Commission-companion-full

COMPANION TO THE EUROPEAN COMMISSION
Contents
Introduction 4
Profiles of vice-presidents 17-23
Commission departments 6
Jean-Claude Juncker 8-9
Role of the vice-presidents 10
Project teams 11
Frans Timmermans 12
Deregulation 13
Federica Mogherini 14
Foreign policy 15 & 16
Commission work 24-26
programme
Profiles of commissioners 27-53
Team Juncker: the full list 34-35
Secretariat-general 42
Gender balance 54
Useful links and locations 55
Pay grades and salaries 56-57
Writers Paul Dallison | Andrew Gardner | Nicholas Hirst | Dave Keating | Tim King | Cynthia Kroet | James Panichi |
Simon Taylor
Design Paul Dallison | Jeanette Minns
Cover Marco Villard
Graphics Michael Agar | Darren Perera
Artwork iStock | European Parliament | EPA
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3

INTRODUCTION
The European Commission that began
work on 1 November 2014 is an
administration on trial. Its president,
Jean­Claude Juncker, has promised an
agenda of change – for the administration
that he leads and for the European Union as
a whole. The two are related: Juncker
believes that reforms made to the
Commission will have beneficial
consequences for the work of the EU and
therefore for how the EU is perceived in the
wider world.
From the outset, Juncker has made
changes to the structure of the European
Commission – to the way commissioners are
organised and to the departmental
configurations. In doing so, he has sent
ripples of unease through the community of
EU­watchers who had grown familiar with
old ways of doing things. One of the
questions examined during the course of this
Companion to the European Commission is
whether the changes that have been made
are simply cosmetic or whether they will be
of deep, lasting significance.
This publication has a twin purpose. It sets
out to explain the new structures and to put
them in context. It also provides an
introduction to the people who will adorn
those structures: the 28 European
commissioners and their staff. We explain
where they have come from and suggest
what their priorities might be. The aim is to
put some human faces on what is often
derided as a faceless bureaucracy. We do so
not because we want the Commission to be
loved, but because we think it should be
understood.
There has been much talk in recent years
of how the European Commission has lost
power relative to the other EU institutions –
the European Parliament and the Council of
Ministers. That is indeed the case, but the
EU as a whole gained in power as a result of
the Lisbon treaty of 2009. Moreover, the
Commission is still the biggest and most
complex of the three main EU institutions.
The commissioners and their various
departments will continue to make an
impact on EU policy.
The nature of such a volume is that it must
be selective. If it were complete, it would be
overweight and unread. This is a trimmer
and more entertaining read, which still
aspires to be useful. How long it remains so
is in the lap of the gods, or perhaps Juncker.
For the speed with which it becomes
obsolete may be indicative of the success of
Juncker’s reforms – or their failure.
Tim King
Editor, European Voice
Brussels, February 2015
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Competitiveness
Begins with Confidence
President Juncker is demonstrating decisive leadership
in the design of the new Commission and by clearly
differentiating many policy lines from the past.
The key to success is in building confidence.
That extends to business confidence too.
Care must be taken not to simply talk competitiveness
while undermining the industry we have. The EU must
nurture a broad and balanced industrial base, especially
its existing manufacturing industry, to sustain the
European economy of the twenty first century.
Policies once set must not be systematically revisited
and changed. That destroys investor confidence.
The EU must re-establish itself as a reliable location to
invest, so that boardrooms in Europe and around the
world extend existing manufacturing operations in the
EU and inject new investment.
The simple truth is that business needs stable policy
and legal certainty to invest with confidence. Do the right
thing, please, Mr. President!
GOOD LUCK TO THE JUNCKER COMMISSION.
International Paper Europe has reduced its greenhouse gas
emissions by 73% since 1990. It is committing to reduce them
a further 20% by 2020 (baseline 2010).
The Company is currently planting in Poland what will be one
of Europe’s largest woody biomass plantations providing
carbon neutral energy for it’s manufacturing operations.
5

DEPARTMENTS
Juncker moves the pieces
The European Commission began 2015
with various changes to departmental
structure taking effect.
The changes were the result of a
restructuring of Commission departments
announced by Jean­Claude Juncker, the
president of the Commission, before he
took office, reflecting in particular his
thinking on how the Commission should
support the economy and regulate business.
The old directorate­general for the internal
market and services (DG MARKT), and the
old directorate­general for enterprise and
industry (DG ENTR) were the two
departments most affected by the changes.
From the former, the responsibility for
regulating financial services was stripped
out to create a stand­alone department: the
new directorate­general for financial
stability, financial services and capital
markets union (DG FISMA). To it were
added some units that were previously part
of the directorate­general for economic and
financial affairs.
The parts of the old DG MARKT that dealt
with other economic sectors – focusing in
particular on ensuring the free movement
of goods and services as applied to those
sectors – were transferred to the revamped
DG Enterprise, which was renamed DG
Growth (abbreviated to DG GROW). It also
takes in the unit for health technology and
cosmetics that was previously in the
directorate­general for health and
consumers (DG SANCO).
The unit dealing with copyright was
moved from the internal market
department to the department for
communications networks, content and
technology. The decision reflected the
thinking that revising copyright rules for the
digital age was a priority.
The elements of DG SANCO that dealt
with consumer policy were transferred to
the directorate­general for justice. DG
SANCO has therefore been reduced to the
directorate­general for health and its
abbreviation revised to DG SANTE.
One of the effects of the changes is that
the departmental responsibilities are more
closely aligned with those of particular
European commissioners. So DG GROW’s
mandate is now more closely aligned with
Elżbieta Bieńkowska, the European
commissioner for internal market, industry,
entrepreneurship and SMEs. DG FISMA’s
mandate more closely matches the
responsibilities of Jonathan Hill, the
European commissioner for financial
stability, financial services and capital
markets union.
Commission departments
Agriculture and rural development (AGRI)
Budget (BUDG)
Climate action (CLIMA)
Communication (COMM)
Communications networks, content
and technology (CNECT)
Competition (COMP)
Economic and financial affairs (ECFIN)
Education and culture (EAC)
Employment, social affairs and inclusion
(EMPL)
Energy (ENER)
Environment (ENV)
Eurostat (ESTAT)
Financial stability, financial services and
capital markets union (FISMA)
Health and food safety (SANTE)
Humanitarian aid and civil protection (ECHO)
Human resources and security (HR)
Informatics (DIGIT)
Internal market, industry, entrepreneurship
and SMEs (GROW)
International co-operation and
Development (DEVCO)
Interpretation (SCIC)
Joint research centre (JRC)
Justice and consumers (JUST)
Maritime affairs and fisheries (MARE)
Migration and home affairs (HOME)
Mobility and transport (MOVE)
Neighbourhood and enlargement
negotiations (NEAR)
Regional and urban policy (REGIO)
Research and innovation (RTD)
Secretariat-general (SG)
Service for foreign policy instruments (FPI)
Taxation and customs union (TAXUD)
Trade (TRADE)
Translation (DGT)
6

e-Contacts EP
7

PRESIDENT
Jean-Claude Juncker
President of the European
Commission
Country
Born
Luxembourg
Redange, Luxembourg,
9 December 1954
Political affiliation EPP
Twitter @JunckerEU
Jean­Claude Juncker has described the
administration that he now heads as the
“last­chance Commission” – one that has
to restore trust in the European Union. If it
fails, he implies, the credibility of the
Commission will be lost forever.
The oddity is that this last­chance
Commission is headed by a second­chance
politician. Juncker’s political career looked
to have reached the end of the line when,
after 18 years as prime minister of
Luxembourg, he was forced to call a general
election in 2013 and his political opponents
formed a coalition that kept his centre­right
party out of government.
That defeat proved to be the launch­pad
for another phase in his parallel career as a
European Union politician. Despite the
much talked­about misgivings of Angela
Merkel, Germany’s chancellor, he became
the candidate of the centre­right European
People’s Party (EPP) for the presidency of
the Commission, ie, the EPP went into the
European Parliament elections saying that it
wanted him to head the Commission. When
the EPP emerged as the party with most
seats in the European Parliament, his drive
for the Commission presidency became
unstoppable – whatever the objections of
some members of the European Council (of
whom David Cameron was the most vocal).
So, improbably, Juncker, who had been
talked about as a possible European
Commission president in 2004, when José
Manuel Barroso was first nominated, and
again in 2009 as a possible president of the
European Council, when Herman Van
Rompuy was chosen, became president of
the Commission in 2014.
What made this second­coming all the
more surprising was that Juncker had
become a figure of declining authority on
the European stage. Although he had been
a constant presence on the EU scene for 25
years, his influence seemed to be waning in
the second decade of the 21st century.
At the creation of the euro in 1999,
meetings of the eurozone finance ministers
– the Eurogroup – did not have formal
decision­making powers. Eurogroup
meetings were by definition informal –
8
because the countries outside the eurozone
(particularly the United Kingdom) were
reluctant to grant them greater status.
However, it was always clear that the
Eurogroup would matter (its importance
was belatedly recognised in the EU’s Lisbon
treaty, which granted it formal status) and
in 2004 the Eurogroup decided its
chairmanship should be made semipermanent.
Juncker became the first president of the
Eurogroup in part because, as well as being
finance minister of Luxembourg, a position
he had held since 1989, he was also prime
minister – a position he had succeeded to in
1995 when Jacques Santer became
president of the European Commission.
As the head of a government, he had
access to the offices of other government
leaders (inside and outside the EU) that
other finance ministers would not have.
So as prime minister, Juncker was a member
of the European Council from 1995­2013. As
finance minister, he was attending the
Council of Ministers from 1989­2009, after
which he was still attending meetings of the
Eurogroup as its president until the
beginning of 2013.
But as the eurozone went from creditcrunch
to sovereign debt crisis to
widespread recession, Juncker’s star was
eclipsed, in part because responsibility for
responding to events passed up to the
European Council. The likes of Angela
Merkel and Nicolas Sarkozy became the key
figures – along with Jean­Claude Trichet, the
president of the European Central Bank, and
his successor Mario Draghi. In comparison,
Juncker seemed – perhaps understandably –
exhausted.
All this makes the resurrection of his
European career, in the new incarnation of
president of the European Commission,
intriguing. Never before has an incoming
Commission president had such a lengthy
apprenticeship on the European stage.
Never before has a Commission president
had such a wealth of contacts across the
European Union’s member states and
beyond.
But how does somebody so steeped in
Europe’s past succeed in persuading voters
that from now on things are different?
Arguably Juncker ought to know Europe’s
problems better than anyone, but does that
mean that he has viable solutions?
At the outset of his Commission
presidency, Juncker presented 10 strategic
priorities that he planned to pursue – a far
cry from the sprawling wish­list that have
sometimes been espoused by incoming
Commission presidents.
He also announced a change to the
structure of the college of commissioners
and presented his plans for re­organising
the structure of Commission departments.
He has given the appearance of having a
rediscovered sense of purpose. His
admirers believe that his political
awareness and his ability to forge
compromises will give new purpose to the
Commission that he heads. His doubters
fear that he no longer has the energy or
stamina to stay the course, and to stay
engaged with the Commission’s work across
such a broad front of policy portfolios.
Whether those doubts are allayed may
depend on his ability to manage his team
effectively. His appointment of Frans
Timmermans as first vice­president was
more than just politically astute (a balance
of centre­right and centre­left). It also sent
a strong signal that he was not embarking
on a ‘look­at­me’ presidency. Modern
politics – and the expansion of the EU to 28
states – seem to dictate that European
Commission administrations should be
quite centralised, but Juncker’s lengthy
political experience may have made him
readier to share the limelight with others.
Quite apart from Timmermans and Federica
Mogherini, three of his vice­presidents are
ex­prime ministers. Juncker is ready to
share the workload. What he will provide is
an intimate knowledge of the EU and
wisdom accumulated over many years.

CV
2004-13
President of the Eurogroup
1995-2013
Prime minister of Luxembourg
1995-2013
Minister of state
1989-2009
Minister for finance
1989-99
Minister for labour
1984-89
Minister for labour, minister
delegate for the budget
1982-84
State secretary for labour and social
security
1974
Joined the CSV party
Cabinet
Head of cabinet
Martin Selmayr
Deputy head of cabinet
Clara Martinez Alberola
Cabinet members
Sandra Kramer
Luc Tholoniat
Paulina Dejmek-Hack
Carlo Zadra
Antoine Kasel
Telmo Baltazar
Pauline Rouch
Léon Delvaux
Richard Szostak
The cabinet
Juncker’s private office is dominated by
officials who worked for Viviane Reding
when she was commissioner for three
terms. Martin Selmayr was head of her
private office when she was
commissioner for justice, fundamental
rights and citizenship. Other members
of the office who worked for Reding
include Richard Szostak, Paulina
Dejmek-Hack, Telmo Baltazar, and
Pauline Rouch. Clara Martinez-Alberola,
a Spaniard who is deputy head of
cabinet, used to work for José Manuel
Barroso. Sandra Kramer, a Dutch official
who is in charge of administrative
issues, was in the Commission’s justice
department before joining Juncker’s
private office.
Martin Selmayr
Head of Juncker’s cabinet
Country
Born
Twitter
Germany
Bonn, Germany,
5 December 1970
@MartinSelmayr
Martin Selmayr, who heads the
private office of Jean­Claude
Juncker, is already regarded as one
of the most powerful people in the new
administration. Indeed, people see his
influence even when it is not there. Talked
about in hushed tones, he is given almost
mythical status, a latter­day Count Olivares to
Philip IV of Spain, or Cardinal Richelieu to
Louis XIII of France, or (perhaps less
fantastically) Pascal Lamy to Jacques Delors.
Myth­making is part of Selmayr’s art. He is a
clever lawyer, who became a highly effective
spin­doctor, and then a policy adviser with his
hands on patronage. He has used all these
skills to such good effect that he now has
many loyal supporters and not a few bitter
enemies.
He has worked for ten years in the
Commission, but is still perceived by many as
an outsider. He has not worked inside a
Commission department. He has risen by
making himself useful – even indispensable –
to commissioners, and he has raised others
after him.
Now aged 44, Selmayr is by background an
academic lawyer. He studied at the
Universities of Geneva and Passau, at King’s
College London, and at UCLA, Berkeley.
He received a doctorate from Passau in 2001,
with a thesis on the law of economic and
monetary union. By then he had been
working for the European Central Bank as
legal counsel and then legal adviser.
In 2001, he joined Bertelsmann, the German
media company, and became head of its
Brussels office in 2003. He has longestablished
links with German Christian
Democrats, notably Elmar Brok, a veteran
MEP, who was retained by Bertelsmann.
In 2004 Selmayr passed a European Union
recruitment competition for lawyers and
joined the Commission in November of that
year. He became spokesperson for Viviane
Reding, who was about to embark on her
second term as a European commissioner,
with the portfolio of information society and
media.
The portfolio included telecoms, and
Selmayr’s greatest public relations triumph
was winning credit for his commissioner for
legislation to cap roaming charges. Although
the telecoms companies complained that it
HEAD OF CABINET
was wealthy business­travellers who stood to
gain most from the cap, at the expense of
other telecoms consumers, Selmayr
positioned Reding and the Commission as the
consumers’ champion. He clearly had a talent
for massaging the message – he had a
tendency to oversell his boss’s achievements
and journalists soon learned to double­check
what he said in briefings.
But there was no doubting the strength of
his bond with Reding. They were made for
each other – neither was troubled by selfdoubt
– and when she was nominated for a
third term as Luxembourg’s European
commissioner, he became head of her private
office. It helped that Johannes Laitenberger,
who had previously been head of Reding’s
office, had by then advanced to head the
office of José Manuel Barroso, the
Commission president.
Reding became commissioner for justice,
fundamental rights and citizenship and was
outspoken in her criticism of the Hungarian
government’s treatment of Roma, and
clashed on similar issues with the French and
Italian governments.
It was therefore a touch over­confident of
Selmayr to develop plans for Reding to be the
candidate of the European People’s Party for
the presidency of the Commission. Selmayr
sought to raise her profile as a champion of
fundamental rights and gender equality with
bold policy initiatives, such as the EU’s tough
data protection rules and a bid to impose
quotas on the number of women on company
boards. It was beyond even his powers, but it
did mean he was well­positioned to take up
the lance for Jean­Claude Juncker, when a
change of government in Luxembourg freed
him to bid for the Commission presidency. He
became campaign manager and was then
appointed head of Juncker’s office.
In turn, he has brought into the office of the
Commission president and the
spokesperson’s service officials who had
worked for him with Reding.
Few doubt Selmayr’s energy or his ambition,
which will go a long way to compensate for
his lack of experience in the Commission.
How successful he is in enforcing the wishes
of his master may depend on who is chosen
as the next secretary­general of the
Commission.
9

VICE-PRESIDENTS
The chosen ones
From the moment that Jean­Claude
Juncker announced that he was
creating a tier of seven vice­presidents
with greater powers than the remaining 20
commissioners, there were questions about
what would make the vice­presidents
different.
The Commission has had vice­presidents
before – there were initially seven in the
2010­14 college, later increased to eight by
the promotion of the commissioner for
economic and monetary affairs – but apart
from drawing a higher salary, it was hard to
see what distinguished the vice­presidents
from the others, not least because José
Manuel Barroso assigned each
commissioner a separate policy area.
Juncker changed all that by making vicepresidents
responsible for particular teams
of commissioners (see opposite page).
So in practice the ordinary commissioners
become answerable to the vice­presidents.
In turn, the vice­presidents have
responsibility for policy areas that overlap
or overlay those of the ordinary
commissioners.
So much for the theory. The question on
many people’s lips was how will it work in
practice? How much power would the vicepresidents
have if they had no control of
individual Commission departments? How
would the ordinary commissioners
respond to vice­presidential oversight?
It did not take long (just one month) for
the first clues and hints to emerge about
the dynamics between commissioners and
vice­presidents.
On 2 December 2014, three members of the
Commission went to the European
Parliament to appear before a joint meeting
of the committees for economic and
monetary affairs and employment and
social affairs. The three were led by Valdis
Dombrovskis, the vice­president for the
euro and social dialogue, who was
accompanied by Pierre Moscovici, the
commissioner for economic and financial
affairs, taxation and customs, and Marianne
Thyssen, the commissioner for employment,
social affairs, skills and labour mobility.
Dombrovskis presented to MEPs the broad
outlines of the Commission’s approach with
an overview of the economic situation as
well as an explanation of the annual growth
strategy, stressing the importance of
structural reform and financial
responsibility. Moscovici talked about the
situation of individual member states and
the Commission’s assessment of their
national budget plans, while Thyssen
addressed employment issues and labour
market reforms.
10
One of the important developments is that
the Parliament is responding to the changed
structure of the Commission with its own
improvisations: in this case, a joint meeting
of its committees.
One committee on its own could not
encompass the breadth of Dombrovskis’s
responsibilities. Moscovici later addressed
the economic and monetary affairs
committee separately for a more specific
discussion about national finances.
The next day (3 December), the EU was
represented at the EU­US energy council in
Brussels by Federica Mogherini, the EU’s
foreign policy chief, Maroš Šefčovič, the
Commission’s vice­president for energy
union, and Miguel Arias Cañete, the
European commissioner for climate action
and energy.
It is still not fully clear how the division of
labour (and of status) will work out between
Šefčovič and Cañete, though it was Cañete
who went to Lima for international talks on
climate change.
The gap between Mogherini and the other
commissioners working on foreign policy –
Johannes Hahn (neighbourhood policy and
enlargement negotiations); Cecilia
Malmström (trade); Neven Mimica
(international co­operation and
development); and Christos Stylianides
(humanitarian aid and crisis management) –
is much clearer. Mogherini is not just a
Commission vice­president, but also the
EU’s high representative for foreign affairs
and security policy, and that, along with the
resources of the European External Action
Service, gives her extra status.
In similar ways, Frans Timmermans – as
first vice­president – has been given extra
status. He is in charge of better regulation,
inter­institutional relations and rule of law.
Both he and Kristalina Georgieva, the vicepresident
with responsibility for budget and
human resources, have remits that run
across all Commission departments.
On the other hand, it looks as if it will be
harder for the more policy­specific vicepresidents
to establish just how they are
different from the commissioners beneath
them (or alongside them?).
The most intriguing potential source of
tension is between Günther Oettinger, who
has embarked on his second term as
Germany’s European commissioner, but is
not a vice­president, and Andrus Ansip, a
former prime minister of Estonia. The
former is the commissioner for the digital
economy and society; the latter is now
Commission vice­president for the digital
single market.
When Juncker and Timmermans were
drawing up the Commission’s work
programme for 2015, they convened a
meeting of the vice­presidents, but the
other 20 commissioners were not invited.
It is here that, in theory at least, the vicepresidents
have considerable power. They
can promote – or, conversely, filter out –
the projects of their commissioners.
This gives a clue as to what makes the
vice­presidents different: they enjoy their
special power at the discretion of the
president. It is effectively his delegated
power that makes them more important
than the other 20. If he convenes a meeting
with the vice­presidents, they have his ear,
the others do not.
Logically, Juncker must refuse to allow the
other commissioners to bypass their
vice­presidents and to seek a direct line to
him.

