treated with caution, not least because <strong>of</strong> the heterogeneity <strong>of</strong> prostitutes<br />
and sex work. This study begins to address the criticism about feminist<br />
research failing to attend to sex workers’ reports <strong>of</strong> their experiences, by grounding<br />
our analysis in workers’ responses to our questions about the sex industry.<br />
However, the accounts are not taken simply at face value but are treated as discursive<br />
practices that constitute but may also contest what sex work means.<br />
Outside the context <strong>of</strong> sex work a diverse group <strong>of</strong> researchers, who can<br />
broadly be described as feminist discursive psychologists, have repeatedly documented<br />
dominant dis<strong>courses</strong> <strong>of</strong> sex and sexuality. Penile-vagina penetration, with<br />
ejaculation, within the context <strong>of</strong> active male desire and relative female passivity,<br />
is widely understood as what ‘real’ sex and ‘normal’ sexuality are (for example,<br />
Gavey, 1992; Gavey and McPhillips, 1999; Gavey et al., 1999; Gilfoyle et al.,<br />
1992; Hollway, 1984, 1989; Potts, 1998, 2000). It was expected that these domi-
326 Feminism & Psychology 11(3)<br />
nant dis<strong>courses</strong> <strong>of</strong> sex and sexuality would feature in participants’ accounts <strong>of</strong> sex<br />
work and the sex industry. Thus a novel aspect <strong>of</strong> this research is to show how<br />
dis<strong>courses</strong> <strong>of</strong> sex and sexuality, largely identified in accounts <strong>of</strong> sexual experiences<br />
in heterosexual romantic relationships, are also threads in a different cloth<br />
– the social construction <strong>of</strong> sex work.<br />
To summarize, the aims <strong>of</strong> the study are two-fold. One is to show how dis<strong>courses</strong><br />
<strong>of</strong> sex and sexuality, identified in different research contexts, are used by<br />
participants to constitute and contest various constructions <strong>of</strong> sex work. The other<br />
is to illustrate that, despite the contradictions between various feminist explanations<br />
<strong>of</strong> sex work, they are used flexibly and productively by sex workers to<br />
account for sex work and their experiences <strong>of</strong> it. By grounding our analysis in sex<br />
workers’ accounts we address the criticism that previous feminist work has<br />
ignored the views <strong>of</strong> people involved in the industry. However, explanations <strong>of</strong><br />
sex work are not taken as simple representations <strong>of</strong> what it is ‘really’ like. Rather,<br />
explanations are viewed as exposing the discursive resources available to interpret<br />
experiences <strong>of</strong> sex work and to stabilize and destabilize what sex work<br />
means.<br />
DATA AND ANALYTIC APPROACH<br />
The data for this study were semi-structured interviews between the second<br />
author, for her master’s dissertation, and each <strong>of</strong> 19 people with work experience<br />
in the sex industry (Priestley, 1999). There were 13 women, four men (Cal,<br />
Damo, Josh and Stud) and two self-identified transgendered people (Crystal and<br />
Tammy). The age <strong>of</strong> the participants ranged from 20 to 41 years old. The sample<br />
was representative <strong>of</strong> the range <strong>of</strong> service activities in the industry (see Woods,<br />
1996) and included three street workers, six parlour workers, 10 escort workers,<br />
two sado-masochistic workers and six people who worked independently. Note<br />
that some participants reported working in different areas <strong>of</strong> the sex industry at<br />
different stages, so the numbers <strong>of</strong> participants and the area <strong>of</strong> work differ.<br />
Each participant was recruited either from the Wellington branch <strong>of</strong> the NZPC<br />
or from an escort agency in Wellington. A further three participants were<br />
recruited through personal contacts. The interviews took place at the NZPC or<br />
the escort agency and in three cases at the participants’ homes. The interview<br />
questions covered a range <strong>of</strong> issues including the legal and social status <strong>of</strong> sex<br />
work, health and safety concerns, why there was a demand for sex workers’ services<br />
and issues about sexual identity and love relationships. Before the interview<br />
took place, each participant was informed that questions were merely a guide to<br />
prompt discussion and they were invited to raise any issues that they felt were<br />
significant. Furthermore, each participant was asked to use a pseudonym to<br />
ensure confidentiality. The relatively informal nature <strong>of</strong> the interview questions,<br />
combined with assurances about confidentiality, helped to establish good rapport<br />
in the interviews.