PROJECT TEAMS
Team players?
The President of the European
Commission has named seven vicepresidents
responsible for designated
policy areas. The other 20 commissioners
are arranged in project teams and are
answerable to one or more vice­presidents.
Despite this obvious hierarchy, Jean­
Claude Juncker has been at pains to stress
that it is a college of equals. “In the new
Commission, there are no first or secondclass
commissioners – there are team
leaders and team players,” he said when he
unveiled his line­up in September 2014.
Juncker warned the commissioners to
prepare themselves for a “new collaborative
way of working”.
The vice­presidents “steer and coordinate”
the work of other commissioners
within “well­defined priority projects”.
Juncker has said that he is delegating to
his vice­presidents the power to stop
members of their team from bringing a
legislative proposal to the entire college.
He will also delegate to the vice­presidents
the resources of his secretariat­general.
Project team
Better regulation, inter­institutional
relations, the rule of law, the Charter
of Fundamental Rights and
sustainable development
Who is in charge?
Frans Timmermans
Which commissioners are involved?
All of them
Project team
Budget and human resources
Who is in charge?
Kristalina Georgieva
Which commissioners are involved?
All of them
Project team
A deeper and fairer Economic and
Monetary Union
Who is in charge?
Valdis Dombrovskis (the euro and social
dialogue)
Which commissioners are involved?
Pierre Moscovici (economic and financial
affairs, taxation and customs)
Marianne Thyssen (employment, social
affairs, skills and labour mobility)
Jonathan Hill (financial stability, financial
services and capital markets union)
Elżbieta Bieńkowska (internal market,
industry, entrepreneurship and SMEs)
Tibor Navracsics (education, culture,
youth and sport)
Corina Creţu (regional policy)
Vĕra Jourová (justice, consumers and
gender equality)
Project team
A stronger global actor
Who is in charge?
Federica Mogherini (high representative
of the EU for foreign affairs and security
policy)
Which commissioners are involved?
Johannes Hahn (European neighbourhood
policy and enlargement negotiations)
Cecilia Malmström (trade)
Neven Mimica (international
co­operation and development)
Christos Stylianides (humanitarian aid
and crisis management)
Project team
A new boost for jobs, growth and
investment
Who is in charge?
Jyrki Katainen (vice­president for jobs,
growth, investment and competitiveness)
Which commissioners are involved?
Günther Oettinger (digital economy and
society)
Pierre Moscovici (economic and financial
affairs, taxation and customs)
Jonathan Hill (financial stability, financial
services and capital markets union)
Elżbieta Bieńkowska (internal market,
industry, entrepreneurship and SMEs)
Marianne Thyssen (employment, social
affairs, skills and labour mobility)
Corina Crețu (regional policy)
Miguel Arias Cañete (climate action and
energy)
Violeta Bulc (transport)
Project team
A resilient energy union with a forwardlooking
climate change policy
Who is in charge?
Maroš Šefčovič (energy union)
Which commissioners are involved?
Miguel Arias Cañete (climate action and
energy)
Violeta Bulc (transport)
Elżbieta Bieńkowska (internal market,
industry, entrepreneurship and SMEs)
Karmenu Vella (environment, maritime
affairs and fisheries)
Corina Creţu (regional policy)
Phil Hogan (agriculture and rural
development)
Carlos Moedas (research, science and
innovation)
Project team
A digital single market
Who is in charge?
Andrus Ansip (digital single market)
Which commissioners are involved?
Günther Oettinger (digital economy and
society)
Elżbieta Bieńkowska (internal market,
industry, entrepreneurship and SMEs)
Marianne Thyssen (employment, social
affairs, skills and labour mobility)
Vĕra Jourová (justice, consumers and
gender equality)
Pierre Moscovici (economic and financial
affairs, taxation and customs)
Corina Creţu (regional policy)
Phil Hogan (agriculture and rural
development)
11

FIRST VICE-PRESIDENT
F
Better regulation, inter-institutional
relations, rule of law and charter
of fundamental rights
Country
Born
rans Timmermans
The Netherlands
Maastricht,
6 May 1961
Political affiliation PES
Twitter
@TimmermansEU
The choice of Frans Timmermans as
right­hand man to Jean­Claude
Juncker, the president of the European
Commission, is a dream come true for the
enthusiastically pro­European Dutchman.
Indeed, Timmermans, who as first vicepresident
is officially as well as informally
Juncker’s deputy, has a CV made to
measure for a top post with an international
organisation.
When he was appointed as the
Netherlands’ foreign affairs minister after
the Dutch elections of 2012, diplomats said
Timmermans was born for the job. He was
well­informed, understood foreign policy
like no other and had language skills which
are matched by few others in the college of
commissioners. What is more he had the
ambition and drive to go further.
Then his popularity in the Netherlands
received a boost – an unforeseen
consequence of the MH17 plane crash in
Ukraine in July 2014. Timmermans’s
emotional speech mourning the death of so
many Dutch men and women at the UN
Security Council did not go unnoticed
abroad either – if nothing else, his
impeccable English made him stand out. His
ability to speak Russian – a legacy of his
military service as an intelligence officer –
has also continued to serve him well as
tension along the EU’s eastern border
continues to mount.
Besides Russian, English and Dutch
Timmermans speaks German, French and
Italian – a range he was more than happy to
put on display at his hearing as a
commissioner­designate at the European
Parliament. This drive to prove himself was
applauded by the MEPs but seen as a
weakness by some at home where it is
considered unseemly to show off.
Born in the Dutch border­city of
Maastricht, but growing up in nearby
Heerlen, Timmermans attended primary
school in nearby Belgium. He may have
inherited some of his famously fiery
temperament from his father, a policeman
who later became a security officer at the
Dutch foreign ministry, the job took him –
and his son – all over Europe.
At university in Nijmegen and Nancy,
12
Timmermans studied French literature for
pleasure and European law to find a job.
Following a diplomatic career that took him
to Moscow, he became a member of staff
for a European commissioner, Hans van den
Broek, then private secretary to his mentor,
Max van der Stoel, the high commissioner
for minorities at the Organisation for
Security and Co­operation in Europe (OSCE).
He entered the Dutch parliament in 1998,
becoming Labour’s foreign­policy
spokesman, but left when he joined the
government as secretary of state for
European affairs in 2007­10.
Timmermans can appear aloof – some say
he is a “classic social democrat” rather than
a man of the people. However, his widely
visited Facebook page on which he regularly
posts pictures of football matches, his visits
to the Pinkpop festival and other events in
his private life suggests he understands the
need to connect.
The run­up to the 2012 general election in
the Netherlands did not suggest a
ministerial career would be inevitable for
Timmermans – in fact, with his Labour Party
attracting low support it appeared
Timmermans’s career had hit a wall. An
attempt to be appointed governor of his
native Limburg province failed, as did a bid
to become the Council of Europe’s
commissioner for human­rights. But his time
CV
2012-14 Foreign minister
2010-12 Member of Dutch parliament
2007-10 European affairs minister
1998-2007 Member of Dutch parliament
1995-98 Private secretary to OSCE high
commissioner for national minorities
1994-95 Assistant to European
commissioner Hans van den Broek
1993-94 Deputy head of department for
developmental aid
1990-93 Deputy secretary, Dutch
embassy in Moscow
1997-90 Policy office, ministry of foreign
affairs
1984-85 Postgraduate courses in
European law and French literature,
University of Nancy
1980-85 Degree in French language and
literature, Radboud University, Nijmegen
was about to come.
Once ensconced in the European
Commission, Timmermans was awarded an
enlarged portfolio which included
‘sustainable development’, something S&D
MEPs had demanded as a condition for
their approval of Spain’s nominee to be
commissioner for energy and climate
Miguel Arias Cañete.
Juncker, a long­time friend, assigned
Timmermans the ‘better regulation’
portfolio in response to long­standing
Dutch criticism of red­tape and excess EU
legislation. Timmermans has a lot on his
plate.
Cabinet
Head of cabinet
Ben Smulders
Deputy head of cabinet
Michelle Sutton
Cabinet members
Antoine Colombani
Liene Balta
Riccardo Maggi
Bernd Martenczuk
Alice Richard
Maarten Smit
Saar Van Bueren
Sarah Nelen
Timmermans’ office is headed by Ben
Smulders, a compatriot who was a
principal legal adviser in the
Commission’s legal service.
Timmermans’ number two is Michelle
Sutton, a British official who worked in
the office of José Manuel Barroso. Other
notable members of Timmermans’
office include Antoine Colombani, a
former competition department official
who was spokesman for Joaquin
Almunia when he was commissioner for
competition, and Sarah Nelen, a Belgian
who used to work for Herman Van
Rompuy.

BETTER REGULATION
To cut or not to cut?
The unveiling of the European
Commission’s 2015 work programme
was marred by a nasty fight with
MEPs over the planned withdrawal of two
proposals – one on air quality and another
on waste – that had already started making
their way through the legislative process.
They were just two of 80 pieces of draft
legislation in line to be axed.
The Commission was taken aback by the
ferocity of the opposition to its plan. But for
many MEPs the issue was symptomatic of a
larger problem: the Commission’s response
to the surge in Euroscepticism across
Europe, which is that citizens are unhappy
at the EU ‘meddling’ in people’s everyday
lives.
Frans Timmermans, the first vicepresident
in charge of ‘better regulation’,
has stressed that the EU should be big on
the big things and small on the small things.
But critics point out that there is a good
reason for some small things being dealt
with at a European level. They worry that a
deregulatory response to the rise in the
Eurosceptic vote does not address the real
problem – a lack of acceptance by the
public of the European project.
Sophie in ’t Veld, a Dutch Liberal MEP,
says the Commission is in danger of
deregulation for deregulation’s sake. “I
believe in smart trimming, not taking a
blunt axe to the base of the tree,” she told
Timmermans in December 2014. “The
Commission should not throw the baby out
with the bath­water by arbitrarily scrapping
laws.”
But Timmermans has sought to calm
MEPs’ fears by insisting that his agenda is
not to deregulate the EU. “Better
regulation does not mean no regulation or
deregulation,” he told MEPs. “We are not
compromising on the goals we want to
attain, we are looking critically at the
methods we want to use.”
Eventually, the Commission executed a
U­turn on its plan to withdraw and re­draft
the air­quality proposal, saying that it would
instead work with MEPs and member states
to adjust the plan as part of the normal
co­decision procedure. But it is sticking to
its guns on the waste proposal (known as
the ‘circular economy package’) and will put
forward a new version in late 2015.
Beyond the concerns about deregulation,
many in the Parliament and the Council of
Ministers have disputed the Commission’s
prerogative to ‘political discontinuity’ –
withdrawing proposals that have already
been adopted and started the legislative
process. Much of this battle is about
institutional power. Withdrawing the
proposals was seen as an affront to the
other two institutions.
Many of the 80 pieces of legislation listed
for withdrawal were chosen for reasons of
obsolescence or redundancy, and their
withdrawal was previewed by the ‘refit’
report issued in 2014 by José Manuel
Barroso, the then president of the
Commission. But 18 are being withdrawn
because the Commission has deemed that
no agreement is possible between member
states, or between member states and
MEPs. These include proposals for a
directive on the taxing of motor vehicles
that are moved from one country to
another, a decision on the financing of
nuclear power stations, a directive on rates
of excise duty for alcohol, and a directive
on medicinal prices.
A proposed fund to compensate people
who have suffered because of oil pollution
damage in European waters is listed for
withdrawal because “the impact
assessment and relevant analysis are now
out of date”.
A proposed directive on taxation of
energy products and electricity is listed for
withdrawal because “Council negotiations
have resulted in a draft compromise text
that has fully denatured the substance of
the Commission proposal”.
Timmermans has indicated that Jean­
Claude Juncker’s Commission will be more
aggressive about vetoing proposals if it
thinks they have changed substantially
during the legislative process.
Proposed new rules on the labelling of
organic products will be withdrawn unless
there is an agreement between MEPs and
member states within six months. A
directive on maternity leave will also be
withdrawn if there is no agreement within
six months, although the Commission says
that it would replace the latter with a new
proposal.
Over the course of 2015, MEPs will be
watching closely for signs that the
Commission intends to scale back
legislation. If this is indeed the
Commission’s strategy, it is unlikely to make
much difference to the Euroscepticism felt
in some parts of Europe.
See pages 24-26 for more on
the Commission’s work programme
13

VICE-PRESIDENT
Federica Mogherini
High representative of the Union for
foreign affairs and security policy
Country Italy
Born Rome, 16 June 1973
Political affiliation PES
Twitter
@FedericaMog
Even for a politician who has built a
career around delivering grace under
pressure, the intensity of the campaign
levelled against Federica Mogherini ahead
of her appointment to the EU’s top
diplomatic post would have been unsettling.
The youngest foreign minister in Italy’s
republican history was attacked for her
politics (too left­wing), her views on Ukraine
(too pro­Russian), her CV (too thin) and
even the writing style on her blog (too
naïve).
Yet the onslaught of criticism did not
discourage the 41­year­old, whose
candidacy relied on Prime Minister Matteo
Renzi’s rock­solid belief that it was Italy’s
turn for a top European Union job. The
Italians argued that opposition to
Mogherini, coming largely from eastern and
central European countries, was tactical
rather than ideological. “It was about some
member states using this as leverage to get
a better deal for their own commissioners,”
an Italian diplomatic source said at the time.
Whatever the political machinations,
Mogherini emerged with the plum position
of High Representative of the Union for
Foreign Affairs and Security Policy and as a
vice­president of the Commission. As things
turned out, one of Mogherini’s harshest
critics, Poland, also secured a top EU role,
when its prime minister, Donald Tusk, was
appointed as president of the European
Council.
The whispering campaign against
Mogherini had centred on her apparent
cosying up to Russian President Vladimir
Putin during a state visit as Italian foreign
minister, in which she ruled out a “military
solution” to the Ukrainian crisis. The Poles
and the Baltic states were dismayed by
the prospect of EU policy towards an
increasingly assertive Russia being set by an
Italian with a track record of appeasing
Moscow.
Even though Mogherini and Renzi
ultimately won the day, since taking office
Mogherini has been at pains to scupper the
perception she is anything but a hard­liner
on Russia. Her first announcement when in
office was a strongly worded statement on
Ukraine, in which she dismissed as
“illegal and illegitimate” elections held in
14
separatist­controlled areas of the country.
Yet even before Mogherini had a chance to
settle into her new digs on the 11th floor of
the Berlaymont building, Russia had come
back to haunt her. A media report revealed
the high representative’s spokeswoman,
Catherine Ray, was married to a partner in a
Brussels public relations firm that lobbies
for Russian state­owned gas company
Gazprom. Mogherini’s office was quick to
shrug off the controversy, yet it was a
reminder of what Mogherini has already
said publicly: Russia is set to dominate her
portfolio over the coming years.
While Mogherini supporters argue that
her pro­Western credibility is beyond doubt,
it is also true that her first political step was
to sign up to the Italian Young Communist
Federation in 1988, when she was a
straight­A student from a middle­class
background in Rome. The daughter of film
director Flavio Mogherini, Federica went to
a local high school with a focus on
languages (she speaks French, English and
some Spanish). She went on to complete a
degree at Rome’s Sapienza University, her
thesis on Islam earning her top marks.
Mogherini then became a party apparatchik,
working for the Democratic Party (or its
earlier post­communist incarnations) in a
foreign­policy unit. It was at this time that
she met her husband Matteo Rebesani, who
was head of the international office of
Walter Veltroni, then the mayor of Rome
and a Democratic Party powerbroker. The
CV
2014 Foreign minister and
international co-operation minister
2013-14 Head of the Italian delegation to
the NATO parliamentary assembly
2008-14 Member of parliament
2008-13 Member of the Parliamentary
Assembly of the Council of Europe
2008-present Member of the Italian
Institute for Foreign Affairs
2007 Fellow of the German Marshall
Fund for the United States
1994 Degree in political science from the
University of Rome
couple have two young daughters, Caterina
and Marta.
Mogherini’s rise through party ranks was
swift and in 2008 she was elected to the
Italian parliament. She remained factionally
aligned with the PD’s old guard and her
relationship with Renzi was marred by
some disparaging remarks about him made
from Mogherini’s Twitter account. Yet, in
spite of the bad blood, Renzi wasted little
time in awarding Mogherini the foreign
ministry, only to back her all the way to
Brussels a few months later.
Cabinet
Head of cabinet
Stefano Manservisi
Deputy head of cabinet
Oliver Rentschler
Cabinet members
Felix Fernandez-Shaw
Fabrizia Panzetti
Michael Curtis
Peteris Ustubs
Arianna Vannini
Anna Vezyroglou
Iwona Piorko
Enrico Petrocelli
Federica Mogherini has filled her
cabinet with what she herself lacks:
extensive experience of the EU’s
institutions. That is true, above all, of
her chief of staff, Stefano Manservisi, a
fellow Italian. Southern Europeans
predominate, but northern (and,
importantly, central and eastern) Europe
is also represented. Mogherini came to
prominence in a government that
praised itself as being part of the
Erasmus generation; her own cabinet is
youthful with some of the younger
members also bringing links to the
European Parliament and the Italian
parliament.

FOREIGN AFFAIRS
A focus on foreign policy
One of the most important
developments during the last
European Commission, Barroso II,
was the establishment of the European
External Action Service (EEAS). One of the
big questions for Juncker I is whether some
of the structural damage done during the
last five years can be repaired and relations
between the foreign policy structures of the
Commission and the EEAS made more
harmonious.
The creation of the EEAS outside the
Commission involved the transfer of
hundreds of staff out of the Commission’s
service into that of the EEAS, which was
populated with a mix of ex­Commission
officials, diplomats from the services of the
member states, and officials previously
employed in the secretariat of the Council
of Ministers. In the process, divisions were
created or widened between those now
working in the EEAS and those who
remained behind in the Commission.
Jean­Claude Juncker indicated his desire
to narrow the gap between the EEAS and
the Commission when he asked Federica
Mogherini, the new high representative for
foreign and security policy (who is also a
vice­president of the Commission) to
establish her main office in the Berlaymont,
the Commission’s headquarters. Her
predecessor, Catherine Ashton, had
operated principally out of the EEAS’s
headquarters.
Arguably just as significant for the
development of Commission­EEAS relations
as the location of Mogherini’s office is her
choice of Stefano Manservisi to run that
office. Manservisi, who is now her chef de
cabinet, had been working in the EEAS – as
the EU’s ambassador to Turkey – but he was
a recent arrival from the Commission,
where he had variously been directorgeneral
for home affairs, director­general
for development and head of the office of
Romano Prodi, when he was Commission
president. He has brought to Mogherini’s
office a knowledge of how the Commission
works and a wealth of long­standing
relationships that Ashton’s private office did
not have.
Manservisi will know that the EEAS will be
stronger and work more efficiently if it can
make greater use of the staff and resources
of the Commission and co­ordinate its work
with that of the foreign policy parts of the
Commission. Mogherini, who was previously
Italy’s foreign minister, and who, as high
representative for foreign and security
policy, now chairs meetings of the EU’s
foreign ministers, will be well aware that
the member states do not want the EEAS to
be swallowed up again by the Commission.
The point of creating the EEAS as a hybrid
institution, outside the Council and the
Commission, was to achieve a balance. The
role of Mogherini, as both vice­president of
the Commission and high representative, is
to embody that balance.
The parts of the Commission that work on
foreign policy are many and varied.
Arguably the most institutionally curious is
the Foreign Policy Instrument Service. It is a
vestige of the old directorate­general for
external relations – a part that was not
transferred into the EEAS because it deals
with money and its budget remained with
the Commission.
The FPI dispenses money to implement
the policies of the EEAS through various
budgetary instruments: the instrument for
operations of the common foreign and
security policy; the instrument contributing
to stability and peace; the partnership
instrument (which provides some means to
spend on co­operation with middle­income
and high­income countries that do not
qualify for development aid). Together
these add up to less than €1 billion a year,
but that is money that the EEAS covets.
Continues on page 16
15

FOREIGN AFFAIRS
Continued from page 15
(The budget of the EEAS is basically an
administrative one – to pay for the people
and buildings at the EEAS’s headquarters in
Brussels and in the EU’s delegations
abroad.) The staff of FPI are answerable
directly to Mogherini, whereas the other
Commission foreign policy departments
answer to other European commissioners.
Those other departments are:
the directorate­general for international
co­operation and development (DG DEVCO),
which is principally, but not exclusively,
occupied with relations with low­income
developing countries, most of them being
members of the African, Caribbean and
Pacific organisation. The EU’s budget for the
ACP remains separate from the rest of the
EU’s budget and the Commission must
account separately for the ACP budget.
The directorate­general for humanitarian
aid and civil protection (DG ECHO), which
co­ordinates the EU’s response to
emergencies. As an instrument of foreign
policy, it is necessarily much less strategic
than DG DEVCO but does some of the EU’s
most visible work abroad.
The directorate­general for neighbourhood
and enlargement negotiations (DG NEAR). To
what was previously the directorate­general
for enlargement has been added a
directorate that was previously in DG DEVCO
that handles relations with the countries of
the neighbourhood, on the EU’s southern
and eastern borders. That addition signals
both the increasing importance of the
neighbourhood and diminished expectations
about any further admissions to EU
membership in the short term.
The directorate­general for trade (DG
TRADE) is one of the Commission’s most
powerful departments, in part because it
has acquired powers to act on behalf of the
whole EU, in part because trade is so
important to both domestic and foreign
policy. Trade has long been an important
instrument of foreign policy (witness the
use of trade disputes in recent
confrontations with Russia) and it is also
now increasingly bound up with
development policy.
Additionally, there are various significant
parts of other Commission departments
that have an international dimension:
agriculture; maritime affairs and fisheries;
environment; climate action; migration and
home affairs; mobility and transport;
energy; economic and monetary affairs;
research and innovation.
Depending on the state of international
negotiations (or international disputes), the
foreign policy aspects of these policy
departments will fluctuate, but overall it
becomes obvious that coherent EU foreign
policy depends on co­ordination of the
Commission’s international work with that
of the EEAS and the Council of Ministers.
16
One of the optimistic features of Juncker I
is that the reorganisation of the European
commissioners into teams offers a serious
prospect of developing a team of
commissioners working on aspects of
foreign policy. If such teamwork becomes
the norm across the whole Commission (see
pages 10­11) there is a greater prospect of it
being established in the field of foreign
policy. In theory, that possibility existed in
the last Commission; in practice, Ashton did
not make it happen. This time round, it
seems more likely that Mogherini will make
greater use of the likes of Johannes Hahn,
Neven Mimica, Christos Stylianides and
Cecilia Malmström. Just as importantly,
Manservisi and Alain Le Roy, the incoming
secretary­general of the EEAS, should be
able to co­ordinate their work with
Commission departments.

VICE-PRESIDENT
Kristalina Georgieva
Budget and human resources
Country Bulgaria
Born Sofia, 13 August 1953
Political affiliation None
Twitter
@KGeorgievaEU
Kristalina Georgieva’s career as a
European commissioner began so
suddenly that her then 89­year­old
mother Minka learned the news from the
television. The economist received a 3am
phone­call from Bulgaria’s prime minister,
Boyko Borisov, and within hours she was on
a plane from the United States to Europe.
The sense of urgency was real. Bulgaria’s
first choice for the Commission in 2009,
Rumiana Jeleva, had performed disastrously
in her European Parliament hearing and the
appointment of the new Commission had
been put on hold until the country put
forward another candidate. Georgieva, who
at the time was vice­president of the World
Bank, did not hesitate to accept the role. “I
agreed to become a commissioner because
the situation wasn’t good for Bulgaria and
there was a possibility of our reputation
being hurt,” she said.
Georgieva’s 2014 promotion to one of the
Commission’s most important vice
presidencies, overseeing the budget and
human resources portfolio, was a reward
for her success in the last Commission,
when she was in charge of international
co­operation, humanitarian aid and crisis
response. She is today the most senior
technocrat in the Commission, one of only
two of the seven vice­presidents never to
have served as a national minister.
Georgieva is the great­granddaughter of
Ivan Karshovski, a 19th­century
revolutionary considered to be one of the
founding fathers of Bulgaria. While
Georgieva grew up in a family with a proud
history, her background was, in other
respects, ordinary. Her mother ran a shop in
Sofia, Bulgaria’s capital, while her father
was a construction engineer.
At university in Sofia, Georgieva made a
name for herself as a budding economist.
But she also used her time to write poetry,
play the guitar (the Beatles were a
favourite), cook and dance. She remained at
the same university for 16 years, producing
a work on economics that remains a
standard textbook. She specialised,
however, in environmental economics,
writing her doctorate linking environmental
protection policy and economic growth in
the United States.
After the collapse of communism,
Georgieva’s academic career took her, as a
visiting scholar and professor, to the US,
Europe and the Pacific. But she also
developed a line as a consultant, bringing
her into contact with the World Bank. That
relationship turned into a 16­year career
which took her around the world, running
World Bank programmes. She also set up a
Bulgarian folk dance group at the World
Bank’s headquarters in Washington DC.
Georgieva seems to have left behind a
consistently positive impression. Many
described her as a woman who manages
with an iron fist inside a velvet glove,
someone of inexhaustible energy who can
chafe at slow progress.
Despite her long absence from Bulgaria,
Georgieva’s voice has been heard in her
home country. Her high profile prompted
Borisov to consider her for the post of
finance minister in 2009, but she chose
instead to act as an adviser.
That association with Borisov might
suggest her politics are centre­right. Ivan
CV
2010-14 European commissioner for
international co-operation, humanitarian
aid and crisis response
2008-10 Vice-president and corporate
Secretary of the World Bank
2007-08 World Bank director for
strategy and sustainable development
2004-07 World Bank director for Russia
2000-04 World Bank director for
environmental strategy
1983-99 Environmental economist,
senior environmental economist, sector
manager, sector director at the World
Bank
1992 Consultant, Mercer Management
Consulting
1987-88 Research fellow, London School
of Economics and Political Science
1986 PhD in economics, University of
National and World Economy
1977-93 Assistant professor/associate
professor, University of National and
World Economy
1976 Master’s degree in political
economy and sociology, University of
National and World Economy
Kostov, a former prime minister and fellow
student at university, says otherwise.
“Although she has very leftist beliefs, she is
undoubtedly competent,” says Kosov, who
now leads the right­wing Democrats for a
Strong Bulgaria. What interests Georgieva
are solutions, rather than politics. “For me,
a problem exists to be solved,” she says.
A strong performance in her first term as
a commissioner, and as someone with
experience of managing €20 billion in
World Bank programmes, should help
Georgieva deal with the EU’s regular,
inter­institutional battles over the make­up
of the budget which have now become her
area of responsibility.
Cabinet
Head of cabinet
Mariana Hristcheva
Deputy head of cabinet
Andreas Schwarz
Cabinet members
Elisabeth Werner
Sophie Alexandrova
Dimo Iliev
Michael Jennings
Angelina Gros-Tchorbadjiyska
Daniel Giorev
Georgieva has chosen to retain fellow
Bulgarian Mariana Hristcheva, her chief
of staff in the Barroso II Commission.
Andreas Schwarz, her deputy chief of
staff from Germany, was previously a
member of the cabinet of the budget
commissioner from Poland, Janusz
Lewandowski and his replacement,
Jacek Dominik. Michael Jennings,
previously the spokesperson for former
research commissioner Máire
Geoghegan-Quinn, is Georgieva’s
communications adviser.
17

VICE-PRESIDENT
A
Digital single market
ndrus Ansip
Country Estonia
Born Tartu, 1 October 1956
Political affiliation ALDE
Twitter
@Ansip_EU
The 2014 resignation of Andrus Ansip
marked the end of an era. Not only
had he been the longest­serving prime
minister in Estonia’s history, he had also
been the safe pair of hands who had
shepherded the country through the
crippling 2008­09 recession. Ansip had
staked his career on beating the recession
and the country had come out on top –
even as the popularity of his right of centre
Estonia Reform Party was in decline.
Yet Ansip’s time at Estonia’s helm during
the crisis did not get off to a flying start.
While a burgeoning budget deficit required
wholesale slashing, the person the
conservative Ansip relied on most – his
finance minister, Ivari Padar – had become
distracted. Padar was top of the Social
Democrats’ list for the European Parliament
election and, detractors claimed, had lost
focus. The tension between the two men
erupted at a press conference, when they
began bickering in front of astonished
journalists.
For the usually unflappable Ansip, it was
the last straw. He fired Padar and two other
ministers (thereby losing his majority in the
parliament), took much of Padar’s work on
himself and drafted drastic spending cuts.
It was a gamble, but one that eventually
paid off: Estonia’s quarterly gross domestic
product grew by 2.6% in the last three
months of 2009 (the best result in the EU,
said Eurostat, the European Commission’s
statistical office). At a time when the euro
was languishing, Estonian fiscal policy in
2009 – with low government debt and the
EU’s third smallest deficit – became
something of a guidepost for less disciplined
European countries.
Ansip had been leading the country since
2005, and whatever his achievements in
fending off the recession, by 2014 his
government was on the wane. Ansip
realised he had reached the end of the line
and that only a fresh face could reverse the
party’s fortunes at the 2015 elections.
Born, raised and educated in Tartu, a
quintessential university town, Ansip
abandoned his career in organic chemistry
in the first years of Estonian independence,
entering the world of business and banking.
With his prodigious memory for numbers
and a scientist’s skill at hair­splitting
18
analysis, he would have felt at home in the
financial sector. In English (his other foreign
languages are Russian and German), Ansip is
known to rattle off statistics like a walking
almanac.
In 1998, Ansip was elected mayor of Tartu,
Estonia’s second­largest city. It was a post
that helped him ascend the ranks of the
centre­right Reform Party and, in 2004, he
moved to Tallinn after being appointed
economy minister (he spends his weekends
in Tartu with his wife Anu, a gynaecologist,
and the youngest of their three daughters).
Personality has played a role in Ansip’s
staying power. “Andrus is, in a certain way,
a take­it­or­leave­it type of person,” said
Igor Grazin, a party colleague. “He usually
doesn’t have a secondary motive. Even
people who don’t like him generally support
him, or at least respect him.”
Ansip headed his party’s list for the
European elections last year and was later
nominated as Estonia’s commissioner by his
successor as prime minister, the 35­year­old
Taavi Rõivas. Given that Andris comes from
one of the most digitally connected
countries in the world, where citizens can
vote online and wi­fi is omnipresent, it is
not difficult to understand why Jean­Claude
Juncker appointed him to be vice­president
for the digital single market.
CV
2014 Elected as a member of the
European Parliament
2014 Member of the Estonian parliament
2005-14 Prime minister
2004-05 Minister of economic affairs
and communications
1998-2004 Mayor of Tartu
1994-95 Deputy head of Tartu
department, North Estonian Bank
1993-94 Board member, Rahvapank
1992 Degree in business management,
York University, Toronto
1983-86 Senior engineer, Institute of
General and Molecular Pathology, Tartu
State University
1979 Degree in organic chemistry, Tartu
State University
The key question now is how Ansip shares
this post with Günther Oettinger, the
commissioner for the digital agenda. Ansip
has not been one to share the spotlight in
the past and already there has been the
appearance of tension between the two
men. Oettinger reportedly characterised
Ansip as his ‘assistant’ during a closeddoors
meeting in Berlin last year, implying
that the role of vice­president – which on
paper gives Ansip oversight of digital policy
– was merely ceremonial.
Oettinger may be in for a shock: having
guided Estonia through a difficult economic
period, Ansip is unlikely to settle for being a
wallflower in the coming term.
Cabinet
Head of cabinet
Juhan Lepassaar
Deputy head of cabinet
Kamila Kloc
Cabinet members
Laure Chapuis
Jörgen Gren
Aare Järvan
Hanna Hinrikus
Jasmin Battista
Jeremy Smith
Maximilian Strotmann
Ansip’s private office is headed by Juhan
Lepassaar, a young Estonian who
worked in the office of Siim Kallas, who
served two terms as commissioner.
There are former members of Kallas’s
private office working for Ansip,
including Laure Chapuis, Max
Strotmann and Hanna Hinrikus. One of
the main players in the team is Jörgen
Gren, a Swedish official who worked in
the department for communications
networks, content and technology and
was the spokesman for the Swedish
government when it held the presidency
of the Council of Ministers in 2009.

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better, faster, and in more innovative
ways. From cloud computing to data
analytics, software is changing the way
organizations of every kind are solving
problems, every day.
In fact, a recent poll shows how
widespread and critical data innovation is
in the modern economy. Nearly twothirds
of senior European executives said
that data analytics are important to their
companies – not just to drive sales and
revenue, but also to better serve their
customers:
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them to better serve customers.
• 58% said data analytics will help their
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19

VICE-PRESIDENT
Maroš Sefčovič ˇ
Energy union
Country Slovakia
Born Bratislava, 24 July 1966
Political affiliation PES
Twitter
@MarosSefcovic
Maroš Šefčovič’s competence in his
first term as a European
commissioner made him a
respected member of Jean­Claude Juncker’s
team. After being given the transport and
space portfolio, and impressing the
European Parliament’s transport committee
during his hearing, he was moved to the
role of vice­president for energy union
when Jean­Claude Juncker was forced to
shuffle the pack after Alenka Bratušek’s
disastrous performance in front of MEPs.
The transport committee was so upset at
the thought of losing Šefčovič that it wrote
to Juncker asking that he be kept on. The
committee did not get its way, and Šefčovič
impressed in his second parliamentary
hearing despite having just four days to
swot up on EU energy policy. It helped that
in the previous Commission his
responsibilities included relations with the
European Parliament.
Fate has repeatedly placed Šefčovič in
dramatic situations and his rise is all the
more remarkable because he comes from
the wrong side of the tracks. His mother
worked in the post office and his father
was, he says, a tough and self­made man
from a background devoid of privilege. But
his parents had high expectations of their
son, and he responded. He overcame his
childhood shyness as his sporting talents
emerged: he used to run the 100 metres in
less than 11 seconds and still enjoys tennis,
jogging and skiing.
He won such high grades in economics
and journalism in his first undergraduate
year in Bratislava that he was selected for
fast­track training as a diplomat. Sent to
Prague and then to Moscow, a new world
opened up to him. At the prestigious State
Institute of International Relations he
studied the works of British and American
politicians, learnt English and French,
attended lectures from visiting Western
professors and diplomats and had access to
material about the events of 1968 that he
was still unable to see when he returned to
Czechoslovakia.
With a doctorate in law to his credit, he
entered the ministry of foreign affairs as an
adviser, and was selected for a scholarship
at Stanford, where his teachers included
Milton Friedman, Condoleezza Rice and
20
George Schultz. His first foreign posting was
to Zimbabwe, followed by a promotion to
Ottawa – at which point, as Czechoslovakia
split, in 1993, he had to decide which
foreign service he wanted to stay with.
He chose Slovakia (“the more adventurous
option”), and within five years had risen to
the position of director of the foreign
minister’s office. In 1998, he came to
Brussels for a year as deputy head of his
country’s mission. After a brief spell as
ambassador to Israel and another swift
promotion in the foreign ministry, he
returned to Brussels to head Slovakia’s
mission, and – when Slovakia at last joined
the EU – as his country’s permanent
representative. In September 2009 he was
appointed to the Commission as a stop­gap
replacement for his departing compatriot
Ján Figel’, and spent three months in charge
CV
2010-14 European commissioner for
inter-institutional relations and
administration
2009-10 European commissioner for
education, training, culture and youth
2004-09 Slovakia’s permanent
representative to the EU
2003 Director-general of European
affairs section, Slovak foreign ministry
2002 Director-general of bilateral cooperation
section, Slovak foreign ministry
2000 PhD in international and European
law, Comenius University
1999 Slovak ambassador to Israel
1998 Deputy head, Slovak mission to the
EU
1996-98 Director and deputy director at
the Slovak foreign minister’s office
1992 Deputy chief of mission, Czech and
Slovak embassy in Canada
1991-92 Official, Czech and Slovak
embassy in Zimbabwe
1990 Adviser to the first deputy foreign
minister, Czech and Slovak ministry of
foreign affairs
1990 Doctorate in law, Comenius
University, Bratislava
of education and culture.
Educated among the elite in the dying
years of the Soviet regime, he was a
stagiaire in the foreign ministry in Prague
during the Velvet Revolution. He was
supposed, as a diplomat of a Soviet
satellite, to be a member of the Communist
Party, but the system collapsed before he
received his membership card.
Šefčovič has, therefore, packed an awful
lot into his life – he was born in 1966 – and
has made a significant mark in the
European Commission. Completion of the
European Union’s internal energy market is
a priority of the Juncker Commission and
Šefčovič could be just the man for the job.
Cabinet
Head of cabinet
Juraj Nociar
Deputy head of cabinet
Bernd Biervert
Cabinet members
Gabriela Kečkéšová
Christian Linder
Dagmara Maria Koska
Peter Van Kemseke
Manuel Szapiro
L’ubomíra Hromková
Šefčovič has kept on the majority of his
team from when he was vice-president
for inter-institutional relations and
administrative affairs. Juraj Nociar,
continues as head of his private office.
Bernd Bievert, a German who was his
deputy in the premanent representation,
continues as his deputy head. Other
members of the previous team include
Gabriela Kečkéšová, a Slovak, and
Christian Linder, a German official.

NUCLEAR ENERGY PLAYS A VITAL ROLE
IN BUILDING AN AFFORDABLE, SECURE
AND LOW-CARBON FUTURE FOR EUROPE
European Union (EU) energy policies are generally driven by three objectives: combating climate change; competitiveness
and security of energy supply. Nuclear energy is one of the main indigenous sources available to ensure Europe’s transition
to an independent, low-carbon and competitive energy mix. The technology, components and fuel needed for Europe’s
nuclear reactors can all be produced in the EU, helping to ensure security of supply.
“In the past two decades, indigenous energy
production in the European Union has steadily
declined (…) It is however possible to slow
down this trend in the medium term by further
increasing the use of renewable energy,
nuclear energy, as well as sustainable
production of competitive fossil fuels
where these options are chosen”
European Commission Energy Security Strategy,
28 May 2014
EU’s total primary energy production*
The nuclear industry in Europe
131
Nuclear power
plants in the EU
in
600 million
tons of CO 2 eg per year
avoided in the EU due
to nuclear generation
Essentially available
24/7,
365 days/year
14
EU Member
States
55%
of the EU’s
low - carbon
electricity
800,000
jobs supported by
the nuclear
industry in Europe
21%
Solid fuels
17%
Gas 10%
Oil
Westinghouse in Europe
62
1962
first Pressurized Water
Reactor (PWR) in
Europe was built
by Westinghouse
60%
of the nuclear power
plants in the EU are
based on Westinghouse
technology
22%
Renewable
29%
Nuclear
25
commercial reactors
designed and supplied
by Westinghouse
across Europe
4,000
highly-skilled and
trained people across
Europe, plus an
additional 1,500
contractors
About Westinghouse
Westinghouse Electric Company, a group company of
Toshiba Corporation, is the world's pioneering nuclear
energy company and is a leading supplier of nuclear plant
products and technologies to utilities throughout the
world. Westinghouse supplied the world's first pressurized
water reactor in 1957 in Shippingport, Pa., U.S. Today,
Westinghouse technology is the basis for approximately
one-half of the world's operating nuclear plants, including
more than 50 percent of those in Europe. AP1000 ® is
a trademark of Westinghouse Electric Company LLC.
All rights reserved.
54 out of the 58 French reactors are based on Westinghouse
licensed technology.
65 nuclear reactors in Europe are currently fuelled by
Westinghouse (PWR – including VVER, BWR, AGR and Magnox).
We have operations in 10 European countries.
Our AP1000 ® reactor is the safest, most efficient and reliable
design currently available in the worldwide marketplace.
* Eurostat 2014
21

VICE-PRESIDENT
Valdis Dombrovskis
The euro and social dialogue
Country Latvia
Born Riga, 5 August 1971
Political affiliation EPP
Twitter
@VDombrovskis
When Valdis Zatlers, Latvia’s
president, announced in 2009 that
he was asking Valdis Dombrovskis
to form the country’s next government, no
one even knew the whereabouts of the
former finance minister and MEP. Then
suddenly Dombrovskis appeared and
bestowed upon journalists the day’s second
headline: if the next government did not
overhaul its budget immediately, Latvia
would go bankrupt.
The then 37­year­old was criticised for
scaremongering, while lawyers were quick
to point out that countries do not go
bankrupt, they go into default. Yet others
lauded Dombrovskis for refusing to sugarcoat
the message: Latvia’s economic
outlook was dire and getting back into the
black would be a “near­impossible” task.
As things turned out, Dombrovskis’s style
– bleak content, drab tone – did not
undermine his nomination and he became
the youngest politician to head up a
government in the EU. The prime minister’s
centre­right coalition went on to slash
spending while imposing a raft of austerity
measures that would have made most
European leaders baulk.
The story of Latvia’s economic collapse is
well known. Gross domestic product (GDP)
plummeted, hitting rock bottom at the end
of 2008. Yet by 2010 the economy had
largely recovered, while today Latvia is
outperforming most EU countries. GDP
grew by 4.8% in 2013 and 4.2% in 2014,
making Dombrovskis the poster­boy for
austerity policies.
The Dombrovskis era came to an end in
2014 when the government resigned
following the collapse of a supermarket roof
in Riga, which killed 54 people. While direct
responsibility for building standards lay with
Riga’s city council, Dombrovskis said he
accepted “moral and political responsibility”
for the disaster.
Yet Dombrovskis’s reputation as a
competent, tough­talking and at times
colourless technocrat who had turned
around a moribund economy emerged
unscathed. His choice as European
commissioner for the euro and social
dialogue was seen as largely unremarkable
and not even his unwavering support for
austerity was enough to give him much grief
22
at his hearing before the European
Parliament last year.
In a subdued – even boring – public
appearance, the attacks by MEPs appeared
to have little impact, with Dombrovskis’s
monotonous delivery betraying no emotion
at all. The commissioner­designate was
unwilling to reflect on the social impact of
unemployment and poverty caused by his
government’s austerity measures, saying he
did what he had to do to get Latvia through
the crisis.
However, in his final statement
Dombrovskis, who was an MEP between
2004 and 2009, sounded slightly more
conciliatory. He acknowledged MEPs’
questions about mistakes he had made,
saying that Latvia still needed to make
progress on dealing with income inequality,
strengthening the judiciary and stepping up
energy independence. “There are
shortcomings that Latvia should address,”
he said.
If Dombrovskis sounds more like a crusty
bureaucrat than a politician, there is a
reason for it: he began his career with a
four­year stint in Latvia’s central bank,
cranking out analysis on macroeconomic
indicators. It was a job that would have
bored most people to death, yet for the
CV
2014 Member of the European
Parliament
2014 Member of the Latvian parliament
2011-present Founder and board
member of Unity party
2009-14 Prime minister
2004-09 Member of the European
Parliament
2002-04 Finance minister
2001-02 Chief economist, Bank of Latvia
2005-07 Master’s degree in customs
and tax administration, Riga Technical
University
1993-96 Master’s degree in physics,
University of Latvia
1992-95 Degree in economics, Riga
Technical University
1989-93 Degree in physics, University of
Latvia
mathematically­minded Dombrovskis it was
a perfect match.
A physicist and economist by training,
Dombrovskis is arguably the most private
individual to have emerged from Latvian
politics in recent years. Even his former
party members confessed to not knowing
much about him.
He is married with no children and when
he is not crunching numbers he likes to play
basketball and ski. Dombrovskis is
reportedly meticulous and loves to engross
himself in the minutiae of state finance,
although one colleague said he could show
up at a party equally prepared with a good
joke and a poignant question on economic
policy.
Cabinet
Head of cabinet
Taneli Lahti
Deputy head of cabinet
Massimo Suardi
Cabinet members
Karolina Leib
Jan Ceyssens
Raquel Lucas
Elina Melngaile
Gints Freimanis
Žaneta Vegnere
Rita Voine
Dombrovskis has recruited Taneli Lahti,
a former member of the private office of
Olli Rehn when he was commissioner
for economic and monetary affairs and
the euro, to head his team. His
communications adviser is Žaneta
Vegnere, a Latvian who used to work for
the European People’s Party group in the
European Parliament.

VICE-PRESIDENT
Jyrki Katainen
Jobs, growth, investment and
competitiveness
Country Finland
Born Siilinjärvi, 14 October 1971
Political affiliation EPP
Twitter
@jyrkikatainen
By becoming Finland’s prime minister
in 2011, Jyrki Katainen brought his
centre­right National Coalition Party
(NCP) in from a long period out in the cold.
Over two decades had gone by since
Finland’s conservatives had last won a
general election and the centre­left Social
Democratic Party and the Centre Party had
come to be seen as the natural parties of
government.
Katainen’s conservative renaissance did
not come easily. The two months required
to form a government were the country’s
most protracted political negotiations in a
quarter of a century and Katainen ended up
leading a six­party coalition which, in
addition to the Social Democrats and
centrists, included the Left Alliance, the
Greens and the Swedish People’s Party – a
centrist group representing ethnic Swedes.
Observers largely agree that Katainen
displayed admirable patience and flexibility
at the negotiating table, managing to get
the ideologically disparate players to agree
to a ground­breaking policy programme,
called “An open, fair and bold Finland.”
Katainen was born in Siilinjärvi, a town of
20,000 people, 400 kilometres north of
Helsinki. The son of an aviation mechanic
and a secretary at the municipal council, he
embraced at a young age what he called the
“four pillars” of conservative values:
encouragement, education, tolerance, and
caring. He was elected to the municipal
council at the age of 22.
From there, his rise was inexorable,
although at one time he considered leaving
politics for the civil service. Instead,
supporters persuaded him to seek a
national stage and, in 1999, he was elected
to parliament. It was another four years
before Katainen, aged 32, sought the
chairmanship of the NCP, which was in
urgent need of a makeover.
The gambit paid off. In 2005 Katainen was
elected one of the vice­chairmen of the
European People’s Party and, in 2007, he
galvanised the NCP to a second­place finish
in the national elections, just one seat
behind the centrists. He was tasked with
heading the finance ministry in the fourparty
government and in 2008 the Financial
Times ranked him Europe’s best finance
minister.
Katainen made reform his signature
theme, saying in 2011 that “the existing
welfare state was designed for a very
different Finland from the one that is
emerging now”. A quarter of a century ago
there were approximately 100 taxpayers for
every 50 non­taxpaying residents, he
argued; by 2025, the ratio will be 100 to 70.
Once in the prime minister’s seat,
Katainen took swift action to consolidate
the budget through spending cuts and tax
hikes, before announcing more cutbacks. It
was bitter medicine for the Finns, but
Katainen, at the time the EU’s youngest
head of government, sought to administer it
gently. “The Finnish people seem to respect
the truth even though it is not pleasant,” he
told European Voice. “People are really
worried about the debt.”
By the summer of 2014 Katainen’s time at
the helm was drawing to a close. He let it be
known that he was interested in a European
role and his name was floated as a future
president of the European Commission. In
June 2014, when Finland’s former
commissioner Olli Rehn stepped down to
become a member of the European
Parliament, Katainen resigned as NCP
chairman and Finnish prime minister. He
CV
2014 European commissioner for
economic and monetary affairs and the
euro
2011-14 Prime minister
2007-11 Finance minister and deputy
prime minister
2006-12 Vice-president of the European
People’s Party
2004-14 President of National Coalition
Party
2001-04 Vice-president of National
Coalition Party
2001-04 First vice-president of the
regional council of Northern Savonia
1999-2014 Member of the Finnish
parliament
1998-2000 Vice-president of the youth
section of the European People’s Party
1998 Master’s degree in social sciences,
University of Tampere
replaced Rehn as the European
commissioner for economic and monetary
affairs and the euro, and Finland
re­nominated him for the following term,
when he was awarded the job of vicepresident
for jobs, growth, investment and
competitiveness.
Katianen comes with a reputation as a
budget hawk, which makes some nervous.
However, he has been keen to suggest that
he also believes in growth and is prepared
to countenance lateral thinking to bring it
about. One of his main tasks will be the
design and implementation of the EU’s
€315 billion investment fund.
Cabinet
Head of cabinet
Juho Romakkaniemi
Deputy head of cabinet
Hilde Hardeman
Cabinet members
Edward Bannerman
Miguel Gil Tertre
Valerie Herzberg
Heidi Jern
Aura Salla
Grzegorz Radziejewski
Jyrki Katainen brought the head of his
private office when he was prime
minister in Finland, Juho Romakkaniemi,
to head up his team in Brussels. Other
notable members include Hilde
Hardeman, a Belgian historian and
expert on Russia and Ukraine, as deputy
head of office, Edward Bannerman, a
former adviser to Catherine Ashton, and
Valerie Herzberg, who used to work for
Herman Van Rompuy.
23