WEATHERALL and PRIESTLEY: A <strong>Feminist</strong> <strong>Discourse</strong> <strong>Analysis</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>Sex</strong> ‘Work’ 327<br />
Two related analytic concepts from discursive psychology were used to guide<br />
the analysis. These were practical ideologies and ideological dilemmas (Potter<br />
and Wetherell, 1987; Wetherell, 1998; Wetherell and Potter, 1992). Practical<br />
ideologies are ‘fragmentary complexes <strong>of</strong> notions, norms and models which<br />
guide conduct and allow for its justification and rationalization’ (Wetherell et al.,<br />
1987: 60). The second analytic concept was ideological dilemmas, which refers<br />
to the contradictory beliefs and ideas that constitute our common-sense understanding<br />
<strong>of</strong> the world. Dilemmas are ideological because the beliefs and ideas<br />
emerge from social, political and historical contexts (see Billig et al., 1988).<br />
The first aspect <strong>of</strong> the analysis presented in this article was an examination <strong>of</strong><br />
the practical ideologies used to justify and rationalize the sex industry. The aim<br />
was to identify the kinds <strong>of</strong> common-sense notions and norms that were invoked<br />
to explain the demand for sex workers as well as the demographic pr<strong>of</strong>ile <strong>of</strong> the<br />
industry. It was expected that dis<strong>courses</strong> <strong>of</strong> sex and sexuality, identified in previous<br />
research, would form part <strong>of</strong> the practical ideologies used to explain sex<br />
work. We were particularly interested in considering how different explanations<br />
could be understood as reinforcing (or challenging) the industry’s marginalized<br />
status, as well as recreating in the industry the wider patterns <strong>of</strong> gender and<br />
sexual inequalities.<br />
The notion <strong>of</strong> sex ‘work’ as a legitimate commercial enterprise is one that is<br />
being promoted by the NZPC. The idea <strong>of</strong> sex work as a job like any other is a<br />
practical ideology used to explain the sex industry. An aspect <strong>of</strong> the analysis was<br />
to examine the linguistic elements that support the metaphor <strong>of</strong> prostitution as sex<br />
work. The analysis involved a careful listening to and reading <strong>of</strong> the data, noting<br />
the terms, descriptions and figures <strong>of</strong> speech used to refer to aspects <strong>of</strong> sex work.<br />
An aspect <strong>of</strong> metaphors is that they highlight some aspects <strong>of</strong> experiences while<br />
disguising others (see Weatherall and Walton, 1999). The aspects <strong>of</strong> sex work<br />
that are highlighted and hidden by its construction as a legitimate commercial<br />
enterprise will be considered.<br />
As mentioned in the introduction, contradictions arise between the various<br />
feminist explanations <strong>of</strong> sex work. The contradictions can be understood as an<br />
ideological dilemma and in this study they were treated as an analytic resource<br />
for examining how the themes <strong>of</strong> feminist approaches (that is, choice, work, violence<br />
and so on) were mobilized in sex workers’ descriptions <strong>of</strong> their experiences.<br />
We were particularly interested in participants’ descriptions <strong>of</strong> being in or out <strong>of</strong><br />
control, as issues <strong>of</strong> agency and sexual objectification are key points <strong>of</strong> tension<br />
between anti- and pro-prostitution positions.<br />
ANALYSIS<br />
Accounting for <strong>Sex</strong> Work<br />
Participants explained the existence <strong>of</strong> the sex industry in a variety <strong>of</strong> ways. An<br />
assumption underlying those explanations was that there was a need or, using
328 Feminism & Psychology 11(3)<br />
economic terms, a demand for sex services. What has been labelled the ‘male sex<br />
drive’ discourse (for example, Gilfoyle et al., 1992; Hollway, 1984, 1989) was<br />
one <strong>of</strong> the reasons <strong>of</strong>fered for the ‘demand’ for sex workers. Extracts 1 and 2 are<br />
examples where biological and evolutionary arguments <strong>of</strong> gender difference were<br />
used to explain men’s sexual ‘overdrive’.<br />
Extract 1<br />
Brooke: (Anna: have you thought about why there is a demand for sex work) yes I<br />
have and this is what I think ok (Anna: yip yip) men and women are very<br />
different and ah I think at the beginning <strong>of</strong> time even back in the cave man<br />
days they’re programmed to you know spread their sex . . . testosterone um<br />
(.) they like variety (.) they’re visually stimulated um they’re more um able<br />
to separate themselves emotionally I think than women . . . it’s very convenient<br />
for the gentleman who has a lovely wife and lovely kids (Anna: mm)<br />
but yet has the urge to do what he’s programmed to do for thousands <strong>of</strong> years<br />
and that is spread it round (..) you know um have the variety . . . (Anna: so<br />
you’re talking like it’s a biological thing) yeah yeah<br />
Extract 2<br />
Crystal: no I don’t know what it is that makes them want to but like when they’re<br />
asleep their dicks are up and down all the time you know I think it is something<br />
that is built in like a nature thing (Anna: right) to make sure there’s<br />
always people on this planet men have got an overdrive that’s always to have<br />
sex (.) to plant seeds<br />
Extract 3 is an example <strong>of</strong> a socio-cultural explanation for sex work.<br />
Extract 3<br />
Rose: I don’t know it just seems to be part <strong>of</strong> the male culture as well (Anna: yeah)<br />
people get taken they go in groups after meeting sometimes and their uncle<br />
gives them money for the first time and stuff like that (.) it really seems to be<br />
an acceptable part <strong>of</strong> the culture.<br />
Sophie, in Extract 4, also suggested socio-cultural forces creating the demand<br />
for sex work. The use <strong>of</strong> the psychoanalytic term ‘libido’, her reference to a<br />
specific age group and use <strong>of</strong> reported speech all contribute to the persuasiveness<br />
<strong>of</strong> Sophie’s explanation.<br />
Extract 4<br />
Sophie: I think it is um I personally think it’s a man’s personal libido but I also agree<br />
that the younger men from 18 up to 25 26 the peer pressure oh I scored such<br />
and such last night you know I mean I’ve heard it at pubs before ‘oh I was<br />
rooting her the other day’<br />
Men’s ‘need’ for sex, when not mentioned explicitly, was implicitly assumed<br />
in explanations for the sex industry. <strong>Sex</strong> work was constructed as providing a
WEATHERALL and PRIESTLEY: A <strong>Feminist</strong> <strong>Discourse</strong> <strong>Analysis</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>Sex</strong> ‘Work’ 329<br />
safe, convenient and cheap ‘outlet’ for men to ‘relieve’ themselves. Extracts 5, 6<br />
and 7 were good examples <strong>of</strong> where sex work is constructed as providing an<br />
appropriate release for men’s (presumed) need to have sex.<br />
Extract 5<br />
Laura: yeah oh if I was married and I was like that if I didn’t want to have sex with<br />
my husband I would far prefer him to come to an agency . . . than to have him<br />
(Stacey: relieve himself somewhere else) having an affair with someone in<br />
the <strong>of</strong>fice you know it’s so much more safer<br />
Extract 6<br />
Cal: for some people sex workers are their only outlet (.) for some married men<br />
male sex workers are their only outlet for sex with another man um for some<br />
gay men having sex with a sex worker is convenient because there is not<br />
commitment (.) no ties or anything like that<br />
Extract 7<br />
Damo: if you want to look at it from a cold hard economic viewpoint if you want to<br />
do a cost benefit analysis in hiring me then it works out because um (.) they<br />
could go out and find sex and they could you know spend however much<br />
time it takes and what they get may not be exactly what they want and you<br />
know<br />
In some instances sex work was constructed as more than just a personal<br />
service, catering to individual men. It was also constructed as a social service –<br />
making society a better place for people to live in. Examples <strong>of</strong> sex work being<br />
constructed as a social service were Extract 8, where Emma described catering<br />
for clients with special needs, and Extract 9, where sex work was described as<br />
preventing crime.<br />
Extract 8<br />
Emma: a couple <strong>of</strong> workers from the . . . home where the disabled people are . . . um<br />
recognise that there was a real need that basically these people still had their<br />
sexuality and no outlet . . . and so I went through with him [the disabled client]<br />
in the room with him and did what I could<br />
Extract 9<br />
Josh: well there are a lot <strong>of</strong> people that wouldn’t be able to get laid without<br />
prostitutes (Anna: yip so you think that it helps people to get sex). Absolutely<br />
I think that if there were no prostitutes there’d be a lot more rape (..) a lot<br />
more sex crimes<br />
Whether it be biological or social in origin, the construction <strong>of</strong> men’s desire to<br />
have sex as an ‘overdrive’ or a ‘need’ supports, and is supported by, an understanding<br />
<strong>of</strong> sex work as catering for ‘male sexuality’. In the interviews, the<br />
industry was predominantly constructed as providing a safe, legitimate and cheap
330 Feminism & Psychology 11(3)<br />
outlet for the male sex drive. It was also constructed as providing an important<br />
social service, catering for men who are lonely or have a disability.<br />
One kind <strong>of</strong> explanation that did not seem so dependent on the assumption <strong>of</strong><br />
a male sex drive was that the sex industry provided an avenue for clients (in our<br />
data set they were all men) to explore their sexuality. The idea that the sex work<br />
industry provides one <strong>of</strong> the few arenas for sexual experimentation is consistent<br />
with aspects <strong>of</strong> the sex radical approach. Extracts 10 and 11 are examples <strong>of</strong> this.<br />
Extract 10<br />
Jo:<br />
Extract 11<br />
Stud:<br />
and you get some gentlemen who are quite a bit older (.) haven’t experimented<br />
like they’ve been with the same partner for most <strong>of</strong> their life and<br />
there’s things that are quite common in other people’s sexual relationships<br />
like they’ve never tried like oral sex<br />
I think why there’s a huge demand for gay male escorts is it is an avenue<br />
for a large quantity <strong>of</strong> men that are closeted (Anna: yip yip) to have<br />
sexual arousement for somebody that they really want to have and that is<br />
one <strong>of</strong> the things about the job I must admit to it just makes me so sad<br />
(Anna: mm) because you have these you know you get these guys who<br />
are wearing wedding rings and a lot <strong>of</strong> them tell to you about their<br />
married life and their kids and stuff<br />
The analysis so far has established that male sexuality was a dominant theme<br />
in explanations for sex work. Male sexuality was also used to explain the relative<br />
lack <strong>of</strong> women as clients in the sex industry. Extract 12 is one example from<br />
several instances where women were constructed as not needing sex services<br />
because they can get sex for free:<br />
Extract 12<br />
Samantha:<br />
I think really because men are such dogs in general that any woman no<br />
matter what she looks like could go out and get sex if she felt like it I mean<br />
men are very obliging in that way (Anna: mm) that women don’t need to<br />
use the services <strong>of</strong> prostitutes because sex is available wherever they want<br />
it<br />
In some explanations <strong>of</strong> the relative lack <strong>of</strong> women clients women were<br />
constructed as not wanting the kind <strong>of</strong> depersonalized sex that the sex industry<br />
<strong>of</strong>fered. This construction recycles and reinforces stereotyped notions <strong>of</strong><br />
women’s sexuality as being passive and based on emotional needs rather than<br />
physical ones. An aspect <strong>of</strong> the radical feminist argument against prostitution is<br />
that it supports the idea that ‘normal’ women want commitment and ‘bad’ or<br />
‘mad’ women want sex. In Extract 13 Cal invoked the expertise <strong>of</strong> ‘books’ to<br />
argue that women want sex with commitment – not the kind <strong>of</strong> sex available for<br />
sale. Crystal, in Extract 14, also invokes gender differences in sexuality to explain<br />
the lack <strong>of</strong> women clients.