WORK PROGRAMME
Change of direction
The first annual work programme
unveiled by the Jean­Claude Juncker
Commission was in many ways a
departure from previous practice.
For starters, the programme distributed in
December 2014 was much lighter than in
previous years. It listed only 23 initiatives
planned for 2015, compared to an average
of 130 new initiatives each year under José
Manuel Barroso, Juncker’s predecessor as
Commission president.
The 2015 work programme also listed
80 pieces of proposed legislation for
withdrawal. The average annual number
under Barroso had been 30.
“We are breaking with the practice of
listing everything for fear of being
incomplete,” Frans Timmermans, the first
vice­president of the Commission, told
MEPs when unveiling the work programme.
“Just because an issue is important doesn’t
mean that the EU has to act on it.”
He stressed that the Commission did not
include anything in the work programme
that it did not think could be dealt with in
2015, breaking with the previous practice of
listing all kinds of ideas but acting on only
some of them. That, Timmermans
explained, is why this year’s programme
was so slimmed­down.
The draft identifies ten areas of focus for
the Juncker Commission’s first year.
The new initiatives include a single market
for capital (see right), a digital single market
package (see page 26), an energy union
communication (see page 26), a labour
mobility package, a capital markets action
plan, and a communication on a “renewed
approach for corporate taxation in the
single market in the light of global
developments”.
24
A new boost for jobs, growth and
investment
A connected digital single market
A resilient energy union with a
forward­looking climate change
policy
A deeper and fairer internal
market with a strengthened
industrial base
A deeper and fairer economic and
monetary union
A reasonable and balanced free
trade agreement with the United
States
An area of justice and
fundamental rights based on
mutual trust
Working towards a new policy on
migration
A stronger global actor
A union of democratic change
The Commission is also planning to put
forward an agenda on migration and a
review of the EU’s decision­making process
on genetically­modified crops.
The programme also envisages a
“European Agenda on Security to address
threats to the EU's internal security such as
cross­border crime, cybercrime, terrorism,
foreign fighters and radicalisation”. This
agenda took on increased importance
following the shootings in Paris in January
2015.
Financial services
Creating a single market for capital is a
major challenge that the European
Commission of Jean­Claude Juncker
has set itself. But Jonathan Hill, the
European commissioner for financial
stability, financial services and capital
markets union, would also be kept very
busy simply by the raft of financial service
reforms introduced by the last
Commission – completing, implementing
and fine­turning the work.
The main item hanging over from the
Barroso Commission is a controversial
proposal that could hand the European
Central Bank the power to break up the
European Union’s largest banks, specifically
those considered ‘too­big­to­fail’. The draft
legislation, as proposed, would also ban
large global banks, which hold big consumer
deposits, from engaging in so­called
‘proprietary trading’.
The proposal was presented in early 2014
as an essential complement to banking
union, a vast regulatory project that brought
the largest eurozone banks and many noneurozone
banks under one regulatory
umbrella. Yet at the start of 2015, appetite
for imposing further reforms on Europe’s
banks was waning. Securing a strong deal will
be a major challenge for Hill, and how he
deals with that debate will be a significant
test of his influence and ability.
Hill has also promised to conduct a deep
analysis of the cumulative effect of recent
financial reforms on the financial sector,
with action promised if it proves overly
burdensome. Some of that work could be
done behind the scenes, since the new
Commission must adopt some 400
implementing acts in the field of financial
services.
The Barroso II Commission introduced the
idea of a banking union. In his election
campaign, Juncker promised to create a

WORK PROGRAMME
capital markets union (CMU). There is
widespread agreement that Europe’s
companies suffer from being too
dependent on banks for their financing
needs. A CMU would help diversify the
source of funding. But if Juncker’s diagnosis
is correct, the idea is far from new: a
genuine CMU would be remarkably similar
to the single market for capital promised in
Article 3 of the 1957 Treaty of Rome (now
incorporated into the EU treaty).
The proposal has nonetheless generated
plenty of interest from industry and MEPs.
The Commission is likely to focus first on
reforming the rules for securitisation and
reducing the regulatory burden for SMEs
looking to raise funding.
Another idea being considered is to make
it easier for pension and insurance funds to
invest in infrastructure projects.
The Commission’s plans will become
clearer when it publishes an action plan in
the autumn of 2015. This means that there
will probably be little legislative debate on
the CMU until the second half of Juncker’s
mandate.
See page 26 for more on
the 2015 work programme
25

WORK PROGRAMME
Energy union
One of the main priorities for the
European Commission in 2015 will
be completing the EU’s ‘energy
union’, an idea given added impetus by
events in Ukraine during 2014. Jean­Claude
Juncker indicated the importance that
he attaches to this idea by making one
of the Commission’s vice­presidents –
Maroš Šefčovič – responsible for energy
union.
In 2011, member states committed
themselves to completing implementation
of the EU’s internal energy market by the
start of 2014. That deadline was missed –
by a long way. At the end of last year, the
Commission delivered a bleak assessment
of the state of play. Today, Europe’s 28
national energy markets are related, but
not united. Member states have been slow
to transpose and implement transparency
and liberalisation rules. There are wide
variations in energy prices, reflecting
regulatory differences and imperfect
market liquidity across national borders.
Many doubt that the EU’s new energymarket
oversight body has a sufficiently
clear remit.
In February, Šefčovič come up with a
plan to get the EU’s energy union back on
track. It emphasises interconnectors
between EU member states. But this
will face some resistance from national
energy companies, particularly in France
where there are concerns about the
effect of cheap renewable energy coming
from Spain and Germany. Concerns
about energy security – particularly
disruption to supplies from Russia – might
not be enough to overcome such national
interests.
The Commission’s strategy identifies
five areas of focus: supply security, a
competitive and completed internal
energy market, moderation of demand,
decarbonisation, and research and
innovation.
26
Digital single market
Any political leader in the European
Union brave enough to argue against
the need to create a single digital
market can expect to be mocked as an old
fuddy­duddy who wouldn’t know his app
from his elbow. Which is why opposition to
breaking down those national barriers,
which are costing the EU an estimated
€250 billion of additional economic growth
each year, tends to occur behind closed
doors.
The political reality of the problem is no
mystery. The EU’s 28 national governments
have a myriad of rules for telecoms,
copyright, data protection – in short,
everything that is likely to get in the way of
tech­based start­ups. It means that the
advantage of having a common market of
500 million people is lost on tech start­ups
and anyone wanting to harness the
internet’s potential.
Part of the problem may be cultural, with
European businesses and bankers often
biased against small, nimble companies and
the young people behind them. But the
national governments’ reluctance to pull
down the barriers that prevent crossborder,
tech­based investment is what this
story is really about.
This is why the Commission’s
announcement that it will take steps to
bring about a genuine digital single market
is as ambitious as it is brave. In the list of
priorities published shortly before Jean­
Claude Juncker became the president of the
Commission, he argued that EU citizens
“should be subject to the same data
protection and consumer rules, regardless
of where their computer servers are based”.
These objectives are nothing new: the
former commissioner for the digital agenda,
Neelie Kroes, had banged on about these
issues for five years. Yet Juncker’s approach
of chiselling away at resistance rather than
confronting member states head­on may
give him room to move, with changes to
data protection rules, simplifying consumer
rules for online purchases and moves to
make it easier for tech innovators to start
their own company likely to be as good a
way forward as any.
Juncker will be able to rely on a zealous
digital convert at the heart of the
Commission. Ann Mettler is a former
outspoken critic of the EU’s lack of
progress on digital issues and she was
appointed in December 2014 to head the
European Commission’s European Political
Strategy Centre, Juncker’s in­house thinktank.
Yet the Commission has its work cut out
for it. According to figures compiled by the
Organisation for Economic Co­operation and
Development, 67% of European companies
have a website, but only 17% of them have
taken an order over the internet. What this
means is that business is failing to get a
foothold in international online markets –
leaving companies outside the EU to gain a
competitive advantage.

COMMISSIONER
Vytenis Andriukaitis
Health and food safety
Country
Born
Lithuania
Yakut, Russia,
9 August 1951
Political affiliation PES
Twitter
@V_Andriukaitis
Vytenis Andriukaitis, the combative
new European commissioner for
health and food safety, is unlikely to
be daunted by any criticism that comes his
way as he attempts to reform the European
Union’s healthcare system: he has been
through it all before at home in Lithuania.
When Andriukaitis, a trauma and heart
surgeon, became Lithuania’s health minister
in 2012, he hurled himself into a healthcare
overhaul – an endeavour that was bound to
make him enemies. A mere six months
passed before lawmakers launched a noconfidence
motion against him, claiming the
minister was leading the sector to financial
and moral ruin. Andriukaitis welcomed the
move and even added his name to the list
of signatures needed to trigger the
procedure. For this life­long dissident, who
had been hounded for half his adult life by
the KGB, it was an opportunity to take the
fight to his critics.
He survived the eventual vote just as he
had survived Siberia, where he was born to
parents exiled by Soviet authorities, and just
as he later survived an arrest and harrying
by the KGB. He was 25 when he was
detained for dissident activities, having just
graduated from medical school in Kaunas.
The authorities “exiled” him to Ignalina in
north­eastern Lithuania, near the site of an
enormous nuclear power plant that was
then under construction.
This internal exile only motivated
Andriukaitis, who found time amid his
surgical duties to nurture a new­found
fondness for history. Though he wrote his
diploma dissertation on the medical history
of Vilnius in the 19th century, Andriukaitis
would much later use his nose for history to
combat historical revisionism and to remind
Lithuanians of their nation’s role in the
Holocaust.
Andriukaitis, who is married and has three
children, started supporting the leftist
model of statecraft early in life. When the
independence movement in the late 1980s
began to gather momentum, he called for
the restoration of the pre­Second World
War Social Democratic Party of Lithuania.
Over two decades of reform and market
economics failed to dent Andriukaitis’s
leftist, egalitarian convictions. On becoming
Lithuania’s health minister, he vowed to
correct the innumerable wrongs that, to his
mind, had led to a high mortality rate and
robbed many citizens of their basic right to
affordable healthcare.
“He has strong views and is not afraid to
speak his mind, and this has caused him
problems,” said one veteran Lithuanian
politician. Others confirm this intensiveness,
to the extent that Andriukaitis often gets
carried away and is reluctant to listen to
anyone else. Supporters say this is merely a
reflection of how passionate he is about his
beliefs and that, as a speaker of Polish,
Russian, German and English, he can be very
engaging.
There can be no doubt that Andriukaitis
has always been a fervent believer in
Europe. In the years leading up to
Lithuania’s 2004 membership of the EU, he
was chairman of the Lithuanian parliament’s
European affairs committee and laboured to
ensure compliance with accession criteria
and stir up grassroots support.
Now the 63­year­old Europhile is a
member of the EU’s powerful executive
branch. Andriukaitis has outlined his
CV
2014 Vice-president of the World Health
Assembly
2012-14 Health minister
2008-14 Member of parliament
2001-04 Deputy speaker of the
Lithuanian parliament
1999-2000 Leader of LSDP
1992-04 Member of parliament
1990-92 Signatory of Lithuania’s act of
independence
1989 Founder of Social Democratic Party
of Lithuania (LSDP)
1984 Master’s degree in history, Vilnius
University
1975-93 Doctor and surgeon
1975 Medical degree, Kaunas Institute of
Medicine
ultimate dream of creating a single space
for healthcare services, particularly for
mobile Europeans. Considering this is a
marketplace with 500 million people and
that healthcare remains a sovereign
prerogative, this is an extremely ambitious
dream.
A more attainable idea would be to
improve the quality of healthcare in poorer
member states, but for this to come about
there will first have to be a system of
information­sharing in place. This alone will
put Andriukaitis’s talents of persuasion to
the test.
Cabinet
Head of cabinet
Arūnas Vinčiūnas
Deputy head of cabinet
Nathalie Chaze
Cabinet members
Paula Duarte Gaspar
Vilija Sysaité
Arūnas Ribokas
Jurgis Gurstis
Annika Nowak
Marco Valletta
The head of Andriukaitis’s private office
is Arūnas Vinčiūnas, who was
previously Lithuania’s deputy permanent
representative to the EU. His deputy is
Nathalie Chaze, a French official from
the Commission’s health department
who was head of unit for healthcare
systems. Paula Duarte Gaspar, who is
Portuguese, was previously in the office
of Tonio Borg and John Dalli, the
previous commissioners for health.
27

COMMISSIONER
Miguel Arias Cañete
Climate action and energy
Country Spain
Born Madrid, 24 February 1950
Political affiliation EPP
Twitter
@MAC_Europa
Miguel Arias Cañete’s road towards
the European Commission was
littered with controversy. His long
and colourful career in politics, his bizarre
macho comments about the difficulty of
debating with women, his shareholdings in
two petrol companies – it was all on display
as increasingly belligerent MEPs clashed with
the veteran Spanish politician’s unbridled
charisma during his confirmation hearings. Yet
beneath the larger­than­life political figure lies
a law lecturer’s grasp of his dossiers and an
unwavering European vocation.
Arias Cañete entered the European
Parliament in 1986, the year Spain joined the
European Economic Community. He was a
Spanish senator at the time and was
nominated to go to Brussels because he
spoke several languages and had taught
European law.
Arias Cañete, the youngest member of the
Spanish centre­right delegation, rose quickly
during his 13 years at the European
Parliament. He was a prominent member of
the agricultural committee from 1988­92, at a
time when EU agricultural policy was
undergoing major reform. He would also chair
the fisheries committee and later chaired the
regional policy committee.
That interest in both the food­chain and the
countryside stayed with him throughout his
subsequent political career. In 2000, José
Maria Aznar, the first centre­right prime
minister in Spain’s EU­era, made Arias Cañete
minister for agriculture, fisheries and food, a
position he regained under the next centreright
premiership, that of Mariano Rajoy,
which began in 2011.
Being minister for food in Spain is a
particularly visible role, and one to which
Arias Cañete’s bonhomie was ideally suited.
He is well remembered for eating steaks to
reassure consumers that Spanish beef was
safe despite the discovery of mad cow disease
in Spain.
Arias Cañete’s relative popularity among the
electorate comes from him being perceived as
campechano, or ‘a good guy.’ He enjoys
eating and drinking, and champions the Jerez
wine of his region. Arias Cañete used to drive
racing cars and is known for his collection of
classic cars. He describes tinkering with them
over the weekend as his number one pastime.
In person, he is an animated story­teller
28
with a gruff, easy laugh. Yet his charisma
masks a sharp intellect.
His knowledge of EU agricultural policy and
negotiations made him an obvious choice as
agriculture minister, an important dossier in
Spain, which is the EU’s second largest
recipient of agricultural funds. Yet accusations
of conflict of interest have dogged much of
Cañete’s political career because of the way
in which his political interests have overlapped
with his family’s business interests, in
particular in the agricultural sector.
It was his and his family’s shareholdings in
two petrol storage firms that sparked
indignation among MEPs from the centre­left
and the Greens during his confirmation
hearing at the Parliament.
Arias Cañete’s judgment also came up short
during the election campaign for May’s
European Parliament elections. Following a
debate with Elena Valenciano, a centre­left
MEP, that the head of the centre­right’s list
was widely perceived to have lost, Cañete said
on morning television: “Debating with a
woman is complicated. If you show intellectual
superiority or corner her, you are a macho.”
CV
2014 Elected as a member of the
European Parliament
2011-14 Agriculture, food and
environment minister
2008-11 President of the joint committee
of the European Union, Spanish congress
2004-08 Executive secretary for
economic and employment affairs,
People’s Party
2004-08 Representative for Cádiz,
Spanish congress
2000-04 Agriculture, fisheries and food
minister
1999-2000 State attorney
1994 Town councillor, Jerez de la
Frontera
1986-99 Member of the European
Parliament
1982-86 Member of regional parliament
of Andalisia
1979-82 Professor in civil law, University
of Jerez de la Frontera
1975-82 State attorney
1971 Law degree, Complutense
University of Madrid
The comments spurred international
headlines and Arias Cañete quickly
apologised.
That does not mean that he will not be a
successful commissioner for energy. Skills
that were valued in the Spanish cabinet have
already begun to shine through in Brussels,
where he is backed by a competent team.
“Most people who were critical of his
nomination are rather pleasantly surprised,”
says Gerben­Jan Gerbrandy, a Dutch liberal
MEP who travelled to Lima with several MEPs
and Arias Cañete for the 2014 United Nations
climate summit. He says that Arias Cañete
made member states feel valued in the
negotiations, has “a very charming style” and
can “be tough when needed”.
Cabinet
Head of cabinet
Cristina Lobillo Borrero
Deputy head of cabinet
Pierre Schellekens
Cabinet members
Yvon Slingenberg
Isaac Valero Ladron
Silvia Bartolini
Gonzalo de Mendoza Asensi
Joachim Balke
Alexandra Marten Carrascosa
Arias Cañete has a healthy national and
gender mix in his cabinet. Cristina
Lobillo Borrero from Spain, his chef de
cabinet, previously served as head of
unit in the Commission’s trade
department. Senior adviser Yvon
Slingenberg, from the Netherlands,
previously served as head of unit for ETS
implementation. Isaav Verlo Ladron,
previously the spokesperson for Connie
Hedegaard, the commissioner for
climate action, is Cañete’s
communications adviser.

Dear Commissioner Arias Cañete,
We wish you every success in your role as European Commissioner for Climate Action and Energy.
support the concept of an energy union.
measures, as well as research, development and the demonstration of low-carbon energy
competitive prices, and to drive Europe’s economic growth, trigger investment and increase
employment, such an energy union would need to focus on these three priorities:
Energy Market Integration – A well-functioning and coordinated European market
supported by the necessary cross-border infrastructure.
Cooperation – Stronger regional cooperation and solidarity among Member States in
implementing energy policy, delivered through commercial agreements and made easier
by cross-border energy trade.
of both indigenous production and imports.
At Eurogas we passionately believe that gas has a vital role to play in helping Europe meet
its challenges now and in the future.
In power generation
Gas as a fuel for heating
combination with renewables, by upgrading home and industry heating appliances to modern,
In transport
rail, inland waterways and maritime transport. Available technology and the increasing network
quality and the climate.
Eurogas is fully committed to help shape an energy union that makes Europe’s energy more
secure, more affordable and more sustainable.
Gertjan Lankhorst,
President of Eurogas
www.eurogas.org
@eurogas_eu
29

COMMISSIONER
Dimitris Avramopoulos
Migration, home affairs and citizenship
Country Greece
Born Athens, 6 June 1953
Political affiliation EPP
Twitter
@Avramopoulos
If there had been any lingering doubts
about the political sensitivity of the
portfolio awaiting Dimitris
Avramopoulos, the centre­right Greek
politician’s parliamentary hearing last
September should have put them to rest. As
MEPs attempted to turn up the heat on the
dapper former mayor of Athens, the three
distinct policy areas of security, legal
migration, and asylum­seekers quickly
became a scrambled mess.
While Avramopoulos arguably added to
the confusion with some policy freelancing
about the right to seek asylum at European
embassies, he also appeared to be outlining
what the unwieldy portfolio of migration,
home affairs and citizenship policy
desperately needs: a narrative. “Those
knocking at our door are not potential
terrorists – they are people fleeing dangers
that they know better than us and they ask
for our solidarity,” he told MEPs.
Avramopoulos accepts that he has his
work cut out if he wants the migration
policy objectives outlined by Jean­Claude
Juncker to see the light of day. In particular,
he needs to proceed with the planned rootand­branch
reform of the EU’s embryonic
legal migration agreements at a time when
the conversation over migration is being
clouded by issues of security and a growing
asylum­seeker emergency in the
Mediterranean.
Avramopoulos was born in Athens but
spent his early years close to his mother’s
home town in Arcadia. The family moved to
Athens where, as a high school student,
Avramopoulos says he suffered a lifechanging
failure. His first attempt to pass
the exams to get into university was
unsuccessful – prompting him to reassess
his life. He then worked full­time while
studying for university at night. His day­job
was with the Australian embassy, where
one of his daily tasks was to collect the
diplomatic mailbag from the airport. This is
where Avramopoulos learned to speak
English and he has been told he still has a
slight Australian inflection.
Avramopoulos’s 13­year diplomatic career
was that of a man in a hurry. After years of
service he was hand­picked to become a
special adviser on foreign policy for Costas
Mitsotakis, the leader of the centre­right
New Democracy party. Avramopoulos says
30
that throughout his career, he has never
over­thought any decision. “Instinct, in my
eyes, is that power which protects you from
logic,” he says.
It was gut­instinct that led him to quit his
job at the ministry, get himself elected to
parliament and, in 1994, stand for the office
of Athens mayor. Avramopoulos was reelected
with a landslide majority in 1998 –
his second term gave him the political clout
to launch the campaign to bring the Olympic
Games to Athens. As an urbane, multilingual
former diplomat (he speaks French, English
and Italian) he became a high profile
ambassador for the city.
Avramopoulos’s post­mayoral career
proved somewhat more controversial. In
2001 he left New Democracy to form his
own party, only to return a year later –
reinforcing a reputation for not forging
lasting alliances. In 2009, he harboured
hopes of becoming New Democracy’s
leader, but was ultimately forced to back
Antonis Samaras. Yet as minister in
successive national governments,
Avramopoulos navigated Greece’s
protracted economic and political crises
effectively, becoming defence minister
in 2011 and foreign minister in 2012
CV
2013-14 Defence minister
2012-13 Foreign minister
2011-12 Defence minister
2010-present Vice-president of New
Democracy party
2006-09 Health and social
solidarity minister
2004-06 Tourism minister
2000-01 President of the Greek Free
Citizens Movement Party
1997-2002 Member of the
Committee of the Regions
1995-2002 Mayor of Athens
1993 Director of the cabinet of Costas
Mitsotakis, then Greece’s prime minister
1980-1993 Greek diplomatic service
1979-80 Postgraduate studies in
international organisation, Boston
University in Brussels
1978 Degree in public law and political
science, Athens University
(before returning to defence).
His appointment as European
commissioner may be the crowning
achievement of a long career – unless, of
course, he finds something to top it.
Chatter out of Athens shortly after the
electoral victory of the far­left Syriza party
in January suggested Avramopoulos was
being considered for the role of Greek
president. The idea of a centre­right
politician being appointed to a key role with
the support of a far­left leader would, if
nothing else, be in keeping with
Avramopoulos’s political credo. “Democracy
is the political art of synthesis,” he says. “It
should give concrete results by putting
together different ideologies.”
Cabinet
Head of cabinet
Diane Schmitt
Deputy head of cabinet
Polykarpos Adamdis
Cabinet members
Kostas Sasmatzoglou
Sofia Asteriadi
Olivier Bergeau
Ilias Papastamatiou
Chrissa Mela
Carine Cloot
Eleni Romaidou
Head of cabinet Diane Schmitt, from
Luxembourg, has spent most of her career
in the Commission. Deputy chief of
cabinet Polykarpos Adamidis is a legal
expert from Greece who was directorgeneral
of national defence policy in the
country’s Ministry of Defence. Kostas
Sasmatzoglou, the communications
adviser, served as the EPP's spokesman
and head of the press department in
2004-14. Sofia Asteriadi, the cabinet's
expert from Greece, was the assistant to
Stavros Lambrinidis, a former vicepresident
of the European Parliament.