WEATHERALL and PRIESTLEY: A <strong>Feminist</strong> <strong>Discourse</strong> <strong>Analysis</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>Sex</strong> ‘Work’ 331<br />
Extract 13<br />
Cal:<br />
I don’t really know there are a lot <strong>of</strong> things about male sexuality that are<br />
vastly different from female sexuality um depending on the books that you<br />
read they say that women like to have commitment<br />
Extract 14<br />
Crystal: I think men want more sex than women (.) women want better sex<br />
Women as clients, while not the norm, were not unheard <strong>of</strong>. Explanations <strong>of</strong><br />
this did seem to assume a need for sex. For example, Toni in Extract 15 refers to<br />
the possibility <strong>of</strong> corporate women’s use <strong>of</strong> sex services for convenience:<br />
Extract 15<br />
Toni: I think there is a quite small (.) I think there is um a lot <strong>of</strong> corporate women<br />
who haven’t got the time or the energy or whatever um who might just ring<br />
up an agency and want to spend the night with someone I know very little<br />
about it<br />
The existence or possibility <strong>of</strong> a lesbian niche in the sex work industry was<br />
only alluded to in two <strong>of</strong> the interviews – once in reference to it being a feature<br />
<strong>of</strong> the more diverse sex industries found overseas. The other reference was to a<br />
woman worker whom one <strong>of</strong> our participants referred to hearing <strong>of</strong>, who only<br />
catered for woman clients.<br />
In summary, the explanations for the existence <strong>of</strong> sex work largely recycled<br />
stereotyped ideas about men’s and women’s sexuality. The one description that<br />
was arguably least dependent on everyday beliefs about sexuality was the idea<br />
endorsed by a sex radical approach that sex work provides an arena for sexual<br />
experimentation.<br />
<strong>Sex</strong> ‘Work’ as a Market Exchange<br />
A definitive aspect <strong>of</strong> prostitution is the exchange <strong>of</strong> money for a sexual service.<br />
In at least that single respect it can be considered as a market exchange –<br />
an exchange <strong>of</strong> goods or services for money. Of course, sex work is not just<br />
about an economic transaction. Nevertheless, the structural similarities between<br />
prostitution and other kinds <strong>of</strong> market exchanges makes it a compelling metaphorical<br />
framework for understanding what sex work is. <strong>Sex</strong> work was constructed<br />
as a market exchange by the rich vocabulary used to refer to it. For<br />
example, it was described as a ‘pr<strong>of</strong>ession’. Within the pr<strong>of</strong>ession there were<br />
various roles including managers, workers and clients who were referred to by a<br />
wide range <strong>of</strong> jargon terms: bosses were ‘pimps’ or ‘madams’; prostitutes were<br />
‘hookers’, ‘workers’ and ‘whores’; customers were referred to as ‘johns’, ‘dicks’<br />
and ‘kingpins’. There were terms for the goods and services exchanged in the<br />
market including ‘hand job’, ‘blow job’ and ‘full sex’. There were also terms<br />
for what were considered speciality or niche services such as ‘bondage and dis-
332 Feminism & Psychology 11(3)<br />
cipline’, ‘golden shower’ and ‘bareback’. Furthermore there was an established<br />
tariff that may be charged by time or by service. In the case <strong>of</strong> street work it was<br />
‘$60 for a hand job, $80 for a blow job and $100 for full sex’. Competition in the<br />
industry was referred to as ‘undercutting’ and ‘hustling’. In addition there were<br />
terms for illicit activities; ‘rolling’ (stealing clients’ money) and ‘pinging’ (blackmailing).<br />
The linguistic elements just described show that the discourse <strong>of</strong> prostitution<br />
as ‘work’ is successful because <strong>of</strong> the similarities between the exchange <strong>of</strong><br />
money for sex and other market exchanges. A feature <strong>of</strong> metaphors is that the<br />
mapping between the target domains (in this case sex work) and source domains<br />
(in this case a market exchange) necessarily highlights certain concepts while<br />
hiding others. The feature <strong>of</strong> sex work that the market exchange metaphor highlights<br />
is the payment <strong>of</strong> a fee in exchange for attending to another’s (sexual)<br />
desire. Underlying the market metaphor is an assumption that the exchange is<br />
entered into freely and willingly. That is, the worker is assumed to be an independent,<br />
active agent who chooses to enter into various contracts involving<br />
the exchange <strong>of</strong> sexual favours for money. The assumptions about autonomous<br />
individuals and free choice mean that strong parallels exist between the market<br />
exchange metaphor <strong>of</strong> sex work and liberal feminist understandings <strong>of</strong> it, which<br />
share assumptions <strong>of</strong> individual autonomy and choice.<br />
The aspects <strong>of</strong> sex work that are hidden by the market exchange metaphor<br />
include the broader economic and social influences shaping the significance and<br />
gendered structure <strong>of</strong> the industry. Thus issues around power and sexual practices<br />
are concealed. For example, an assumption <strong>of</strong> the market exchange metaphor is<br />
that the work contract is entered into freely, yet 16 <strong>of</strong> our 19 participants cited<br />
desperation for money as their primary reason for entering into sex work. Thus<br />
most <strong>of</strong> our sample, and all <strong>of</strong> the women, opted for sex work within a very<br />
limited context <strong>of</strong> choice. Only three participants (two men and one transgender)<br />
provided explanations <strong>of</strong> their involvement that implied ‘free’ choice – that<br />
is, they had other viable job options. In these latter cases a celebration and/or<br />
exploration <strong>of</strong> sexual identity was an important factor in that choice – an aspect<br />
<strong>of</strong> sex work that is promoted by the sex radical approach but hidden by the<br />
market exchange metaphor.<br />
The objectification, violence and exploitation experienced by many sex<br />
workers are other aspects <strong>of</strong> the industry that are not highlighted by the pervasive<br />
linguistic construction <strong>of</strong> sex work as a legitimate market exchange. An aspect <strong>of</strong><br />
sex work that is veiled by the market metaphor is that it is paradigmatically<br />
straight women (but also lesbians, gay men and transgendered individuals)<br />
selling to mainly ‘straight’ men. Furthermore, the market exchange metaphor<br />
highlights sex work as being about money; however, it hides the fact that sex<br />
work, particularly parlour work, is not really a very lucrative form <strong>of</strong> employment.<br />
Simpson (1999) reported that levels <strong>of</strong> income for most sex workers have<br />
been estimated to be well below the average wage in New Zealand.
WEATHERALL and PRIESTLEY: A <strong>Feminist</strong> <strong>Discourse</strong> <strong>Analysis</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>Sex</strong> ‘Work’ 333<br />
What Is for Sale?<br />
The market exchange metaphor promoted by liberal approaches to sex work begs<br />
the question <strong>of</strong> what exactly is for sale? <strong>Sex</strong> is the obvious answer. An interesting<br />
aspect <strong>of</strong> the market exchange metaphor was that it <strong>of</strong>fered constructions <strong>of</strong><br />
sex other than the dominant one <strong>of</strong> penile-vagina penetration. As mentioned in<br />
the introduction, considerable amounts <strong>of</strong> feminist research have examined how<br />
meanings <strong>of</strong> ‘having sex’ are socially constructed in ways that endorse heteropatriarchy.<br />
However, there has been relatively little published research on what<br />
sex means outside the normative context <strong>of</strong> heterosexual relationships. We would<br />
like to suggest that the sex industry is a valuable context for investigating<br />
how different meanings <strong>of</strong> sex are locally occasioned for different interactional<br />
purposes.<br />
The discursive construction <strong>of</strong> sex is not a focus <strong>of</strong> this article. Nevertheless,<br />
we would like to briefly mention the rich variety <strong>of</strong> constructions <strong>of</strong> sex that<br />
did emerge from the interviews. For example, some participants described<br />
how clients promoted constructions <strong>of</strong> sex that allowed them to excuse their<br />
infidelity. There was one report <strong>of</strong> a client who would only have intercourse<br />
standing up because ‘real’ sex was done lying down; thus he wasn’t being<br />
unfaithful to his wife. The participants themselves tended to construct ‘real’ sex<br />
as intimacy (for example, kissing, not using condoms). In this way they differentiated<br />
the ‘real’ sex they had with their romantic partners from the ‘pretend’ sex<br />
they had with their clients. Despite the various meanings <strong>of</strong> sex that were transparent<br />
from the interviews, the common-sense understanding <strong>of</strong> penile-vagina<br />
penetration as the ‘ultimate’ form <strong>of</strong> sex was reflected in, and recycled in, the<br />
pricing structure <strong>of</strong> street work. As noted in the previous section, ‘full’ sex costs<br />
the most.<br />
Power and Agency<br />
In the interviews participants were asked questions about safety concerns. A<br />
theme that emerged from their responses related to the issues <strong>of</strong> agency, power<br />
and control. Potential agents <strong>of</strong> power included the bosses/pimps, the customers/<br />
johns and themselves. Two contradictory descriptions <strong>of</strong> power emerged from the<br />
responses. These paralleled the radical feminist and liberal feminist explanations<br />
<strong>of</strong> sex work. One set <strong>of</strong> accounts positioned the sex worker as passive and<br />
powerless in an arrangement that was predominantly controlled by clients and<br />
their pimps. In contrast, another set <strong>of</strong> accounts constructed the sex workers as<br />
agentic and in control <strong>of</strong> their choices. Note that these different accounts were not<br />
associated with different speakers but were sometimes used by the same speaker<br />
in response to different questions. Thus in an interview a participant could report,<br />
at different points, that sex work involved free choice and that it meant being<br />
passive and powerless.<br />
We found that when participants discussed feeling in control they did so by
334 Feminism & Psychology 11(3)<br />
constructing themselves as providing a service in a context where they made<br />
the rules. However, when participants discussed violence and exploitation they<br />
tended to position themselves more passively as the objects for sale. It is important<br />
to note that from a discursive perspective, reports <strong>of</strong> feeling powerful or<br />
powerless should not be taken as evidence that sex workers really are powerful<br />
or powerless. Similarly, descriptions <strong>of</strong> exploitation or <strong>of</strong> violence should not be<br />
taken as representing what sex work really means. Rather than interpreting<br />
descriptions as straightforward accounts <strong>of</strong> a cognitive or social reality, a discursive<br />
approach takes descriptions as showing the linguistic and common-sense<br />
resources used to make sense <strong>of</strong> experiences in ways that are accountable – that<br />
is, in ways that are generally accepted as reasonable and rational.<br />
Exploitation: Positioning the Worker as an Object for Sale<br />
In Extract 16 Brooke refers to instances when clients treat her not as a person with<br />
feelings but as just a body ‘like an object’ that they have bought. Brooke infers<br />
that clients feel entitled to do what they like with their purchase.<br />
Extract 16<br />