COMMISSIONER
Elżbieta Bieńkowska
Internal market, industry,
entrepreneurship and SMEs
Country Poland
Born Katowice, 4 February 1964
Political affiliation EPP
Twitter
@E_Bienkowska
At the age of 29, with a master’s
degree in Iranian studies from
Kraków’s Jagiellonian University and
two small children at home, Elżbieta
Bieńkowska sat the entrance exam for
Poland’s National School of Public
Administration. She passed, but was
eventually turned down when the selection
committee wondered how she could
combine a career with family life. The next
year she was back, and when committee
members repeated their concerns she asked
them if they were putting the same
question to male candidates. They backed
down.
It was the start of a stellar career in
Poland’s public service – a career that
continues to define Bieńkowska’s identity as
European commissioner for internal market,
industry, entrepreneurship and SMEs. As
she has often stressed, she sees herself not
as a politician, but a technocrat, yet few civil
servants could boast Bieńkowska’s
popularity and public recognition. After she
was promoted in a 2013 government
reshuffle, the Polish edition of Newsweek
ran a cover story crowning her “Elżbieta I”.
Bieńkowska has indeed brought
something of the wonkish bureaucrat to her
political career – for example, when she
was minister for regional development in
2007­13 she developed a reputation as an
effective and meticulous manager of
European Union funds. Then, despite her
professed dislike for the limelight and party
politics, Donald Tusk – then Poland’s prime
minister, now the president of the European
Council – placed Bieńkowska at the centre
of the political cut and thrust by elevating
her to the role of deputy prime minister.
Tusk saw Bieńkowska as an asset for the
government and his party, Civic Platform, as
it strove to improve its poor poll ratings.
Whatever Bieńkowska’s achievements,
gender politics may also have played a part
in Tusk’s decision to name her to join the
college of Europesan commissioners. The
man Tusk had hoped would become the
EU’s foreign policy chief, Radek Sikorski, at
the time Poland’s foreign minister, had
caused concern among member states over
his strong anti­Russian rhetoric. The
nomination of a woman then gave Poland
its best chance of securing a high­profile
portfolio, after Commission President
Jean­Claude Juncker promised to reward
countries that put forward female
candidates.
Juncker also wanted high­profile
nominees and Bieńkowska was certainly
that in Poland. She had been in charge of
Poland’s infrastructure and development
super­ministry, formed from a departmental
merger announced in a 2013 reshuffle. With
1,600 employees and nine deputy ministers,
it was Poland’s second­largest department
after the ministry of finance. As minister for
regional development she was also in the
public eye, given that Poland has the largest
allocation of EU funds of any member state.
“Over the past six years Bieńkowska has
accumulated considerable political
experience without making any major
mistakes on policy,” said Wawrzyniec
Smoczynski, director of think­tank Polityka
Insight, last year. “With over­exposed male
politicians, it is often the opposite.”
Yet Bieńkowska’s reputation as the
ultimate policy wrangler and manager of
funds was hard­earned. Her first public
service job saw her work in the regional
administration in Katowice, in her native
Upper Silesia, where she rose to head the
department responsible for managing EU
funds. In 2007, she was summoned to
Warsaw and offered the position of minister
of regional development as what was
initially meant to be a temporary position to
CV
2013-14 Deputy prime minister and
infrastructure and development minister
2007-13 Regional development minister
1999-2007 Director of regional
development office for Silesia region
1999 MBA, Warsaw School of Economics
1996 Post-graduate diploma from Polish
National School of Public Administration
1988 Master’s degree in oriental
philology, Jagiellonian University, Kraków
sort out the pension system.
In Warsaw, Bieńkowska soon gained a
reputation as an effective manager.
“Colleagues do not implement her decisions
because she tells them to, but because they
are genuinely convinced of their validity,”
says Konrad Niklewicz, a Civic Platform
adviser who served as deputy minister of
regional development under Bieńkowska.
However, there is little to suggest
Bieńkowska’s public persona as a grey civil
servant has much sway over her private life.
She enjoys attending rock concerts and
reportedly once stayed out until 2am,
ahead of a 4.30am flight to attend an
important meeting in Brussels.
Cabinet
Head of cabinet
Tomasz Husak
Deputy head of cabinet
Kristian Hedberg
Cabinet members
Carsten Bermig
Justyna Morek
Fabrice Comptour
Jakub Cebula
Agnieszka Drzewoska
Bien‘kowska’s office is headed by
Tomasz Husak who was Poland’s deputy
permanent representative to the EU. Her
deputy is Kristian Hedberg, a Swede
who used to be head of unit in the
Commission’s transport department
dealing with land transport.
31

COMMISSIONER
Violeta Bulc
Transport
Country Slovenia
Born Ljubljana, 24 January 1964
Political affiliation ALDE
Twitter
@Bulc_EU
When the European Parliament
rejected Alenka Bratušek, the
former Slovenian prime minister
who had nominated herself to take up a
seat in the college of European
commissioners, many in the small Alpine
country hoped that the job would go to a
capital­P politician who could steer clear of
controversy. What they got instead was
Violeta Bulc, a trained shaman who teaches
fire­walking, holds a black belt in
taekwondo and had entered politics less
than a month earlier.
At first glance, Slovenian Prime Minister
Miro Cerar appeared to be thumbing his
nose at both the Parliament and the
Commission, whose president, Jean­Claude
Juncker, had asked member states to
nominate high­profile politicians to his
executive. But as Bulc began to meet EU
policymakers it became clear that her
background as a telecoms entrepreneur
from outside politics would be an asset and
there would be no repeat of Bratušek’s
train­wreck of a parliamentary hearing.
Yet in Ljubljana little was known about
Bulc, other than that she had briefly been
deputy prime minister in the unorthodox
Cerar government that had taken office in
September.
“After the hysteria surrounding the
Bratušek bid, the public and the media were
caught off­guard by Bulc’s nomination,” says
Andrej Lavtar, a former assistant in the
European Parliament now working in
Slovenian politics. “But they quickly
discovered her new­age background”, he
says – and that gave the story a new
narrative.
Bulc was under no illusion that she was
the most popular choice for the
appointment. The main groups in the
European Parliament had been urging Cerar
to put forward one of their own – Slovenian
centre­left MEP Tanja Fajon. But Bulc would
not be cowed, telling European Voice that
she “didn’t feel any warnings from my
subconscious” and accepted Cerar’s
appointment “on the spot”.
Bulc’s unconventional and non­political
background is not atypical of the
government formed by Cerar, a college
professor who came out of nowhere to win
36% of the votes in last July’s general
32
election. He had been part of a network
of citizens from all walks of life –
businesspeople, academics, journalists –
who met regularly to discuss the future of
the country. When Bratušek called a snap
election, Cerar’s supporters saw an
opportunity to put their ideas into practice
– and seized it.
Bulc’s worldview is heavily influenced by
time spent in the Bay area of California.
Born in 1964 in Slovenia, which was at that
time part of Yugoslavia, she became one of
the first group of students to enroll in a new
computer science course in Ljubljana. Her
interest in IT came in handy after her
studies when her then­husband was
transferred to Silicon Valley. Bulc worked in
the early 1990s for DHL Systems, analysing
the performance of wide area networks and
eventually obtaining a master’s degree from
a local university.
Bulc had expected her Commission
appointment to be as vice­president for
energy union, the post that had been
assigned to Bratušek. However, Juncker
decided to switch her to the transport
portfolio and allocated the vice­presidency
to the more experienced Maroš Šefčovič –
taking some of the heat out of Bulc’s
confirmation hearing. As for Bulc’s new­age
quirkiness, the media interest did not
CV
2014 Deputy prime minister;
development, strategic projects
and cohesion minister
2013-14 Chief of the Program
Committee, SMC Party
2000-14 CEO of Vibacom Ltd
1999-2000 Vice-president of Telemach
1997-99 Director of carrier business,
Telekom Slovenia
1997-99 Manager of institutional traffic,
Telekom Slovenia
1991-94 Expert for wide area
networks performance analyses, DHL
1991 Master’s degree in information
technology, Golden Gate University, San
Francisco
1988 Degree in computer science and
informatics, University of Ljubljana
resonate in her parliamentary hearing, with
fire­walking barely rating a mention.
Yet Bulc’s professional background would
have made the digital agenda portfolio a
better fit. When she returned to Slovenia in
1994, shortly after the country gained
independence, she worked at Telekom
Slovenia, helping to set up the country’s
first competitive telecoms market before
setting up her own telecoms firm,
Telemach, in 1999. However, political
realities dictated that her portfolio would
be transport and, despite her lack of
experience in the sector, she says she is
excited by the prospect. “It’s network logic,
connectivity, service layers, unbundling –
like we were doing in telecoms,” she says.
Cabinet
Head of cabinet
Marjeta Jager
Deputy head of cabinet
Désirée Oen
Cabinet members
Matej Zakonjšek
Damijana Pondelek
Nikolaus Von Peter
Jocelyn Fajardo
Andreja Kodrin
Natasa Vidovic
Bulc’s private office is headed by
Marjeta Jager, a Slovenian who was a
director in the transport department.
Her deputy is Désirée Oen, a Belgian
who was deputy to Siim Kallas and who
used to work for the Alliance of Liberals
and Democrats group in the European
Parliament.

COMMISSIONER
Corina Creţu
Regional policy
Country Romania
Born Bucharest, 24 June 1967
Political affiliation PES
Twitter
@CorinaCretuEU
Corina Creţu’s path to the post of
Romania’s European commissioner
began in the unlikely corridors of the
Holocaust Museum in Washington, DC. Sent
as a journalist to cover a visit to the United
States by Romania’s president, Ion Iliescu,
she managed to collar US President Bill
Clinton. Brushing off the concerns of his
bodyguards, Clinton leaned towards her tape
recorder to declare, in effect, that Romania’s
hopes of integration with the West were in
good hands.
In Romania, the comment dominated the
papers and the airwaves, for this was 1993
and Romania had yet to apply for European
Union membership. Creţu returned to her
normal beat – political and social reporting
– in Bucharest, basking in her modest fame
and the pleasures of a job she would, she
says, have done for free. But then bad luck
struck for a second time. The first time,
aged 14, she had lost an eye, ending her
competitive basketball career. This time,
aged 26, Creţu was hit by a car and spent
months in hospital. It was at this point that
Iliescu’s office turned to her, asking for her
help with media work.
Creţu’s close identification with Iliescu was
soon clear. A journalist recalls her as being
“kind, ready to help in resolving technical
problems, but somehow I always had the
feeling she exceeded her job description in
‘guarding the president’s back’”. Creţu is
certainly adept at identifying the messages
that need countering: in 2012, when asked
to identify the main quality of Romania’s new
prime minister, Victor Ponta, she said
“honesty” – precisely the quality others said
Ponta most lacked.
Romanians commonly describe her as a
good communicator, and she also proved
good at building bridges within the fractious
socialists. She played multiple roles for
Iliescu. She was his scribe (in his media
team), then his voice (as his spokeswoman)
and then his ghostwriter (for his memoirs),
as well as one­time campaign manager. A
US diplomat additionally described her as
Iliescu’s adviser, a notion scoffed at by
Romanians: Iliescu is not a man easily
advised, they laugh.
Creţu parted ways with Iliescu, by then 74
and out of the presidency, when the
socialists, anxious for more women, asked
her to stand as a senator in Bucharest. But
while being a woman helped her enter the
senate in 2004, it might not have helped her
progress, because Romania’s parliament
was and remains crushingly male: in 2012,
just 11.5% of members in the two chambers
were women.
When she realised that Romanians could
join the European Parliament as observers
even before the country’s accession, she
seized the opportunity. One reason, she says,
was that she hankered after a more
international dimension to her work (though
she was on the foreign­affairs committee).
While an early arrival in the Parliament,
she was eclipsed by older compatriots after
Romania’s accession in 2007. Still, Creţu was
one of the few Romanians to secure a good
post, as deputy chairwoman of the
development committee.
By last May, Creţu was top of the
Romanian socialists’ list in the European
Parliament elections. The party’s
overwhelming victory put her in a good
position to become a vice­president of the
Parliament – which she did. In other
countries, she would also have been seen as
CV
2014 Vice-president of the European
Parliament
2011-present Vice-president of the Social
Democratic Party
2008-10 Board member, parliamentary
network on the World Bank
2007-14 Member of the European
Parliament
2005-06 Vice-president of the Social
Democratic Party
2004-05 Senator, Romanian parliament
2000 Member of the chamber of
deputies, Romanian parliament
2000-04 Presidential adviser,
spokesperson for the Romanian
president, head of the public
communication department
1993-96 Spokespersons office of the
Romanian president
1990-93 Journalist
1989-90 Economist
1985 Degree in economic planning and
cybernetics,, Academy of Economic
Studies, Bucharest
the probable next European commissioner.
Most Romanians, though, thought Dacian
Cioloş, a technocrat nominated by the right,
would remain as agriculture commissioner.
But Jean­Claude Juncker, the Commission’s
president, urgently needed another
woman.
Creţu mobilised herself to learn about her
dossier – regional policy – before the
parliamentary hearings. She emerged well.
Creţu needs pressure, says one of many
former aides; comfort and spontaneity are
her enemies. In her portfolio she is focusing
on the EU’s poorer, frequently rural areas.
She is emphasising the need for short, clear
messages. She needs to manage
expectations in Romania and, elsewhere, to
counter criticisms of the EU’s spending.
Cabinet
Head of cabinet
Mikel Landabaso
Deputy head of cabinet
Gabriel Onaca
Cabinet members
Ioana Rus
Dragoş Bucurenci
Jan Mikolaj Dzięciołowski
Tomáš Nejdl
Mathieu Fichter
Ioannis Latoudis
Corina Creţu came to office as (more or
less) a newcomer to regional policy. Her
team, by contrast, is packed with people
who have made their careers in regional
development, particularly her Spanish
chef de cabinet, Mikel Landabaso, a
Commission specialist in this area since
1990. Her cabinet is, otherwise, drawn
mainly from newer member states.
Romanians, naturally, feature
prominently, reinforcing Creţu’s links to
the government and to the socialist
party.
33

THE EUROPEAN COMMISSION 2014-19
Jean-Claude Juncker
President
Frans Timmermans
First vice-president:
Better regulation, interinstitutional
relations, rule of
law and charter of
fundamental rights
Federica Mogherini
Vice-president and
High representative of the
Union for foreign affairs and
security policy
Kristalina Georgieva
Vice-president:
Budget and human resources
Vytenis Andriukaitis
Health and food safety
Miguel Arias Cañete
Climate action
and energy
Dimitris Avramopoulos
Migration, home affairs
and citizenship
Elżbieta Bieńkowska
Internal market,
industry,
entrepreneurship
and SMEs
Violeta Bluc
Transport
Cecilia Malmström
Trade
Neven Mimica
International
co-operation and
development
Carlos Moedas
Research, science and
innovation
Pierre Moscovici
Economic and financial
affairs, taxation
and customs
Tibor Navracsics
Education, culture,
youth and sport
34

Andrus Ansip
Vice-president:
Digital single market
Maroš Šefčovič
Vice-president:
Energy union
Valdis Dombrovskis
Vice-president:
The euro and
social dialogue
Jyrki Katainen
Vice-president:
Jobs, growth, investment and
competitiveness
Corina Creţu
Regional policy
Johannes Hahn
European
neighbourhood policy
and enlargement
negotiations
Jonathan Hill
Financial stability,
financial services and
capital markets union
Phil Hogan
Agriculture and
rural development
Vĕra Jourová
Justice, consumers and
gender equality
Günther Oettinger
Digital economy
and society
Christos Stylianides
Humanitarian aid and
crisis management
Marianne Thyssen
Employment, social
affairs, skills and
labour mobility
Karmenu Vella
Environment, maritime
affairs and fisheries
Margrethe Vestager
Competition
35

COMMISSIONER
Johannes Hahn
European neighbourhood policy
and enlargement negotiations
Country Austria
Born Vienna, 2 December 1957
Political affiliation EPP
Twitter
@JHahnEU
Johannes Hahn has made a success of
being low­key. He was an unexpected
choice as Austria’s member of the
college of European commissioners in 2009
(he is only the third Austrian commissioner)
but impressed enough while in charge of
regional policy to be re­nominated.
There were concerns about his suitability
for the role he now has, as the
commissioner for relations with the
European Union’s neighbours and would­be
members. At his parliamentary hearing,
Hahn himself highlighted the principal
question­mark about his suitability: he lacks
“diplomatic” experience, he acknowledged.
He added: “I don’t want to be a bull in a
china shop.” But he gave an accomplished
performance before the European
Parliament’s foreign­affairs committee,
having clearly studied the main issues and
some of the footnotes about the 16
countries in the EU’s neighbourhood and
the eight countries seeking membership of
the EU.
Once confirmed in the role, Hahn said that
the Commission intends over the next five
years to adopt a “very pragmatic approach”
to would­be members of the EU, and that
he wanted to bring some of his experience
from business and from his five years as
commissioner for regional policy into his
new role.
Hahn never expected, let alone planned,
to become a European commissioner. But it
was no accident that his party, the
conservative Austrian People’s Party (ÖVP),
turned to Hahn, given his staunch pro­
European credentials. In the 1980s, he
drafted the first European manifesto of the
ÖVP’s youth wing, where he was deputy
leader. Hahn adopted a decidedly pro­
European position at a time when many
within the party had doubts about Austria’s
accession to the EU.
Hahn is that rare breed of politician who
does not feel a constant need to talk. He
weighs his words carefully and is happy to
remain silent if he believes he has said what
needs to be said. People who know him well
describe him as very sensitive
At university, Hahn discovered that
philosophy suited him far better than law.
His whole outlook on life changed soon
after, however, when, aged 22, he was
36
diagnosed with cancer. “If you are
confronted with death, your priorities
change,” says Hahn.
The illness left Hahn a serene man. That
equanimity has turned out to be an asset.
He made his way in politics without striving
doggedly for the positions he won, in local
and regional government and as the ÖVP’s
regional head. “I have never aspired to any
post 100%, to avoid disappointment if
things did not work out the way I expected,”
he says.
A lack of political calculation may help
explain his decision to work, from 1997 to
2003, for a gambling business, of which he
became chief executive.
Hahn’s lack of pushiness is appreciated by
fellow politicians. But critics say he lacks
decisiveness, pointing, for instance, to his
tenure as minister for science and research.
University officials praised him for engaging
in open dialogue when, on three separate
occasions, students launched major protest
campaigns calling for free, unlimited access
to university education and for a bigger
budget. Others contend that, in one
instance, his long refusal to talk to students
who had staged a sit­in at Vienna University
allowed the dispute to fester.
CV
2010-14 European commissioner for
regional policy
2007-10 Science and research minister
2003-07 Member of Vienna regional
government
1997-2003 Board member, then CEO,
Novomatic AG
1996-2003 Member of Vienna regional
parliament
1992-97 Executive director, People’s
Party
1987-89 Secretary-general, Austrian
Managers Association
1987 Doctorate in philosophy, University
of Vienna
In his new role, Hahn will have to become
a diplomat; the EU’s approach to the
neighbourhood cannot simply be
technocratic. The easy manner in which he
handled the foreign­affairs committee
suggested the former municipal politician
will achieve the transition. But a hearing
before the European Parliament is small
beer compared to the burning, and
frequently explosive, problems that await
him.
Cabinet
Head of cabinet
Michael Karnitschnig
Deputy head of cabinet
Emma Udwin
Cabinet members
Hanna Jahns
Kyriacos Charalambous
Colin Scicluna
Christine Grau
David Müller
Michael Karnitschnig, an Austrian who
worked in the private office of José
Manuel Barroso, is head of Hahn’s
private office. Karnitschnig, who comes
from the Austrian foreign ministry, used
to advise Barroso on foreign relations.
Hahn’s deputy is Emma Udwin, a Briton
who worked for him when he was
commissioner for regional policy and
before that for Benita Ferrero-Waldner,
Hahn’s predecessor as Austria’s
European commissioner.

COMMISSIONER
Jonathan Hill
Financial stability, financial services and
capital markets union
Country United Kingdom
Born London, 24 July 1960
Political affiliation ECR
Twitter
@JHillEU
When Lord Hill of Oareford was
revealed as the UK’s choice for
European commissioner in July
2014, the reaction in Brussels came in two
forms. The first was the question: “Lord
Who?” The second was the observation
that, as the appointment of a conservative
government, he would have to be
Eurosceptic.
While the latter claim was quickly put to
rest by those who knew him, the ‘Lord
Who?’ quip did not appear to bother
Jonathan Hill at all. A former ministerial
colleague says he “absolutely does not seek
the limelight” and, as a result, he is
“consistently underestimated.”
Even before British Prime Minister David
Cameron took the unprecedented step of
voting against Jean­Claude Juncker’s
Commission presidency, it was assumed
that he would send a high­profile former
cabinet minister to the Commission.
Yet to the astonishment of many, when
Juncker unveiled his college line­up it was
the unflashy Hill who had hit the bullseye:
commissioner for financial stability, financial
services and capital markets union. The
appointment places Hill at the centre of
policy affecting the financial hub of the City
of London – something that would have
been well received at 10 Downing Street.
Hill studied history at Cambridge and was
persuaded to start a PhD. But he felt
unsuited to academic life and returned to
London in 1983, working in a bar, for banker
Jacob Rothschild and as an editor in a
publishing house.
Still restless, Hill was told by a friend who
had worked at the Conservative research
department to apply for a job with the
party’s internal think­tank and, in 1985, his
political career began. He moved to the
employment department as an adviser,
followed by three years at the departments
of industry and health before he quit to
work in the private sector. Two years later
he rejoined the government, this time at
the prime minister’s office – first in its
policy unit, then as political secretary for
the prime minister, John Major.
Hill left government in 1994 and, with the
exception of stints advising Major during
crises in 1995 and 1997, he stayed in the
private sector for 16 years. He and John
Eisenhammer, a former journalist, formed a
communications, advisory and lobbying firm
in 1998. So successful was Quiller
Consultancy that, within a decade, the
partners sold up to PR firm Huntsworth for
€13 million and Hill was looking forward to
spending more time with his wife and
children.
It did not happen. In May 2010, the newly
elected Cameron asked Hill to join his
coalition. He wanted a reforming but
consensus­building schools minister to steer
legislation through the House of Lords, the
UK’s upper house of parliament. Hill jumped
at the chance and did such a good job that,
in January 2013, Cameron chose Hill as
leader of the House of Lords, a role in which
he thrived.
When it came time to find his
commissioner, Cameron considered the
political advantages of several candidates.
But, in the end, he decided that there was
one thing he needed – a fixer – and one
thing he did not need – a by­election. Hill,
who as a lord could be replaced by
appointment, was the stand­out choice.
Since landing the job, Hill has impressed
with his open­mindedness toward policy
options as well as his political antennae. It
was those antennae rather than ignorance
that prompted his diplomatic evasion of a
question about ‘eurobonds’ at his first
hearing before MEPs – a politically sensitive
issue outside his remit. He knows these hot
CV
2013-14 Leader of the House of Lords
and Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster
2010-13 Under-secretary of state for
education
1998-2010 Director, Quiller Consultants
1994-98 Senior consultant, Bell Pottinger
Communications
1992-94 Political secretary to Prime
Minister John Major
1991-92 Government policy unit
1986-89 Special adviser to Kenneth
Clarke MP
1985-86 Conservative Party research
department
1982 Master’s degree in history, Trinity
College, Cambridge
political questions will keep coming but
understands that his five­year term will be
judged not on these ideological dividing­lines
but on its success in weaning the EU’s
private sector off excessive reliance on bank
finance and in creating sustainable jobs.
After a much smoother second hearing
before MEPs, the big challenge for Hill will
be to unpick national rules that guarantee
and protect capital markets, without
draining a future capital markets union of
the confidence that it will need to operate
effectively. For all this to be done in time for
it to have any meaningful impact on
Europe’s current economic woes may be
even more of a challenge.
Cabinet
Head of cabinet
Matthew Baldwin
Deputy head of cabinet
Nathalie de Basaldúa
Cabinet members
Denzil Davidson
Chantal Hughes
Sebastian Kuck
Mette Tofdal Grolleman
Lee Foulger
Hill’s private office is headed by Matthew
Baldwin, a British official who was
previously director in the Commission’s
transport department dealing with
aviation and international issues and was
earlier number two in the cabinet of
Pascal Lamy. Nathalie de Basaldúa, who
was head of unit for financial stability in
the internal market department and
before that head of unit for auditing, has
previously been in the cabinet of Charlie
McCreevy. Denzil Davidson was an
adviser to the UK’s foreign minister. Hill’s
communications adviser, Chantal Hughes,
who has joint British and French
nationality, was Michel Barnier’s spokesperson
when he was commissioner for the
internal market and services.
37