Brooke: but then sometimes the men [clients] can treat you quite like an object that<br />
they’ve just bought . . . yeah well I’ve paid for it baby type <strong>of</strong> thing<br />
Fear <strong>of</strong> violence and being exploited were dominant themes in accounts where<br />
the workers were described as being treated like objects for sale. In these extracts<br />
the sex worker is constructed as a body that has been bought – a piece <strong>of</strong><br />
merchandise that can be used and abused. It is precisely these themes that are<br />
central concerns in the radical feminist position on prostitution. Extract 17 is one<br />
example <strong>of</strong> the danger <strong>of</strong> being a street worker – you can be literally up for grabs.<br />
Extract 17<br />
Kelly: there were guys (.) like gang members wanting to grab a girl basically and<br />
yeah they’d been in town for a week and everybody knew to be careful (.)<br />
watch yourself . . . yeah they’d be known to like grab girls and throw them<br />
in the back and there would be like four or five <strong>of</strong> them in the car<br />
In Extract 18, Emma reported a dilemma that she felt between passively accepting<br />
her position as sex object versus actively asserting her role as a service provider<br />
with a set <strong>of</strong> regulations (which presumably included that the client does not<br />
inflict pain). A poignant aspect <strong>of</strong> this account is that the benefits <strong>of</strong> being treated<br />
as just a body outweighed the cost <strong>of</strong> reminding the client <strong>of</strong> her personhood.<br />
Extract 18<br />
Emma: (Anna: right you said that you have put up with physical abuse) that biting<br />
thing (.) you know being pushed a bit too hard basically in a sexual sense but
WEATHERALL and PRIESTLEY: A <strong>Feminist</strong> <strong>Discourse</strong> <strong>Analysis</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>Sex</strong> ‘Work’ 335<br />
they’re doing it a bit too hard (Anna: yeah) they’re hurting or whatever (..)<br />
you just grit your teeth and hope that they get <strong>of</strong>f really fast rather than<br />
stopping them because that’s going to take them longer isn’t it (Anna: oh ok<br />
things like that) yeah you’re trading <strong>of</strong>f (.) you might (.) oh an example might<br />
be you’re doing doggy style with somebody and they’re really pounding into<br />
you really hard but um and it it’s in my head I could say look do it a bit<br />
gentler and sometimes I do but <strong>of</strong>ten I’ll just change body positions just lean<br />
forward a bit or try and ease the blow<br />
Rachel’s experience <strong>of</strong> a job interview for parlour work is described in Extract<br />
19. She described how the boss made her feel objectified and humiliated. Here it<br />
seemed to us that the ‘boss’ has positioned Rachel as a piece <strong>of</strong> merchandise,<br />
nothing more than a body, that he is entitled to have a free sample <strong>of</strong>.<br />
Extract 19<br />
Rachel: and I went into his <strong>of</strong>fice and he made me strip . . . so I took my clothes <strong>of</strong>f<br />
and it was just humiliating (Anna: why did he do that?) just to see what sort<br />
<strong>of</strong> body I had and he made me do a twirl . . . I was eighteen (.) I was stunned<br />
(Anna: eighteen) um he was sitting back in his desk and he sort <strong>of</strong> like went<br />
like this (. . .) he sat back like this and unzipped his pants and said do you<br />
give good head<br />
Extract 20 is one <strong>of</strong> numerous examples where clients were described as not<br />
respecting the rules or boundaries set up by the worker. This disrespect by clients<br />
helps constitute the sex worker as no more than a body that has been purchased.<br />
When a service is being sold clients would generally respect the conditions <strong>of</strong> the<br />
service provider. However, if the worker is viewed as an object for sale, a piece<br />
<strong>of</strong> merchandise, then rules and boundaries are irrelevant.<br />
Extract 20<br />
Brooke: and a lot <strong>of</strong> the guys they know they know who they can try it on with and<br />
they do try it on with you . . . like you know (.) touching inappropriately<br />
maybe or (..) kissing which if you want to kiss them that’s fine but if they’re<br />
people you really don’t want to kiss them and you know (.) and I didn’t know<br />
that in the beginning so I put up with a hell <strong>of</strong> a lot <strong>of</strong> crap<br />
<strong>Sex</strong> Workers as Self-Determining Service Providers<br />
In contrast to Extracts 16–20, where sex workers were positioned as objects for<br />
sale, participants also constructed themselves as autonomous agents. In these<br />
contexts, where the talk was about setting and enforcing rules and about making<br />
choices, the liberal feminist position is supported. Extracts 21, 22 and 23 are<br />
examples <strong>of</strong> participants who described themselves as having the upper hand<br />
because <strong>of</strong> the service they provided.
336 Feminism & Psychology 11(3)<br />
Extract 21<br />
Rachel:<br />
Extract 22<br />
Toni:<br />
but the man’s coming (.) paying (.) pardon the pun he’s coming for a<br />
service he’s paying so he’s the victim (..) so he’s the loser that can’t get<br />
sex so he has to go to the person that’s providing it<br />
’cause I think if you’re a good worker and you’ve got your head screwed<br />
on you always remember that you’re the one in control (Anna: right<br />
right) and they’re the one that are paying for it<br />
In Extracts 23–26 the accounts <strong>of</strong> workers as being free agents in the<br />
transaction <strong>of</strong> sex for money are made persuasive by specific examples <strong>of</strong> rulemaking<br />
or refusing services to clients.<br />
Extract 23<br />
Rose:<br />
Extract 24<br />
Kelly:<br />
Extract 25<br />
Sophie:<br />
Extract 26<br />
Samantha:<br />
and he wanted extras and I said no I don’t do them and that was really<br />
empowering (Anna: yeah) to just every now and then say fuck you<br />
yeah I’d always felt comfortable enough to refuse (.) that was my right<br />
um basically I have rules (.) once I am in the bedroom area with the man<br />
um I let them know (.) I don’t sit there and sternly tell them I let them<br />
know that we don’t kiss ok um I’m very strict on that if they come near<br />
my lips they get a warning<br />
um kissing is just out (.) this business <strong>of</strong> sticking their fingers inside your<br />
mick was a no no as well<br />
In many <strong>of</strong> the descriptions that constructed workers as having power and<br />
being in control there was a tension. That tension was that there seemed to be a<br />
simultaneous acknowledgement <strong>of</strong> the possibility <strong>of</strong> objectification while being<br />
in control but a denial <strong>of</strong> that being personally significant. Here, the central theme<br />
<strong>of</strong> the Marxist position surfaces, where the entrance into the market exchange<br />
simultaneously is making you vulnerable to exploitation. Extract 27 is one<br />
example <strong>of</strong> how the construction <strong>of</strong> sex worker as a service provider functions, in<br />
part, to resist the possibility <strong>of</strong> their being constructed in less autonomous ways.<br />
Extract 27<br />
Rachel:<br />
I don’t believe that the sex worker’s the victim just for the fact that she<br />
tells the client what to do (..) he is coming to her and he is paying her for<br />
a service and she has limits and boundaries (.) so how can she be the<br />
victim
WEATHERALL and PRIESTLEY: A <strong>Feminist</strong> <strong>Discourse</strong> <strong>Analysis</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>Sex</strong> ‘Work’ 337<br />
The tension also exists in Extract 28 where Kelly invokes a kind <strong>of</strong> radical<br />
feminist argument when she suggests that ‘all women’ are ‘victims’. In contrast,<br />
Kelly as a sex worker has control.<br />
Extract 28<br />
Kelly: well you know (..) I think to me all women in all walks <strong>of</strong> life are<br />
victims in one way or another you know throughout their lifestyles (Anna:<br />
yeah) whatever but ultimately (.) um being a sex worker I’ve never felt like a<br />
victim I’ve felt more in control <strong>of</strong> my life than I ever did before<br />
CONCLUDING COMMENTS<br />
One <strong>of</strong> the aims <strong>of</strong> this study was to examine whether the dis<strong>courses</strong> used<br />
to account for sex work supported or contested the gendered status quo. The<br />
explanations <strong>of</strong>fered by our participants mostly depended on the explicit or<br />
implicit assumption <strong>of</strong> male sexuality as a kind <strong>of</strong> drive or urge that needs to be<br />
released. So, servicing male sexuality was widely invoked as a reason for the<br />
industry. The male sex drive discourse was also used to explain the lack <strong>of</strong><br />
women clients because it was assumed that there would be men willing to have<br />
sex with them for free. Thus the male sex drive discourse, identified in previous<br />
feminist analyses <strong>of</strong> sex and sexuality in heterosexual encounters, was used in<br />
this case to justify and rationalize the gendered and sexual hierarchy <strong>of</strong> sex work.<br />
The issue <strong>of</strong> female sexuality was referred to rarely in the interviews and only<br />
as one kind <strong>of</strong> response to the question <strong>of</strong> why there aren’t more women clients.<br />
A construction <strong>of</strong> female sexuality as being a desire for intimacy and for commitment<br />
functioned as a practical ideology to justify why there is no demand for<br />
servicing women’s sexual desires. One <strong>of</strong> the few explanations that addressed<br />
the existence <strong>of</strong> women clients involved the convenience aspect <strong>of</strong> buying sex<br />
services. One participant suggested that corporate women may benefit from the<br />
trouble-free aspect <strong>of</strong> sex purchased from a sex worker. The assumptions about<br />
sexuality used to rationalize the sex industry justify the radical feminist concern<br />
that sex work is about the sexual subordination <strong>of</strong> women.<br />
A further explanation <strong>of</strong> sex work that didn’t seem to rely so heavily on the<br />
assumption <strong>of</strong> an active male sexuality and a passive female one was the construction<br />
<strong>of</strong> the sex industry as an opportunity for sexual exploration. Participants<br />
in our study only alluded to men who used sex workers in this way. However, it<br />
doesn’t seem too far-fetched to imagine that women may desire a safe context to<br />
explore aspects <strong>of</strong> their sexuality. Indeed, one <strong>of</strong> the characters in Ensler’s (1998)<br />
The Vagina Monologues was a sex worker who had a lucrative and fulfilling<br />
career helping women get in touch with their vaginas (also see Braun, 1999).<br />
The idea <strong>of</strong> using the sex industry as a sexual adventure playground has some<br />
parallels with the permissive discourse <strong>of</strong> sexual practice that promotes a nonmonogamous<br />
celebration <strong>of</strong> sexuality (Hollway, 1984; 1989).