COMMISSIONER
Phil Hogan
Agriculture and rural development
Country Ireland
Born Kilkenny, 4 July 1960
Political affiliation EPP
Twitter
@PhilHoganEU
Few politicians set a job at the European
Commission as their long­term goal. But
Phil Hogan, the European commissioner
for agriculture and rural development, is a
rare exception. As long ago as the formation
of Enda Kenny’s Fine Gael­led Irish coalition
government in 2011, ‘Big Phil’ – he clocks in
at 1.96 metres in his socks – put his marker
down for the commissionership.
By the time Kenny had to make a
nomination, Hogan’s departure from Dublin
was desirable. For four years, Hogan had
fronted the government’s most controversial
proposals – water charges and taxes on
households and property. His role was as the
hard face of the government in imposing
water charges, which have triggered some of
the largest street demonstrations in Irish
history.
Hogan is known for throwing himself into
whatever he does and would have
committed himself with gusto to any
portfolio assigned to him by Jean­Claude
Juncker. That Juncker chose agriculture and
rural development for Hogan guaranteed his
single­minded attention.
Hogan, 54, was born and raised on the
family farm in rural Kilkenny in south­east
Ireland and briefly ran the business after
graduating from university. He joined
Kilkenny County Council at 22, became its
chairman at 25 and helped set up the local
branch of Young Fine Gael.
An unsuccessful bid for a parliamentary
seat in 1987 was swiftly followed by election
to the senate. Two years later, Hogan was
elected to the lower house (Dáil Éireann) for
Carlow Kilkenny and was appointed to a
string of frontbench jobs as spokesman on
the food industry, consumer affairs, and on
regional affairs and European development.
Early on, he developed a reputation inside
the parliamentary party for loyalty to the
leader. At the time that leader was John
Bruton, who was prime minister in 1994­97
and went on to head the European
Commission’s delegation in Washington, DC.
Hogan later showed the same allegiance to
Kenny. After Bruton won the 1994 election,
Hogan took a junior ministerial post in the
department of finance but was in situ for less
than two months.
Despite losing his government job, Hogan’s
reward for his loyalty and obvious political
38
talents was a promotion to the chairmanship
of the Fine Gael parliamentary party at the
age of 35. His six years in this job were his
political education, in which he learned not
just about the party leadership but its
organisation and roots.
After Kenny became Fine Gael leader in
2002, Hogan became his right­hand man and
the architect of the party’s rebuilding. He
knew all the branch chairs and councillors,
and was always on the look­out for talented
candidates. This diligently accumulated
knowledge bore fruit at the 2004 European
and local elections. Having done so much to
repair the party, Hogan was unhappy at
being removed as national organiser. But he
continued to stand by Kenny. Nine months
later, Kenny appointed Hogan minister for
the environment, community and local
government.
In July 2011, Hogan set out plans for a €100
annual “household charge” to take effect
from 2012 and then be replaced by a full
property tax. Hogan then announced the
creation of a new utility, Irish Water, to
oversee the installation of meters and
prepare for the introduction of water charges
CV
2011-14 Environment, community and
local government minister
2010-11 National director of elections for
Fine Gael
2002-07 Director of organisation for Fine
Gael
1998 Chairman of Kilkenny County
Council
1995-2001 Chairman of the Fine Gael
parliamentary group
1994-1995 Minister of state at the
department of finance
1989 Elected of lower house of
parliament
1987-89 Member of upper house of
parliament
1985 Chairman of Kilkenny County
Council
1983 Founded Hogan Campion
auctioneers
1981-83 Managed the family farm
1981 Degree in economics and
geography, University College Cork
– the first local taxes to be introduced since
1977.
Hogan developed a reputation as a
climate­change sceptic after he abandoned
legislation introduced in the dying days of
the last government by the Green Party – a
reputation Hogan has always denied.
Highly rated inside the Irish government,
Hogan’s image with the public is less
favourable, as a result of the taxes and
charges he introduced. But his ability to
focus on a dossier, a sympathy for farmers, a
willingness to navigate bureaucracies and
meet political needs while sticking to an
unpopular line are all virtues in his new role.
Cabinet
Head of cabinet
Peter Power
Deputy head of cabinet
Elisabetta Siracusa
Cabinet members
Dermot Ryan
Shane Sutherland
Tom Tynan
Cristina Rueda-Catry
Carl-Christian Buhr
Kevin Keary
Five out of the eight cabinet members are
Irish, including Hogan’s chef-de-cabinet
Peter Power, who worked for Chris Patten
and Peter Mandelson. The two women
are Italian Elisabetta Siracusa, the deputy
chef, and Spaniard Cristina Rueda-Catry.
The cabinet includes communications
adviser Dermot Ryan, a civil servant from
Ireland’s agriculture department who was
an attaché at Ireland’s permanent
representation to the EU. Tom Tynan
previously worked as an adviser to Ivan
Yates, when he was Ireland’s minister of
agriculture. Shane Sutherland previously
served in the cabinets of Charlie
McCreevy and Máire Geoghegan-Quinn.

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39

COMMISSIONER
Vĕra Jourová
Justice, consumers and gender equality
Country Czech Republic
Born Třebíč, 18 August 1964
Political affiliation ALDE
Twitter
@VeraJourova
Czech coalition governments have a
record of choosing European
commissioners in slow and messy
ways and producing candidates with a
previously low profile. In 2009, Štefan Füle,
a career diplomat with brief ministerial
experience, emerged from the coalition’s
battles to take a post the Czechs were glad
to have – as commissioner for enlargement
and the neighbourhood policy. In last year’s
battle, the victor was a technocrat with
brief ministerial experience, Věra Jourová.
This time, though, the Czechs did not get a
post they coveted. The disappointment was
aggravated because the Czech government
had offered a candidate seemingly tailormade
to meet their needs and those of the
Commission. The Commission’s president,
Jean­Claude Juncker, needed more women
and the Czechs indeed had put forward a
female candidate. The reward the Czechs
wanted was the regional policy dossier, and
they tried to make Juncker’s choice easy:
Jourová has spent most of her life working
on local and regional issues, first in local
government and latterly as minister for
regional development for eight months.
Instead, the regional portfolio went to
someone with no experience of regional
development, Romania’s Corina Creţu.
Jourová’s compensation was a messy new
dossier, as commissioner for justice,
consumers and gender equality. This
portfolio pushes Jourová out of her comfort
zone and puts her into the tricky position of
answering to three of the Commission’s
seven vice­presidents.
While this looks very much like a secondtier
position, Jourová’s responsibilities
include some of the most politically
sensitive in the Commission. Jourová is
charged with handling reform of the EU’s
data­protection rules and negotiations on
the EU’s controversial data­protection
agreement with the United States. It is,
therefore, plausible that Jourová will
emerge as one of the most prominent
commissioners – or it may simply be that
her bosses will take the driving seat.
In this tricky position, Jourová’s success
may hinge on her ability to navigate the
EU’s institutions, her personality, her goals
and the support she can generate.
Jourová’s career has not given her much
40
public exposure – before becoming a
minister in 2014, her most high profile role
had been as deputy minister for regional
development for 15 months in 2004­06 –
and she remains a relatively unknown
quantity. She does, though, have plenty of
EU experience, which she gained by
managing EU money at home and by
working as a consultant on EU­funded
projects beyond Czech borders, ranging
from Romania (she speaks some Romanian)
to Belarus.
She is also described as personable,
attentive to detail and driven. Some
speculate her drive is fuelled by her
experience of Czech injustice. In 2006, she
was detained for a month on suspicion of
corruption. She was exonerated in 2008
and, in 2014, won damages of about
€98,500. In the meantime, she had gained a
degree in law and entered politics for a new
party that portrays itself as an antiestablishment
and anti­corruption
movement.
In practice, the party, ANO, remains the
lengthened shadow of its founder, Andrej
Babiš, a billionaire businessman and media
magnate. Still, some in Prague describe
Jourová – the party’s deputy leader until
joining the Commission – as independently
minded and relatively assertive.
She is a person with energy, but it is not
yet clear how she will use it. Support within
CV
2014 Regional development minister
2012 Law degree, Charles University
2006-13 Managing director, Primavera
Consulting Ltd
2006-11 Consultancy work in the
western Balkans
2003-06 Deputy regional development
minister
2001-03 Head of regional development
department, Vysočina region
1995-2000 Secretary and spokesperson
for Třebič Municipal Office
1991 Master’s degree in cultural theory,
Charles University, Prague
the Commission may also prove critical, as
her natural bases of political support are
weak. In the Council of Ministers, the
Czechs are handicapped by their initial
decision to opt out of the European charter
of fundamental rights and they have
relatively small stakes in her portfolio. In
the European Parliament, ANO is still a
newcomer, and the European group to
which it belongs – the liberals – is small.
Jourová is faced with many challenges,
has limited support behind her and will
have to rely heavily on own abilities. But it
would be a mistake to underrate her.
Cabinet
Head of cabinet
Renate Nikolay
Deputy head of cabinet
Daniel Braun
Cabinet members
Isabelle Pérignon
Eduard Hulicius
Kevin O’Connell
Simona Constantin
Monika Ladmanova
Fittingly, gender equality rules in Vĕra
Jourová’s cabinet, with four women in
her seven-member team. Two members
usefully combine substantial experience
in Commission cabinets with passports
from big EU states: Renate Nikolay, a
German who heads the cabinet, and
Isabelle Pérignon of France. She has
chosen three Czechs with links to
important constituencies – the Czech
government, the European Parliament,
and civil society – with a previous
colleague, Daniel Braun, as deputy chief
of staff.

COMMISSIONER
Cecilia Malmström
Trade
Country Sweden
Born Stockholm, 16 May 1968
Political affiliation ALDE
Twitter
@MalmstromEU
If Cecilia Malmström is daunted by the
prospect of having to finalise one of the
most far­reaching and politically sensitive
trade deals in world history, she was giving
little away at her confirmation hearing late
last year. While the Swedish liberal came
across as a committed free­marketeer, her
calm demeanour and matter­of­fact analysis
of the rocky road ahead earned her kudos
among members of the European
Parliament.
The polished performance also marked a
stark departure from both the substance
and style of her predecessor as trade
commissioner. As the backlash against
aspects of the proposed trade deal between
the European Union and the United States
rapidly intensified in 2014, Karel De Gucht
appeared on occasion slow to grasp the
job’s political imperatives.
It was a mistake Malmström appeared
determined to avoid. She happily
acknowledged concerns over a controversial
arbitration mechanism that was to be built
in to the Transatlantic Trade and Investment
Partnership (TTIP). Referring to the investorstate
dispute settlement mechanism (ISDS)
as “toxic,” Malmström even suggested the
legal framework under which corporations
could take legal action against governments
may be scrapped altogether. “Will it stay in
[TTIP]?” Malmström said at her hearing. “I
don’t know. Maybe not. But it is too early to
judge…”
The future of the ISDS is now unclear –
the valuable investment component of TTIP
is unlikely to get off the drawing­board
without an arbitration mechanism. But
Malmström’s readiness to put the issue on
the table while also offering MEPs some
soul­searching on the negotiations’ lack of
transparency was enough to signal a new
mindset on trade.
Then again, the pros and cons of TTIP had
all been aired before and Malmström’s
strong CV in Europe made her as qualified a
candidate as any to move the deal forward.
She is a former MEP, a former Swedish
minister for Europe, and was fronting the
hearings on the back of a widely praised
term as the European commissioner for
home affairs. She is also an effective,
multilingual communicator – something that
will come in handy when time comes to sell
TTIP to an often sceptical electorate.
In particular, the 46­year­old Malmström’s
strong connection with French culture will
be an asset, with French politicians often
flag­bearers for European concerns over
TTIP’s fine­print. Malmström lived in France
between the ages of nine and 12 when her
father worked there for a Swedish
engineering company SKF. She returned to
France when she was 19 to study literature
at the Sorbonne University in Paris.
After returning to her native Gothenburg,
Malmström worked as a psychiatric nurse, a
teacher and a university researcher before
completing her PhD in political science in
1998. Her thesis was, unsurprisingly, on
Europe: regional parties in western Europe,
focusing on Catalonia and northern Italy.
By this time, her political career within the
Liberal People’s Party had taken off. In
1999, she was elected to the European
Parliament on the coat­tails of the popular
environmental and food safety activist Marit
Paulsen. Malmström took to the Parliament
like a duck to water. Networking came
naturally to the MEP, who is often described
as sociable, cheerful, energetic and with a
sense of humour.
Perhaps the only thing Malmström is
more passionate about than Europe is
penguins. She collects them in almost any
CV
2010-14 European commissioner for
home affairs
2007-10 Vice-president of Folkpartiet
2001-10 Member of Folkpartiet (Swedish
Liberal Party) executive
1999-2006 Member of the European
Parliament
1999-2001 Member of Västra Götaland
regional council
1998-99 Senior lecturer, Gothenburg
University
1998 PhD in political science,
Gothenburg University
1994-98 Vice-chair of Gothenburg
Municipal Immigration Committee
1991-94 Lay assessor at Gothenburg
City Court
form: soft toys, plastic figures,
toothbrushes, chess games and more. Her
twin children, a boy and a girl, join in and
her husband Mikael stoically tolerates the
bird invasion.
She explains her slightly eccentric
fascination with penguins by observing that
they manage to brave a bitterly cold
climate in a barren landscape while being
very social, loyal and monogamous. “But
most of all, they seem to have so much fun
when they go belly­sliding down the ice,”
she says.
Cabinet
Head of cabinet
Maria Åsensius
Deputy head of cabinet
Miguel Ceballos Barón
Cabinet members
Christian Burgsmüller
Nele Eichhorn
Cecile Billaux
Jon Nyman
Joakim Larsson
Jolana Mungengová
Catrine Norrgård
Maria Åsenius, a former state secretary
for EU affairs in Sweden who was head
of Malmström’s office when she was
commissioner for home affairs, has
stayed on. Malmström’s deputy, Miguel
Ceballos Baron, was an adviser to
Catherine Ashton when she was the
EU’s foreign policy chief on EU-Asia
relations and trade issues. He also
worked in the economics department of
the Commission’s trade department.
41

SECRETARIAT-GENERAL
Behind-the-scenes power
The secretariat­general of the European
Commission is its central nervous
system. Others might less charitably
describe it as the central intelligence agency
– and would accuse it of spying on the
policy departments.
Such antagonism is a feature of many
organisations: the central core is unloved by
those on the periphery, who resent its
powers of control. But the organisation
could not function without that centre: it is
the secretariat­general that co­ordinates
relations with other EU institutions and the
outside world; it co­ordinates Commission
work, to ensure that what is supposed to be
done is executed; it arbitrates between
policy departments when they cannot
agree.
These are enduring functions, expressed
in different forms over the years as
management thinking changes. For
instance, nowadays the secretariat­general
draws up the Commission’s work
programme; it co­ordinates the reviews of
impact assessments for proposed
legislation; it compiles a synthesis report
from the annual activity reports of each
Commission director­general; it looks after
the Commission’s transparency register (run
jointly, with the European Parliament) and it
polices the code of conduct for
commissioners.
But the start of the Juncker Commission
has created a fresh challenge for the
secretariat­general, one that will test its
current structure and resources. Juncker
named seven vice­presidents and to most of
them he assigned overarching policy
responsibilities. So, for example, Andrus
Ansip became vice­president for the digital
single market, with seven commissioners
reporting to him on a range of different
aspects of the digital economy (see pages
10­11). But what Juncker did not do was
give the vice­presidents the resources of
their own departments, such as are enjoyed
by those commissioners reporting to Ansip.
Instead, he said that the secretariat­general
would provide the necessary back­up and
would assign resources.
Since then, the Commission leadership has
let it be known that it intends to move 80
officials to the secretariat­general to meet
this increased workload. The staff will be
moved from other departments. These reassignments
come on top of a Commission
commitment to reduce staff numbers by 1%
per year.
What is not yet clear is whether the
system of vice­presidencies that Juncker
has introduced will take root. It is arguably
the most important innovation in the
organisation of the Commission since the
admission of ten new member states in
2004 but there is no guarantee of success.
Whether it succeeds or not will depend a lot
on the secretariat­general’s ability to secure
the position of those vice­presidents. If the
secretariat­general cannot do so, then
Juncker’s theoretical hierarchy may be
eroded in practice.
Much will also depend on who becomes
the next secretary­general. Catherine Day
has held the post since November 2005, but
is expected to retire in the first half of this
year, having seen in the new regime.
Juncker and Martin Selmayr, the head of his
private office, will know the importance of
their choice. Day became indispensable to
José Manuel Barroso’s administration, to
the extent that the guidelines on rotating
CATHERINE DAY AND JEAN-CLAUDE JUNCKER
senior managers were ignored in her case
and she has held the post for more than
nine years. Juncker and Selmayr will
similarly need a secretary­general who can
work the Commission machinery so as to
deliver on their wishes.
Luis Romero Requena, currently the head
of the Commission’s legal service, must be
considered one of the front­runners. Michel
Servoz, the director­general for
employment, is also talked about.
Alexander Italianer, the director­general for
competition, is another contender, having
previously – like Servoz – been a deputy
secretary­general. His caution might count
against him, however, with Juncker and
Selmayr preferring someone more
adventurous. Their style is to conjure up
surprises.
42

COMMISSIONER
Neven Mimica
International co-operation
and development
Country Croatia
Born Split, 12 October 1953
Political affiliation PES
Twitter
@MimicaEU
Croatia’s Prime Minister Zoran
Milanović surprised no one when he
nominated Neven Mimica as his
country’s first European commissioner in
2013 – after all, the 59­year­old had been at
the heart of Croatia’s efforts to join the
European Union for longer than any of his
fellow countrymen. In 2001, Mimica had
been the chief negotiator on the
stabilisation and association agreement
(SAA), the first contractual step towards EU
membership.
As EU integration minister, Mimica
presided over Croatia’s application for
candidacy in 2003. Finally, as a deputy
prime minister whose portfolio included
Europe, he saw Croatia enter the EU in
2013.
Mimica’s appointment says a lot about
Milanović’s commitment to the EU agenda –
by sending him to Brussels, Milanović was
depriving himself of a trusted collaborator.
In Croatia’s political landscape, Mimica was
never a party animal and can be better
described as a technocrat with policy
expertise in the areas of public
administration and trade. And, while
remaining loyal to Milanović and his Social
Democratic Party (SDP), Mimica is widely
seen as autonomous, with his authority
rooted in his expertise and integrity rather
than in a party power base.
Yet his technocratic public persona comes
at a cost. A 2012 poll found that a third of
Croats had either never heard of, or were
barely familiar with, Mimica’s name. Of
those who knew him, an almost equal
percentage of the opposition and the
governing SDP voters approved of his work.
This is perhaps not surprising for a man who
has held important yet often technical roles
since graduating from Zagreb University as a
foreign trade economist.
The Daily Mail, a British newspaper,
greeted Mimica’s appointment as
commissioner as a case of a former
communist apparatchik now “telling us all
what to do”. It is true that in the late 1970s
and through the 1980s, Mimica – a son of
primary­school teachers – worked in
positions available only to party members.
None, though, was a leading ideological job;
rather, they were positions requiring
expertise for which party membership
served as a sort of basic security clearance.
After university, the multilingual Mimica
first worked for Astra, an export­import
entity charged with handling key trade deals
for the state. He was then a government
specialist on trade and foreign relations and,
between 1987 and 1991, he was a trade
diplomat in Yugoslavia’s embassy in Egypt.
The most controversial period of Mimica’s
life was the post­independence decade of
autocratic rule by President Franjo Tudjman.
Mimica served the Tudjman regime largely
in expert roles with little political reach: he
was a government trade specialist who
served stints as a diplomat in Cairo and
Ankara, before taking his first nominally
political role in 1997, as assistant minister
for foreign economic relations. After
Tudjman’s death in 1999, Mimica remained
in demand. In a universe populated by
forceful nationalists and early capitalists
intent on the plunder of public property,
Mimica featured in no public controversy.
Mimica led talks with the European
Commission on trade issues affecting
Croatian exports and jobs, while also taking
on a role as regional advocate. He argued
that Croatia’s EU integration would be
complete only once the whole of the
CV
2013-14 European commissioner for
consumer policy
2011-13 Deputy prime minister for
internal, foreign and European policy
2008-11 Deputy speaker of parliament;
chair of European Integration Committee
2004-08 Member of parliament
2001-03 European integration minister
1997-2001 Assistant minister, then
deputy minister, for the economy, and
chief negotiatior in talks with World
Trade Organization
1987-97 Diplomat for Yugoslavia, then
Croatia
1987 Master’s degree in economics,
University of Zagreb
1983-87 Assistant chairman of
committee for foreign relations
1978-83 Member of, then adviser to,
committee for foreign relations
1977-78 Import-export clerk, Astra
Balkans was in the EU and pledging that,
once a member, Croatia would never use a
bilateral issue to block a neighbour’s
progress.
While the image of the boring technocrat
is not easy to shake, Mimica’s interlocutors
regularly describe him as serious,
convincing and credible.
Though ambitious, Mimica is free from any
delusions about his own political appeal. He
is also cautious. In 2009, he was frequently
mentioned as a potential candidate for his
country’s presidency, yet he decided to
withdraw, reportedly after concluding that he
lacked the required public profile. A
successful stint in Brussels as the most visible
Croat in Europe could yet change that.
Cabinet
Head of cabinet
Nils Behrndt
Deputy head of cabinet
Irena Andrassy
Cabinet members
Maud Arnould
Maria-Myrto Kanellopoulou
Denis Čajo
Paolo Berizzi
Ivan Prusina
Mimica’s head of office is Nils Behrndt,
a German official who did the same job
when Mimica was responsible for
consumer policy. Behrndt is a
pharmaceuticals expert who used to be
in the enterprise and industry
department. Maud Arnold, a French
official, worked in the private office of
Andris Piebalgs when he was
commissioner for development.
43

COMMISSIONER
Carlos Moedas
Research, science and innovation
Country Portugal
Born Beja, 10 August 1970
Political affiliation EPP
Twitter
@Moedas
As a former investment banker with
Goldman Sachs, Carlos Moedas
knows how to sell. That skill was
evident in September 2014 during his
hearing to become European commissioner
for research, science and innovation, when
the Portuguese politician sold a European
Union narrative to die for.
Moedas opened the session with an
emotive account of his European trajectory:
from his childhood in a poor region
transformed as a result of EU solidarity
funds to his wedding in Paris and the birth
of two of his three children in London. He
spoke in Portuguese, English and French,
which he learnt as one of the first
Portuguese students to undertake an
Erasmus exchange, which in his case took
him to Paris.
That emblematic European path through
life earned Moedas warm applause at the
end of the hearing. The only real naysayers
seemed to be Portuguese MEPs from the
left and hard­left, who denounced him in
harsh terms.
They recalled his role in implementing the
tough austerity conditions attached to the
€78 billion bail­out given to Portugal in
2011. Indeed, at the time Moedas was the
minister in Pedro Passos Coelho’s centreright
government with responsibility for
negotiating and implementing the bail­out.
But while that was seen as a black­mark
against his name by some politicians, he
presented the experience as good
preparation for managing and administering
the EU’s research budget, which totals some
€80bn for 2014­20.
The European Commission of president
Jean­Claude Juncker has said that the
money must go further than it has in the
past, in particular by making more loans and
investments rather than allocating outright
grants. The commissioner must also ensure
that the EU’s money goes to the right
projects to kick­start a European economy
that is increasingly falling behind in terms of
innovation and research.
Moedas appears remarkably wellequipped
to tackle both of those points. He
holds an MBA from Harvard Business School
and studied engineering at the prestigious
French university École Nationale des Ponts
44
et Chaussées. He has first­hand experience
of complex financial engineering, having
worked at Goldman Sachs and for Deutsche
Bank, where he helped create Eurohypo, a
€200bn real estate monster. He also set up
a ‘business angel’ fund in Portugal to invest
in start­ups.
Moedas, the son of a communist
journalist and a seamstress, came to politics
late via António Borges, a Goldman Sachs
vice­president who was well­connected in
Portugal’s centre­right Social Democrat
Party. In 2010, Moedas became chief
economic adviser to Passos Coelho, at the
time the new leader of Portugal’s centreright
opposition. Passos Coelho, a former
youth president, management consultant
and an arch­free­marketeer, was elected
the following year.
Moedas played a crucial role in
implementing the international bailout that
the new government negotiated. Portugal
broke up cosy oligopolies in the telecoms
and energy sectors and introduced labour
reforms that helped boost exports. But it
also privatised some health services, which
CV
2011-14 Secretary of state to the prime
minister
2011 Member of parliament
2010-11 Senior economic adviser to the
Social Democratic Party
2008-11 Founded and worked at Crimson
Investment Management
2004-08 Managing director and board
member of Aguirre Newman
2002-04 Consultant, Deutsche Bank and
Eurohypo Investment Bank
2000-02 Investment banking associate,
Goldman Sachs
1998-2000 MBA, Harvard Business
School
1993-98 Engineer and project manager,
Suez Group
1988-93 Degree in civil engineering,
Instituto Superior Técnico de Lisboa
proved controversial, and failed to reduce
an unemployment rate that has hovered
around 15% since the 2008 crisis.
Despite the huge pressure on the
Commission to boost growth in the EU,
Moedas’s current job is unlikely to prove as
controversial as his last.
Cabinet
Head of cabinet
António Vicente
Deputy head of cabinet
Giulia Del Brenna
Cabinet members
Maria Da Graça Carvahlo
Vygandas Jankunas
Alfredo Sousa
José Mendes Bota
Eveline Lecoq
António Vicente, head of cabinet,
worked as chief of staff to Moedas
when he was Portugal’s secretary of
state in 2011-14. Moedas’s deputy head
of cabinet, Giulia Del Brenna, an Italian,
has been working for the European
Commission since 1996. Her experience
has been mainly in pharmaceuticals.
An interesting addition to the team is
former centre-left MEP Maria da Graça
Carvalho (2009-14) who was a member
of the European Parliament’s committee
on industry, research and energy. She
was a minister for science and higher
education twice (2002-04, when José
Manuel Barroso was Portugal’s prime
minister, and 2004-05) but will now
work as Moedas’s senior adviser.

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COMMISSIONER
Pierre Moscovici
Economic and financial affairs, taxation and
customs
Country France
Born Paris, 16 September 1957
Political affiliation PES
Twitter
@pierremoscovici
The last two questions at the hearing of
Pierre Moscovici, the French
commissioner­designate for economic
and financial affairs, taxation and customs
union, summed up how the whole process
had gone. Gunnar Hökmark, a Swedish
centre­right MEP, noted that when Moscovici
was France’s finance minister he had
increased public spending and lowered the
retirement age. “Are you today a different
Moscovici?” The next question, from Dutch
Liberal MEP Sophie in ’t Veld, began with
these damning words: “It is not about you
being French, but about your political
convictions...”
Moscovici’s track record as France’s finance
minister from 2012­14, when the country
needed an extension from the European
Commission to comply with European Union
budget rules, will hang over Moscovici’s time
as commissioner. However, if the MEPs had
hoped to force Moscovici to recant his biggovernment
approach they were
disappointed. “France has not broken the
rules,” he said. “Everything was done within
the rules.” He also refused to turn his back
on his time as finance minister, responding
to Hökmark that he had no mixed loyalties
and that as commissioner he would apply
“only the rules, nothing but the rules”.
That commitment to the growth and
stability pact, which places a rigid cap on
public spending at 3% of gross domestic
product, would have been anathema to the
young Moscovici, who until the age of 27 was
a member of the Revolutionary Communist
League, led by the Trotskyist Alain Krivine.
He took his first steps towards the French
Socialist party in 1986, under the influence of
Dominique Strauss Kahn, his economics
professor at the École Normale
d’Administration (ENA). That political
relationship lasted up until 2011, with
Moscovici backing Strauss Kahn’s bid to be
the Socialist candidate for France’s
presidential elections until the latter was
accused (and later acquitted) of rape.
Yet during the 1990s Moscovici was more
closely associated with another titan of the
Socialist Party: Lionel Jospin, France’s prime
minister from 1997­2002. He had stood
behind Jospin as he tried to distance the
party from a wave of scandals that had
engulfed it during François Mitterand’s
46
presidency in the late 1980s. Jospin rewarded
Moscovici by making him his European affairs
minister in 1997, when Moscovici resigned
from the European Parliament to win a seat
in the national parliament representing a
constituency in the Franche­Comté in the
east of France.
The two were close. Moscovici was, for
example, one of only two government
ministers to be invited to Jospin’s 60th
birthday party. But the relationship suffered
in 2006 when Moscovici backed Strauss Kahn
over his former boss to be the Socialist
Party’s presidential candidate.
Those familiar with Moscovici and his
career will not have been surprised by his
opening phrase at his European Parliament
hearing: “Europe is the great epic of our
century.” Indeed, Moscovici has always had a
particular passion for Europe and has been a
staunch defender of the European project.
Moscovici, a fluent English­speaker, went
on to serve as an MEP for a second time,
becoming vice­president of the European
Parliament from 2004­07 and president of
France’s European Movement.
Moscovici comes from a family of
immigrant intellectuals: his mother was
CV
2014 Member of National Assembly
2012-14 Economy and finance minister
2008-14 City councillor, Valentigney
2008-12 President of the Pays de
Montbéliard Agglomération
2007-12 Member of National Assembly
2004-07 Member of the European
Parliament
2002-04 Member of the court of
auditors
1998-2004 Member of Franche-Comté
regional council
1997-2000 Minister-delegate with
responsibility for European affairs
1994-2002 Member of general council,
Doubs department
1994-97 Member of the European
Parliament
1984-88 Member of the court of auditors
1982-84 Ecole Nationale
d'Administration
1978 Master’s degree in economics and
political science, Sciences Po
psychoanalyst while his father was a wellknown
social psychologist and founder of
France’s Green movement. Moscovici’s
ascension through the ranks of the Parisian
ruling elite is a textbook example of how to
succeed in French politics. He graduated
from ENA four years after François Hollande,
France’s president; some three decades later
he led Hollande’s election campaign and
became his economy and finance minister.
Like other such technocrats, unmarried
Moscovici has a reputation for being brainy
and aloof. While that may not matter so
much among Brussels’ eurocratic elites, his
nationality and ties with the profligacy of the
French state may well weigh him down.
Cabinet
Head of cabinet
Olivier Bailly
Deputy head of cabinet
Reinhard Felke
Cabinet members
Maria Elena Scoppio
Simon O’Connor
Fabien Dell
Ioana Diaconescu
Chloé Dessaint
Malgorzata Iskra
Moscovici’s head of cabinet, Olivier Bailly,
joined the Commission in 2001, and
within four years was assistant to
Catherine Day, the Commission’s
secretary-general. He became one of the
Commission’s most recognisable faces in
2010 when he was made a senior
spokesperson for the second Barroso
Commission. The deputy head of cabinet
is Reinhard Felke, a German who has
been at the Commission since 2000,
mostly in the department for economic
and financial affairs. He was a director for
economic and monetary affairs, a subject
that will dominate Moscovici’s time as
commissioner.

COMMISSIONER
Tibor Navracsics
Education, culture, youth and sport
Country Hungary
Born Veszprém, 13 June 1966
Political affiliation EPP
Twitter
@TNavracsicsEU
Tibor Navracsics was rewarded for his
loyalty to Viktor Orbán, Hungary’s
prime minister, by being nominated
as European commissioner. But it was that
same loyalty that led to him facing an
uncomfortable time in his confirmation
hearing before the European Parliament.
Hungary has had more run­ins with the
European Union and Europe’s human
rights watchdogs than any other EU state
in recent years. Navracsics has been a
leading light in Hungary’s ruling centreright
Fidesz party; and, until the past year
or so, he was Orbán’s right­hand man as
the chief of staff, the justice minister and
latterly the foreign minister and deputy
prime minister.
Navracsics had a swift rise through the
ranks of the Fidesz party, which he joined
in 1994. He was brought into the party to
help identify the causes of the party’s
unexpected rout in the 1994 elections.
When Orbán took office in 1998, the young
political scientist became the prime
minister’s press chief. After Fidesz
unexpectedly lost the 2002 elections, his
unflappable, methodical style made him
the natural choice to analyse the causes of
Fidesz’s defeat, and Orbán made him his
chief of staff. When Fidesz once again lost,
unexpectedly, to a resurgent Socialist Party
in 2006, he was made head of Fidesz’s
parliamentary group, becoming the face of
the party during its increasingly rancorous
campaign against Ferenc Gyurcsány’s
Socialist government.
“In 2006, I was the only one who wanted
the job,” he recalls of the moment of
gloom for a party that had, once again,
snatched defeat from the jaws of victory.
That willingness to step into the breach
turned Navracsics from a backroom player
into a politician with a national profile.
The son of a teacher and a librarian,
Navracsics was born in the western city of
Veszprém in 1966.
A self­professed moderate, he attributes
a carefully cultivated non­confrontational
style and his belief in a “civic Hungary with
a strong middle class and market
economy” to the influence of his staid but
pretty hometown, an ancient and
prosperous city near the shores of Lake
Balaton. “Western Hungary has always
been less radical than the east,” he says.
It was while studying law in Budapest in
the late 1980s that he first came into
contact with Orbán and Fidesz. “It was
partly a generational thing, and that they
were from the provinces too. They were
the most appealing party for me at the
time,” he says. “But they were doing very
well without me, and I didn’t think I had
anything extra to bring to the table.”
Already a politics junkie, he busied
himself sampling the many new political
groupings that were emerging during the
“exciting time of the regime change”.
Acquaintances from that era remember
him leafleting enthusiastically for a
Trotskyite cell, though he says it was just
one of many different political groupings at
the time.
He was briefly a judge, but soon returned
to teach political science in Budapest,
spending a year at the UK’s University of
Sussex in what he describes as a formative
encounter with Anglo­Saxon political
thinking.
He is widely regarded as a well­briefed
technocrat, able to prepare himself for a
meeting during a short car journey. His
excellent English and businesslike tones
CV
2014 Foreign affairs and trade minister
2010-14 Deputy prime minister, public
administration and justice minister
2006-10 Member of parliament
1998-2002 Head of department, prime
minister’s office
1999 Associate professor, ELTE
1999 Doctorate in political science
1997-2000 Secretary-general, Hungarian
Political Science Association
1997-99 Senior lecturer, faculty of law
and political science, ELTE
1990 Law degree, Eötvös Loránd
University (ELTE), Budapest
have made him popular abroad – but he
showed a more pugnacious side as
parliamentary leader, with many of the
attacks on Gyurcsány absurdly personal
and bitter.
Cabinet
Head of cabinet
Jonathan Hill
Deputy head of cabinet
Adrienn Király
Cabinet members
Christine Mai
Patricia Reilly
Rodrigo Ballester
Anna Georgina Isola
Tamás Szokira
Szabolcs Horváth
Navracsics’s head of office is Jonathan
Hill, a British official who was deputy
head of office to Androulla Vassiliou
when she was commissioner for
education, culture, youth and sport.
Navracsics’s deputy is Adrienn Kiraly, a
Hungarian official who used to work in
the Commission’s justice department.
Patricia Reilly, an Irish official, used to
work in the office of Máire Geoghegan-
Quinn, the commissioner for research,
innovation and science.
47

COMMISSIONER
Günther Oettinger
Digital economy and society
Country Germany
Born Stuttgart, 15 October 1953
Political affiliation EPP
Twitter
@GOettingerEU
When Günther Oettinger’s October
2014 parliamentary hearing made
international headlines, it was for
all the wrong reasons. The German
politician, who had previously described
himself as “not happy, but satisfied” to
receive the digital agenda portfolio, scoffed
at celebrities who had been “dumb” enough
to allow nude photos of themselves to
appear online.
It was a tone­deaf comment, but also one
which revealed a misunderstanding of what
had happened. The Hollywood actors
concerned had not posted photographs of
themselves online but had had their iCloud
accounts hacked, and Oettinger’s struggle
to get his head around what was the big
technological talking­point of the day
dismayed those expecting him to take a
stand on internet security.
So it was that while Oettinger was able to
limp through the hearing, his appointment
pleased no­one. Advocates of digital rights
and intellectual property advocates were
unhappy that a key role in formulating
digital policy had gone to someone from
Germany, a country which had resisted
expanding access to online content.
Meanwhile the German media thought the
post was unimportant and one which did
not reflect Germany’s leading economic
position in the European Union.
Missteps in the confirmation hearing
simply added to the sense that this was a
portfolio misfit. The 61­year­old Oettinger,
who had been commissioner for energy in
the second Barroso Commission, was then
derided in German and British media when,
while defending his suitability for the job,
he asserted that he used the internet every
day (it seemed unlikely).
Many in the energy sector would have
preferred to see Oettinger, who had been
commissioner for energy in the second
Barroso Commission, become the vicepresident
for energy. Indeed this was also
believed to be the ambition of Oettinger
himself. However, for Jean­Claude Juncker,
the president of the Commission, to award
a vice­presidency to Germany and not to
France or the UK could have proven
politically unpalatable.
Yet Oettinger had been a steady
performer as energy commissioner, deftly
48
handling difficult negotiations with the EU’s
partners and acting as a industry­friendly
check on the more ambitious climatechange
policies put forward by then
commissioner for climate action, Connie
Hedegaard. It is worth remembering that
Oettinger’s 2009 appointment as energy
commissioner had also been greeted with
little enthusiasm. On that occasion, his
public standing had been undermined by
the discovery that he had been Chancellor
Angela Merkel’s third choice for the role.
At the time, Oettinger had spent his entire
life in his home state of Baden­
Württemberg and it had been suggested
that Merkel’s decision to send him to
Brussels was her way of getting rid of a
political rival. Other criticisms came from
outside Oettinger’s and Merkel’s camp.
“Who is he?”, asked Guy Verhofstadt, now
the leader of the Liberal (ALDE) group in the
European Parliament.
The attacks by rivals were perhaps
predictable, but the more general lack of
respect for Oettinger might seem peculiar
to outsiders. Oettinger is, after all, a man
who, as minister­president of Baden­
Württemberg in 2005­09, presided over a
land more populous than Sweden and one
of Germany’s most economically important
Länder.
Part of the dismissive attitude is regional
prejudice. Despite its wealth, the heavy
regional accent of Baden­Württemberg,
Schwäbish, leaves many struggling to avoid
being dismissed as bumpkins. However,
Oettinger’s public persona has not helped
CV
2010-14 European commissioner for
energy
2005-10 Minister-president of Baden-
Württemberg
1984-2010 Member of the state
parliament of Baden-Württemberg
1984-2005 Lawyer
1980-84 Town councillor, Ditzingen
1971-82 Law degree, Tübingen University
him: he has never looked at ease on
occasions that most regional politicians
would savour.
In his first term as a commissioner,
Oettinger did little to dispel the impression
of being cold and aloof. He was never a
favourite among the Brussels press pack
and was prone to gaffes and an appearance
of irritability. But he was always viewed as
highly competent and result­oriented,
showing an impressive command of all
questions related to energy. While digital
issues may not have been his forte at the
October hearing, Oettinger may yet again
surprise those who underestimate him.
Cabinet
Head of cabinet
Michael Hager
Deputy head of cabinet
Eric Mamer
Cabinet members
Bodo Lehmann
Paula Pinho
Markus Schulte
Marlene Holzner
Anna Herold
Oettinger has kept on many of the
members of his private office from his
term as Commissioner for energy
including Michael Hager, a German who
continues as head of office, and Eric
Mamer, a French official formerly in the
Commission’s budget department, who
continues as Oettinger’s deputy. Bodo
Lehmann (German), Paula Pinho
(Portuguese) and Markus Schulte
(German) were previously in Oettinger’s
team. Marlene Holzner, his
communications adviser, was
Oettinger’s spokesperson during his first
term.

COMMISSIONER
Christos Stylianides
Humanitarian aid and crisis management
Country Cyprus
Born Nicosia, 26 June 1958
Political affiliation EPP
Twitter
@StylianidesEU
The importance of the role of European
commissioner for humanitarian aid
and crisis management hinges on one
important factor: the scale of the crisis, or
crises, that need to be tackled.
And there was no easy start for Christos
Stylianides. National leaders named him the
EU’s Ebola co­ordinator, as the disease
spread at an alarming rate across west
Africa. One of his first tasks after taking
office was to visit the three countries most
affected by Ebola – Guinea, Liberia and
Sierra Leone. “Ebola should be addressed
like a mega natural disaster – it is like a
typhoon in slow motion,” he told the
members of the European Parliament’s
development committee. “It is also a threat
to global security… behind the worrying
statistics of [its] devastating spread … are
real human lives, people and communities
that will also need psychosocial assistance
after recovery.”
In the battle against the virus, aides say
his priority will be getting more medical
professionals to the frontlines to deal with
the pandemic.
Stylianides was certainly not daunted by
the task ahead of him. That the former
dental surgeon had also tasted crisis in
his native Cyprus – witnessing, first hand,
Greek and Turkish Cypriots caught up in the
war – reinforced his conviction that he was
the right man for the post. At his hearing
before the Parliament, he said: “I know
what it means to be in a conflict situation,
to have no shelter, to be without the basic
needs, to live in fear and be stripped of your
dignity.”
The son of a shopkeeper, Stylianides grew
up in Nicosia’s old walled city. He had a
front­row view of the strife that would
erupt in 1974 when, in response to a coup
intended to unite the island with Greece,
Turkey sent in troops. Overnight, hundreds
of thousands were turned into refugees;
Stylianides’s home was close to the UNpatrolled
Green Line, which to this day
bisects the capital.
Mild­mannered Stylianides trained and
worked as a dental surgeon before going
into politics. Although liberal by inclination,
his political career has always been with the
centre­right Democratic Rally party, DISY, on
the grounds that it takes a more conciliatory
approach to reuniting Cyprus.
From 1998­99 and, again, from 2013­14
he served as government spokesman,
gaining a reputation as a moderate and a
pragmatist.
Stylianides is also seen a risk­taker. Aides
speak of his pioneering role in social rights:
despite the deeply conservative views of
most of his compatriots, the politician has
been a champion of equality for
homosexuals, participating in the island’s
first gay pride parade earlier this year.
A hardcore Europeanist, he advocated
Cyprus’s accession to the European Union
as far back as the mid­1990s, when he
co­founded the Movement for Political
Modernisation and Reform. Similarly, he
supported the controversial United Nationsbrokered
blueprint for Cyprus known as the
Annan plan, which called for an end to the
island’s division and for reunification of its
two feuding communities in a bi­zonal,
bi­communal federation – in a referendum
in 2004, the plan was accepted by a
majority of Turkish Cypriots but
overwhelmingly rejected by Stylianides’s
fellow Greeks Cypriots.
Stylianides told MEPs that he also wanted
to concentrate on the crises that, ignored
and forgotten, were out of the news: “I
CV
2014 Elected as a member of the
European Parliament
2013-14 Government spokesperson
2011-13 Vice-chairman of the foreign and
European affairs committee
2011-13 Member of the bureau of the
OSCE Parliamentary Assembly
2006-13 Member of the Cyprus House of
Representatives
2006-11 Member of the OSCE
Parliamentary Assembly
1998-99 Government spokesman
1984 Degree in dental surgery
want to be the spokesman of the most
vulnerable, the voice of the voiceless.
The EU must not arrive with too little, too
late. Not even once!”
Cabinet
Head of cabinet
Themis Christophidou
Deputy head of cabinet
Kim Eling
Cabinet members
Sohial Luka
Davinia Wood (maternity leave,
replaced by Caterine Ebah-
Moussa)
Myrto Zambarta
Mathieu Briens
Zacharias Giakoumis
Stylianides’s private office is headed by
Themis Christophidou from Greece, who
served as deputy head of cabinet for
then fisheries commissioner Maria
Damanaki. Christophidou has a long
experience within the European
Comission. She was working in Brussels
before Cyprus joined the European
Union. Before working for Damanaki,
Christophidou had also served as
deputy head of cabinet for Androulla
Vassiliou, Cyprus’s previous
commissioner. Kim Eling, formerly
deputy chef for Kristalina Georgieva, will
serve as deputy chef for Stylianides. He
previously served as deputy head of
cabinet for Georgieva when she was
commissioner for humanitarian aid. He
was in charge of Central and Western
Africa, as well as relations with the US
and Canada.
49

COMMISSIONER
Marianne Thyssen
Employment, social affairs, skills
and labour mobility
Country
Born
Belgium
Sint-Gillis-Waas,
24 July 1956
Political affiliation EPP
Twitter
@mariannethyssen
As the European commissioner for
employment, social affairs, skills and
labour mobility, Marianne Thyssen is
charged with getting more European
citizens into work and increasing career
opportunities. In some respects, she is
eminently qualified: she has worked hard to
get where she is now and has blazed a trail
for women in Belgian public life. Yet her
career also demonstrates the importance of
chance. For her, opportunities were created
by a mix of accident and luck, seasoned
with a well­developed sense of duty.
It was former president of the European
Council (2009­14), Herman Van Rompuy,
who persuaded Thyssen to embark on a
political career and to put herself forward
as a candidate for the European Parliament
for the 1989 elections.
Thyssen, who was born in eastern
Flanders, came from outside the world of
politics: her family owned a bakery and she
was director of the research and advisory
section of Unizo, which represents small
businesses and the self­employed. She
harboured no ambition to go into frontline
politics and her colleagues had a hard time
persuading her to make the leap. At the
time, she says, she had “the best job in the
world”.
Thyssen did not get elected in the 1989
contest, but became an MEP two years later
when she took the place of Karel Pinxten,
who had moved to the Belgian senate.
What was unforeseeable then was that she
would remain an MEP for the next 23 years,
leaving only when she was nominated for
the European Commission.
Belgium’s choice of a European
commissioner became caught up in the
struggle to form a national government – a
general election had been held on 25 May,
the same day as the elections to the
European Parliament. To the surprise of
some, her CD&V party chose to secure the
post of commissioner for Thyssen instead of
taking the prime ministerial job.
What made her nomination easier was
that in the Parliament she enjoyed support
that crosses party boundaries. She has none
of the big­ego abrasiveness that was a
feature of her predecessors in the
Commission – Karel De Gucht and Louis
50
Michel. Whether in Flemish or European
politics, party colleagues and opponents
alike are – without exception – positive
about her.
While an MEP, she also exercised a second
mandate in local politics, which the Belgian
political system permits in theory and the
proximity of the European Parliament
permits in practice. She was a member of
the municipal council of Oud Heverlee, just
to the south of Leuven, but relinquished
some of her local duties in the last years of
her time as an MEP – in part to allow her to
work on important dossiers in the
Parliament’s economic and monetary affairs
committee.
Additionally, in 2008 senior figures in the
CD&V had asked Thyssen to take over the
position of chairing the party. She had never
made a secret of her preference for
European rather than national politics,
seeing Europe as her “natural
environment,” yet she took up the national
responsibility as grateful recognition that
“the party has allowed me to stay in Europe
for such a long time”.
Party leadership was no easy task
following many political crises and falling
support for her party. Thyssen, who stepped
down from the post in 2010, characterises
CV
2008-10 Leader of the CD&V (Flemish
Christian Democrats)
2004-09 First vice-president of the
European People’s Party group in the
European Parliament
2001-08 First Alderman, Oud-Heverlee
1999-2014 Head of the Belgian
delegation of the European People’s Party
group in the European Parliament
1999-2014 Member of the European
Parliament
1995-2008 Municipal councillor,
Oud-Heverlee
1991 Acting secretary-general, Unizo
1988-91 Director of research
department, Unizo (Belgian SME
organisation)
1979-80 Research assistant, faculty of
law, Katholieke Universiteit Leuven
1979 Master’s degree in law, Katholieke
Universiteit Leuven
her time as party chair as “the most
stressful period” of her life, though she said
she would do it again if asked to.
Although many in Belgian politics were
disappointed that Thyssen was assigned
only the employment and social affairs
portfolio, her own reaction was that “she
could not have wished for a better post”.
Hers is a serious dossier and her staff can
be sure that she will work hard to master
its technicalities.
Cabinet
Head of cabinet
Stefaan Hermans
Deputy head of cabinet
Ruth Paserman
Cabinet members
Baudouin Baudru
Inge Bernaerts
Vasiliki Kokkori
Julie Anne Fionda
Luk Vanmaercke
Raf de Backer
Jonathan Stabenow
Thyssen’s cabinet is led by Stefaan
Hermans, a Belgian and a former head of
unit in the department for research and
innovation. Her deputy chef de cabinet, is
Ruth Paserman, an Italian with an
extensive track record in the
Commission, which she joined in 1996.
Paserman joined a commissioner’s
cabinet for the first time in 2009 when
she worked for Antonio Tajani in the
dpeartment for industry and
entrepreneurship. She left in 2011 to
become head of unit for industry and
entreprise. Among Thyssen’s seven other
cabinet members are four Belgians,
including her current communications
adviser Luk Vanmaercke. Her personal
assistant, Raf De Backer, has worked with
her for the past fifteen years.