338 Feminism & Psychology 11(3)<br />
The pervasive construction <strong>of</strong> sex work as a legitimate market exchange was<br />
achieved, in part, by the jargon associated with the sex–money exchange that<br />
corresponded to everyday market exchange terminology. Thus prostitution as sex<br />
‘work’ can be understood as a powerful discourse or metaphor. An important<br />
aspect <strong>of</strong> metaphor is that it highlights some features <strong>of</strong> an object or experience<br />
while hiding others (Weatherall and Walton, 1999). The market exchange metaphor<br />
<strong>of</strong> prostitution highlighted the kinds <strong>of</strong> themes associated with a liberal<br />
feminist approach; that it is a contract entered into freely. However, it hides the<br />
economic desperation leading many into sex work as well as the vulnerability to<br />
exploitation that many aspects <strong>of</strong> sex work engender.<br />
We (the authors) think it is worth noting a conundrum <strong>of</strong> the current position<br />
<strong>of</strong> the NZPC as a liberatory approach. On the one hand, endorsing the decriminalization<br />
<strong>of</strong> sex work has the potential to help protect sex workers, by lifting the<br />
secrecy that functions to condone rape and other forms <strong>of</strong> violence against sex<br />
workers. So the promotion <strong>of</strong> sex work as a legitimate market exchange may help<br />
protect workers and ensure a fair wage. However, any legislation to control that<br />
market may actually transform sex work into something that workers have less<br />
control over. Furthermore, legitimating sex work may have, from a feminist<br />
perspective, the less desirable effect <strong>of</strong> encouraging more women who are<br />
economically desperate to become sex workers. It seems, then, that the NZPC<br />
strategy will achieve a truly liberatory outcome only if it is supported by a more<br />
equitable economic climate where women are able to support themselves and<br />
their dependants. Until sex work is just one choice among many for people, it<br />
seems likely that no form <strong>of</strong> legislation will totally eradicate the exploitation <strong>of</strong><br />
sex workers.<br />
An important difference between the radical and liberal feminist accounts <strong>of</strong><br />
sex work is the different emphasis they place on the exploitative versus liberatory<br />
aspects <strong>of</strong> prostitution respectively. Instead <strong>of</strong> treating these alternative versions<br />
as competing definitions <strong>of</strong> what sex work means, our analysis examined the<br />
discursive articulation <strong>of</strong> abuse and freedom in participants’ accounts. We<br />
found that in accounts where participants discussed being in control they were<br />
positioned as powerful and agentic. In contrast, descriptions <strong>of</strong> exploitation and<br />
violence tended to construct the subject in a powerless position. Thus there were<br />
similarities between feminist theoretical accounts <strong>of</strong> sex work and the ones the<br />
participants gave. However, the functions <strong>of</strong> the two sets <strong>of</strong> accounts differ. The<br />
feminist frameworks are used as arguments for or against sex work, whereas the<br />
participants were constructing themselves and their experiences as reasonable<br />
and rational. This kind <strong>of</strong> discursive approach is useful because it resists making<br />
general claims about what sex work is and what sex workers like. Instead we have<br />
shown how multiple and contradictory views function to reproduce and sometimes<br />
challenge dominant understandings <strong>of</strong> sex and prostitution.
WEATHERALL and PRIESTLEY: A <strong>Feminist</strong> <strong>Discourse</strong> <strong>Analysis</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>Sex</strong> ‘Work’ 339<br />
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS<br />
We would like to acknowledge and express our appreciation <strong>of</strong> the New Zealand<br />
Prostitutes Collective (NZPC) and the escort agency who helped us recruit participants.<br />
We would also like to thank the participants themselves for their time and thoughtful<br />
responses in the interviews. Thanks also to John Haywood for his careful reading and<br />
editing suggestions for this article.<br />
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Ann WEATHERALL is a senior lecturer in psychology at <strong>Victoria</strong> University<br />
<strong>of</strong> Wellington, New Zealand. She has published several articles and book chapters<br />
in psychology which take a feminist approach to gender issues and to the<br />
topic <strong>of</strong> language and social interaction. Her recently completed book Shifting<br />
Perspectives on Gender, Language and <strong>Discourse</strong> will be published by<br />
Routledge in the near future.<br />
ADDRESS: Ann WEATHERALL, School <strong>of</strong> Psychology, <strong>Victoria</strong> University<br />
<strong>of</strong> Wellington, PO Box 600, Wellington, New Zealand.<br />
[email: Ann.Weatherall@vuw.ac.nz]<br />
Anna PRIESTLEY has a master’s degree in psychology. She is training as an<br />
educational psychologist and intends to undertake research towards a PhD in the<br />
future. As a feminist, social relevance is an important theme in her academic<br />
work.<br />
ADDRESS: Anna PRIESTLEY, School <strong>of</strong> Psychology, <strong>Victoria</strong> University <strong>of</strong><br />
Wellington, PO Box 600, Wellington, New Zealand.<br />
[email: priestleyanna@hotmail.com]