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51

COMMISSIONER
Karmenu Vella
Environment, maritime affairs
and fisheries
Country Malta
Born Zurrieq, ˙ 19 June 1950
Political affiliation PES
Twitter
@KarmenuVella
Nicknames have a special significance
in Malta. Whether a badge of
individual respect (or notoriety), a
man’s laqam will often tell you more about
him than his entire CV.
Karmenu Vella has had many titles in his
40­year political and business career:
minister for public works, industry, tourism,
the economy; chairman of the Corinthia
Group of companies; shadow minister for
finance, to name but a few. But to many in
Malta he is known simply as “The Guy”: a
nickname that goes back to his early
campaigning days, when he was regarded as
atypically urbane and well­groomed for a
representative of a blue­collar workers’
party.
The appellation reflects a quality that set
Vella apart when he stood for parliament
for the Labour Party in 1976, then in his
mid­20s. Often at odds with the militant
Maltese socialism of the time, he projected
an image of affable bonhomie. Likewise, his
television appearances over four decades of
electioneering have earned him a
reputation as a soft­spoken, almost docile
interlocutor – far more at home in his
native Maltese than in English or Italian,
though he speaks all three.
Time has also endowed Vella with a
certain venerability in Maltese politics.
When he vacated his parliamentary seat in
2014 he was one of only two MPs who had
served uninterruptedly for 38 years.
But Vella’s ascendancy in Maltese politics
cannot be attributed to mere charisma. It is
widely acknowledged that his enormous
grassroots popularity would not have been
possible without the special relationship he
forged in the late 1960s with former prime
minister Dom Mintoff.
In those early days, Vella was “the Guy”
who accompanied Mintoff wherever he
went. This earned Vella another, less
flattering nickname: “Mintoff’s pet”.
Ironically, however, Vella would in later
years be credited with a lead role in the
post­1992 transformation of the Labour
Party.
This collision between ‘Old’ and ‘New’
Labour proved a defining moment for the
party, which emerged ‘purged’, so to speak,
of many faces from the old guard. Not Vella,
however: he retained his prominence, in
52
government and opposition.
Vella has been assigned sensitive cabinet
posts in every Labour administration since
1981. But it was in tourism that he left the
most lasting impression. Tourism accounts
for 14% of Malta’s GDP. Most would
concede that it was under Vella’s
management that the strategic importance
of this sector was first given the concerted
government attention many felt it deserved.
For much the same reasons, however, not
everyone sings Vella’s praises. Vella’s own
direct interests in the sector have raised
eyebrows. In 2001, while shadow tourism
minister, Vella was appointed executive
chairman of Corinthia Hotels International,
Malta’s largest hotel chain.
Tourism may be a speciality, but Vella has
no experience in the areas that he is now
responsible for as a European
commissioner. That did not go unnoticed in
his hearing before the European Parliament,
where there were concerns about giving the
environment portfolio to someone from a
country that has a spring bird­hunting
season.
Efforts have also consistently been made
to resurrect Vella’s connections with
Mintoff’s Labour government of the 1980s –
a political administration that has since
CV
2013-14 Tourism and aviation minister
2010-13 Chairman of Orange Travel
Group
2008-13 Co-ordinator of the Labour
Party parliamentary group
2008-10 Executive chairman of
Mediterranean Construction Company
2001-07 Executive chairman of Corinthia
Hotels International
2000 Master’s degree in tourism
management, Sheffield Hallam University
1996-98 Tourism minister
1984-87 Industry minister
1981-83 Public works minister
1976-2014 Member of parliament
1973-81 Architect
1973 Degree in architecture and civil
engineering
been found guilty of human rights
violations. As The Times of Malta put it last
year: “There were allegations against the
government over political thuggery, tax
evasion and corruption.” Vella has not been
implicated in any such allegations; and even
his political opponents concede in private
that he is a difficult man to dislike. In a
country that routinely throws up political
heroes and villains, “The Guy” does not
quite fit into either role.
Cabinet
Head of cabinet
Patrick Costello
Deputy head of cabinet
Gabriella Pace
Cabinet members
Jürgen Müller
Aurore Maillet
András Inotai
Andrew Bianco
Lanfranco Fanti
Antonina Rousseva
Brian Synnott
Costello was deputy to the chair of the
EU’s Political and Security Committee, a
group of member states’ ambassadors
dealing with security issues, in 2011-14
and deputy head of unit in the
Commission’s external relations
department in 2009-11. He worked for
Margot Wallström, the commissioner
for communication and interinstitutional
relations, in 2007-09 and
for Josep Borrell, European Parliament
president, in 2004-06. The office’s
deputy head of cabinet is Gabriella Pace,
a Maltese who worked with the
European Central Bank from 2009 as a
senior lawyer.

COMMISSIONER
Margrethe Vestager
Competition
Country Denmark
Born Glostrup, 13 April 1968
Political affiliation ALDE
Twitter
@vestager
Much has been made of the parallels
between Danish politician
Margrethe Vestager and the
fictional female prime minister of Denmark
in the cult TV series Borgen. Vestager has
even revealed that an actor researching the
programme followed her around to get a
feel for the life of a high­profile female
politician in the midst of Denmark’s often
evolving coalition politics.
Which is why, shortly after Vestager was
awarded the influential competition
portfolio in the Jean­Claude Juncker
Commission, TV buffs delved into their DVD
box sets to take another look at episode 12
of Borgen, set in and around the seat of
Danish government, Copenhagen’s
Christiansborg Palace.
The episode is called “In Brussels, no one
can hear you scream” and it tells of a
ruthless move by the prime minister to rid
herself of a rival by awarding him the role of
commissioner – the implication being that
the EU is where political careers go to die. It
was a case of art­imitating­life­imitating­art,
although Vestager was not the prime
minister, but the rival being sent to political
Siberia.
Vestager was Denmark’s minister for
economic affairs and the interior from 2011
until her resignation late in 2014. As the
leader of the centrist Radikale Venstre
(Radical Left) party, she was one of only two
Danish ministers who had any experience of
government before 2011 when the threeparty
centre­left coalition came to power,
under social democrat Prime Minister Helle
Thorning­Schmidt.
After appointing Vestager to the
Commission, Thorning­Schmidt had kind
words for her deputy, who had played such
a large part in setting Denmark’s economic
course. “I will miss Margrethe, with whom I
have had a good working relationship,”
Thorning­Schmidt said. Yet the relationship
between the two politicians was reportedly
frosty, with Vestager’s strong vision casting
a shadow over the at­times­troubled
leadership of Thorning­Schmidt.
In real life there appears little to suggest
that Brussels will be the kiss of death for
Vestager’s career. Unleashing an arguably
unrivalled charm offensive during her
hearing before the European Parliament’s
economic affairs committee, the 46­year­old
economist vowed to be a tireless
campaigner for competition – and not just
because it makes good business sense.
“Competition policy is neither bureaucracy
nor technicalities,” she said. “It is [about]
values – and these I have found in the
European Parliament.”
MEPs appeared comfortable both with
Vestager’s mastery of the brief and her
commitment to defend her independence
from the big end of town. “I will listen to
everyone – from the largest multinationals
to the representatives of small firms,”
Vestager said. “But the analysis of my staff,
and my own judgement, will not be swayed
by anyone.”
Vestager was born just outside
Copenhagen but grew up in rural Ølgod with
parents who were both Lutheran pastors.
Both were card­carrying members of
Radikale Venstre – a socially progressive but
economically dry party that Vestager’s
great­great grandfather helped to found.
She joined at a young age, standing for
parliament when she was just 20 (without
success), and becoming national
chairwoman after leaving university in
1993 at the age of 25.
In 1998, at the age of 29, Vestager
became minister for education and
ecclesiastical affairs, a position that put her
in charge of the Danish state church –
CV
2011-14 Economic affairs and interior
minister
2007-14 Leader of Radikale Venstre
2001-14 Member of parliament
2000-01 Education minister
1998-2000 Education and ecclesiastical
affairs minister
1997-98 Head of secretariat, Agency
for Financial Management and
Administrative Affairs
1995-97 Special consultant, Agency
for Financial Management and
Administrative Affairs
1993-95 Head of section, Finance
Ministry
1993 Master of science in economics,
University of Copenhagen
making her, in effect, her parents’ boss.
Elections in 2001 removed the party from
government but finally gave Vestager a seat
in parliament. In 2007 she took over the
party’s reins and under her leadership it
gained its ‘Radicool’ image as the party of
the cultural elite.
Vestager was known for running and
walking her dog around her Copenhagen
neighbourhood, and she preferred her bike
to the ministerial car service. Her personal
life has none of the messiness of her
fictional counterpart on Borgen: she is
married to academic Thomas Jensen and
they have three daughters: Maria, Rebecca
and Ella.
Cabinet
Head of cabinet
Ditte Juul-Jørgensen
Deputy head of cabinet
Linsey McCallum
Cabinet members
Søren Schønberg
Astrid Cousin
Friedrich Wenzel Bulst
Claes Bengtsson
Christina Holm-Eiberg
Mette Dyrskjøt
Thomas George
Linsey McCallum, a British lawyer who
has been at the Commission for 21
years, is the deputy head of cabinet and
was a contemporary of Juul Jørgensen
at the College of Europe. Previously a
director in the directorate-general for
competition, McCallum is a veteran of
antitrust cases in the technology sector,
which should prove useful. Vestager’s
Danish head of cabinet, Ditte Juul-
Jørgensen, was a director in the
Commission’s department for trade.
Senior adviser Søren Schønberg was in
the cabinet of Cecilia Malmström when
she was commissioner for home affairs.
53

GENDER BALANCE
Hitting targets
The European Commission’s gender
balance – or lack of it – had the
dubious honour of being the
controversy which cast a shadow over Jean­
Claude Juncker’s presidency even before the
Luxembourg politician had officially taken
office. Juncker had wanted to appoint at
least as many female commissioners as his
predecessor José Manuel Barroso, who
counted nine women among his 27
(subsequently 28) commissioners during his
second mandate (2009­14). Juncker was
even subjected to a ’10 or more’ campaign
– a social media meme featuring photos of
outgoing female commissioners holding
both hands up in a 10­finger salute.
It was not to be. In spite of a promise to
offer female commissioners’ more
prestigious portfolios, most member states
put forward male candidates and Juncker
was only able to match Barroso’s nine when
Poland eventually selected Elżbieta
Bieńkowska. Instead, Juncker set a more
ambitious – and perhaps more realistic –
target to improve female representation in
the ranks of the Commission’s middle and
senior management – in short, in the ranks
of the officials rather than those nominated
by politicians. As outlined in his mission
letter to Kristalina Georgieva, the
commissioner for budget and human
resources, Juncker had set the target of 40%
female representation for senior and middle
management staff in his term. The
Commission president also asked Georgieva
to “pay particular attention to gender
equality in the recruitment process and
throughout the career path”.
The Barroso II Commission had worked on
an ‘equal opportunity strategy’ from 2010­14
to increase the number of female staff for
three management areas in which women
were under­represented. By the end of 2014,
women were to make up 25% of senior
management posts, meaning that a third of
appointments to replace those leaving for
retirement should be women. Additionally,
Barroso wanted women to make up 30% of
middle­management and 43% of nonmanagement
administrator posts.
It was a concerted effort on the part of
the Commission which saw those targets
met in February 2014. Commission research
revealed that job flexibility was an
important factor in encouraging women civil
servants to take on greater responsibilities.
An attempt was also made to create a work
environment in which “men and women are
offered the best chances of contributing
fully to the success of the organisation”.
The latest figures show that almost 28% of
the Commission’s senior managers were
Commission staff by age and gender
AGE FEMALE
MALE
21 - 22 1 100.0%
23 - 24 4 66.7% 2 33,3%
24 - 26 25 61.0% 16 39.0%
27 - 28 83 62.4% 50 37.6%
29 - 30 194 70.5% 81 29.5%
31 - 32 342 66.7% 171 33.3%
33 - 34 637 65.5% 336 34.5%
35 - 36 958 64.5% 527 35.5%
37 - 38 1,016 62.5% 610 37.5%
39 - 40 930 57.1% 700 42.9%
41 - 42 865 57.7% 635 42.3%
43 - 44 879 54.6% 730 45.4%
45 - 46 959 53.8% 822 46.2%
47 - 48 965 51.8% 898 48.2%
49 - 50 895 50.5% 877 49.5%
51 - 52 864 49.9% 868 50.1%
53 - 54 816 46.8% 929 53.2%
55 - 56 667 43.6% 863 56.4%
57 - 58 547 41.0% 788 59.0%
59 - 60 389 38.2% 629 61.8%
61 - 62 243 37.3% 408 62.7%
63 - 64 141 35.3% 258 64.7%
65 - 66 12 31.6% 26 68.4%
67 - 68 1 100.0%
women, who also made up 30% of middle
management positions and 43% of nonmanagement
positions. All this adds up to
significant progress over the past 20 years:
in 1995 women made up a mere 4% of
senior management roles, 10% of middle
management positions and almost 24% of
non­management staff.
Yet Juncker is now aiming for more and
set the 40% target for all three management
categories. As things stand, of the 13,517
officials working at the Commission on 1
January, 42.2% are female.
Yet there is another staffing discrepancy
which may prove harder to address:
national representation. If broken down by
country of origin, the Commission’s staff is
not particularly representative, particularly
as staff regulations state clearly that
recruitment and appointments are to be
Source: European Commission
made on the “broadest possible
geographical basis” from nationals of all EU
member states. Recruitment is underpinned
by a complex formula, which takes into
account a country’s total population, its
number of seats in parliament and its
weight in the Council of Ministers.
The regulations also say that no post can
be set aside for nationals from a given
member state and that competence
relevant to the function should be the main
selection criterion. There was an exception
to this rule: the transition period after EU
enlargement, in which compulsory
recruitment targets were set and specific
posts could be reserved for the nationals
from new member­states in a bid to boost
their numbers. Croatia, which joined the EU
in 2013, was to benefit from this form of
positive discrimination until mid­2018.
54

LOCATION
Where in the world
Most of the Commission’s 34,000 officials are based in
Brussels, working in more than 70 buildings. Most of
these buildings are located around the European
quarter near Schuman roundabout although the Commission
does have offices in Evere, eastern Brussels on the way to NATO,
and Beaulieu in south­eastern Brussels.
The location of Commission departments has been overhauled
recently as a result of reorganisations decided by Jean­Claude
Juncker when he became president of the Commission. For an
up­to­date directory of the addresses of Commission
departments check the Commission directory
http://europa.eu/whoiswho/public/index.cfm?lang=en
There are also 3,900 Commission officials working in
Luxembourg. Commission offices in Luxembourg include
Eurostat, the EU’s statistical service, and parts of the health,
translation, IT and payments departments. Commission staff in
Luxembourg are likely to move buildings soon because of work at
some of the Commission offices.
A list of all the Commission’s buildings in Brussels can be
found here:
http://ec.europa.eu/oib/buildings_en.cfm
A list of all the Commission’s buildings in Luxembourg can be
found here:
http://ec.europa.eu/oil/batiments_en.htm
The Commission also has representations in each of the 28 EU
member states. A list of the representations can be found
here:
http://ec.europa.eu/represent_en.htm
Commission staff also work in the EU’s delegations to third
countries and international organisations which are headed
by a member of the European External Action Service.
A full list of the EU’s delegations can be found here:
http://www.eeas.europa.eu/delegations/index_en.htm
Useful links
Webpage of Jean­Claude Juncker, president of the
Commission:
http://ec.europa.eu/commission/2014­2019/president_en
The commissioners’ webpages:
http://ec.europa.eu/commission/2014­2019_en
Official Journal:
http://eur­lex.europa.eu/oj/direct­access.html
Transparency register:
http://ec.europa.eu/transparencyregister/public/homePage.do
EU who is who:
http://europa.eu/whoiswho/public/
Centralised page of departments and services:
http://ec.europa.eu/about/ds_en.htm
Executive agencies:
http://europa.eu/about­eu/agencies/index_en.htm
Historical archives:
http://ec.europa.eu/historical_archives/index_en.htm
Audio­visual and photo service:
http://ec.europa.eu/avservices/photo/
CVs’ of the Commission’s directors­general, deputy directorsgeneral
and equivalent senior management officials:
http://ec.europa.eu/civil_service/about/who/dg_en.htm
55

PAY
European commissioners: what they earn
President
Jean-Claude Juncker
Annual salary: €306,655
High representative
security policy
Federica Mogherini
Annual salary: €288,877
The salaries of European commissioners are set
at 112.5% of the pay of an official at grade A16,
step 3 (see facing page). The president of the
European Commission is paid 138% of this
grade and the vice-president 125%. The high
representative, who is also a vice-president of
the Commission, is paid 130%.
Vice-presidents
Annual salary: €277,767
Commissioners
Annual salary: €249,990
On joining the Commission, a
commissioner is entitled to an
installation allowance of two
months’ salary.
a residence allowance of 15% of their
basic salary and a monthly allowance
for representative expenses (€1,418 for
the president, €911 for vice-presidents
and €608 for other commissioners).
On leaving the Commission,
commissioners are entitled to a
resettlement allowance of one month’s
basic salary and a three-year
transitional allowance of 40%-65% of
their salary, which is reduced if they
take up new, paid activities.
Commissioners can draw their pensions
from 65. The pension may not exceed
70% of the final basic salary. It is
calculated at 4.275% of the basic salary
Travel and removal costs are also
reimbursed.
Salaries are subject to EU tax (8%-45%)
and a solidarity levy of 7%.
56

PAY
European Commission salaries (January 2015)
Step
monthly, in euro
Grade 1 2 3 4 5
16 17 054.40 17 771.05 18 517.81
15 15 073.24 15 706.64 16 366.65 16 822.00 17 054.40
14 13 322.22 13 882.04 14 465.38 14 867.83 15 073.24
13 11 774.62 12 269.40 12 784.98 13 140.68 13 322.22
12 10 406.80 10 844.10 11 299.79 11 614.16 11 774.62
11 9 197.87 9 584.37 9 987.12 10 264.98 10 406.80
10 8 129.38 8 470.99 8 826.95 9 072.53 9 197.87
9 7 185.01 7 486.94 7 801.55 8 018.60 8 129.38
8 6 350.35 6 617.20 6 895.26 7 087.10 7 185.01
7 5 612.65 5 848.50 6 094.26 6 263.81 6 350.35
6 4 960.64 5 169.10 5 386.31 5 536.16 5 612.65
5 4 384.38 4 568.62 4 760.60 4 893.04 4 960.64
4 3 875.06 4 037.89 4 207.57 4 324.63 4 384.38
3 3 424.90 3 568.82 3 718.79 3 822.25 3 875.06
2 3 027.04 3 154.24 3 286.79 3 378.23 3 424.90
1 2 675.40 2 787.82 2 904.97 2 985.79 3 027.04
Assistants can be employed at grades 1-11, secretaries and clerks at grades 1-6 and
on policy is AD5. Assistants can become administrators if they undergo training and
pass exams relating to administrators’ tasks.
until they advance to the next grade. Administrators can reach grade AD12 through
such promotion alone.
managers in the Commission at head of unit level have to be at least AD9.
57

INDEX
Alexandrova, Sophie P17
Andriukaitis, Vytenis P27, 34
Ansip, Andrus P10, 11, 18, 35
Arias Canete, Miguel P10, 11, 28, 34
Avramopoulos, Dimitris P30, 34
Balta, Liene P12
Baltazar, Telmo P9
Barroso, José Manuel P10, 24
Battista, Jasmin P18
Bieńkowska, Elżbieta P11, 31, 34
Borisov, Boyko P17
Bulc, Violeta P11, 32, 34
Cameron, David P8
Chapuis, Laure P18
Colombani, Antoine P12
Crețu, Corina P11, 33, 35
Curtis, Michael P14
Day, Catherine P42
Dejmek­Hack, Paulina P9
Delors, Jacques P9
Delvaux Léon P9
Dombrovskis, Valdis P10, 11, 22, 35
Draghi, Mario P8
Fernandez­Shaw, Felix P14
Georgieva, Kristalina P10, 11, 17, 34
Giorev, Daniel P17
Grazin, Igor P18
Gren, Jörgen P18
Gros­Tchorbadjiyska, Angelina P17
Hahn, Johannes P11, 16, 36, 35
Hill, Jonathan (commissioner) P11, 24, 35, 37
Hill, Jonathan (head of cabinet) P47
Hinrikus, Hanna P18
Hogan, Phil P11, 35, 38
Hristcheva, Mariana P17
Illiev, Dimo P17
Italianer, Alexander P42
Järven, Aare P18
Jennings, Michael P17
Jourová, Věra P11, 35, 40
Juncker, Jean­Claude P4, 8, 9, 10, 11, 14, 15, 24,
26, 34, 42, 54, 56
Karshovski, Ivan P17
Kasel, Antoine P9
Katainen, Jyrki P11, 23, 35
Kloc, Kamila P18
Kostov, Ivan P17
Kramer, Sandra P9
Kroes, Neelie P26
Laitenberger, Johannes P9
Lamy, Pascal P9
Lepassaar, Juhan p18
Le Roy, Alain P16
Maggi, Riccardo P12
Malmström, Cecilia P10, 11, 16, 34, 41
Manservisi, Stefano P14, 15, 16, 42
Martenczuk, Bernd P12
Martinez­Alberola, Clara P9
Mettler, Ann P26
Mimica, Neven P10, 11, 16, 34, 43
Moedas, Carlos P11, 34, 44
Mogherini, Federica P10, 11, 14, 15, 16, 34
Mogherini, Flavio P14
Moscovici, Pierre P10, 11, 46, 34
Navracsics, Tibor P11, 34, 47
Nelen, Sarah P12
Oettinger, Günther P10, 11, 18, 35, 48
Padar, Ivari P18
Panzetti, Fabrizia P14
Petrocelli, Enrico P14
Piorko, Iwona P14
Prodi, Romano P15
Putin, Vladimir P14
Ray, Catherine P14
Rebesani, Matteo P14
Rentschler, Oliver P14
Renzi, Matteo P14
Requena, Luis Romero P42
Richard, Alice P12
Rõivas, Taavi P18
Rouch, Pauline P9
Santer, Jacques P8
Sarkozy, Nicolas P8
ŠefČoviČ, Maroš P10, 11, 20, 26, 35
Selmayr, Martin P9, 42
Servoz, Michel P42
Schwarz, Andreas P17
Smit, Maarten P12
Smith, Jeremy P18
Smulders, Ben P12
Strotmann, Maximilian P18
Stylianides, Christos P10, 11, 16, 49, 35
Sutton, Michelle P12
Szostak, Richard P9
Tholoniat, Luc P9
Thyssen, Marianne P10, 11, 50, 35
Timmermans, Frans P10, 11, 12, 24
Trichet, Jean­Claude P8
Tusk, Donald P14
Ustubs, Peteris P14
Van Bueren, Saar P12
Van Rompuy, Herman P8
Vannini, Arianna P14
Vella, Karmenu P11, 35, 52
Veltroni, Walter P14
Vezyroglou, Anna P14
Vestager, Margrethe P35, 53
Werner, Elisabeth P17
Zadra, Carlo P9
58