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Vowel insertion + /t-/ prefixation - Mohamed Lahrouchi

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IGG XXXI, February 24th-26th 05<br />

University of Roma<br />

Regular and Irregular Imperfective conjugations<br />

in Berber languages<br />

<strong>Mohamed</strong> <strong>Lahrouchi</strong><br />

UMR7023-CNRS-Université Paris8<br />

mlahrouchi@univ-paris8.fr<br />

I. Imperfective formation<br />

Processes to form Imperfective in Berber:<br />

i. <strong>prefixation</strong> of the augment /t-/ 1 to the basic stem,<br />

ii. gemination of a segment in the stem,<br />

iii. <strong>insertion</strong> of a vowel, mostly /a/, in the stem<br />

iv. accent on first vowel (Tamashek variety)<br />

(1)<br />

Aorist Imperfective<br />

Tamazight 2<br />

“stamp” ak´l ttak´l<br />

“get cold” kr´m k´rr´m<br />

“speak” siw´l sawal<br />

Kabyle<br />

“play” urar tt s urar<br />

“plough” kr´z k´rr´z<br />

“camp” sd2´r sd2ar<br />

Tashlhiyt<br />

“go back” ruħ ttruħ<br />

“stand up” nkr nkkr<br />

“do” skr skar<br />

Tamashek 3<br />

“bray” ´$ru ti@ru<br />

1 /t-/ quantity variation is not examined in this paper.<br />

2 Tamazight, Tamashek, Kabyle and Tashlhiyt are spoken in the Middle Atlas range in Morocco, Mali,<br />

Northeast Algeria and Southwest Morocco, respectively.<br />

3 Acute and grave accents stand for Imperfective and default accents, respectively. /´/ and /Q/ are<br />

analysed as being shorter than other vowels in Tamashek (cf. Heath 2004).<br />

“enter” ´$ZZ´S tA@ZZQS<br />

“fight” ´$kn´s kA@nnQs<br />

- <strong>Vowel</strong> <strong>insertion</strong> + /t-/ <strong>prefixation</strong> (e.g.. xdm ⇒ ttxdam<br />

“work”, Tashlhiyt)<br />

- <strong>Vowel</strong> <strong>insertion</strong> + gemination (e.g. ´$kn´s ⇒ kA@nnQs “fight”,<br />

Tamashek).<br />

- Prefixation never combines with gemination, except for a few<br />

mono-consonantal verbs (e.g. g ⇒ ttgga “be”, Tashlhiyt).<br />

(2) Geminated Imperfective<br />

Focus will be made on gemination at the Imperfective stem in<br />

Tamazight, Kabyle, Tamashek and Tashlhiyt Berber varieties.<br />

Regular verbs merely geminate a stem consonant.<br />

Irregular verbs involve both gemination and affixation, e.g. gn ⇒<br />

ggan “sleep”; g ⇒ ttgga “be” (Tashlhiyt)<br />

(3) Aims<br />

a. Imperfective gemination is a templatic-based mechanism.<br />

b. Regular and irregular verbs behave templatically similar: they<br />

use the same template to form their Imperfective.<br />

c. Surface irregularity follows from templatic constraints.<br />

II. Template Morphology<br />

(4) Classical Arabic Verb conjugation (McCarthy 1979, 1981)<br />

√f÷l √ktb<br />

I CVCVC fa÷al katab<br />

II CVCCVC fa÷÷al kattab<br />

III CVVCVC faa÷al kaatab<br />

Iv CVCCVC /af÷al /aktab<br />

v CVCVCCVC tafa÷÷al takattab<br />

vI CVCVVCVC tafaa÷al takaatab<br />

vII CCVCVC nfa÷al nkatab


IGG XXXI, February 24th-26th 05<br />

University of Roma<br />

(5) Guerssel & Lowenstamm (1993)<br />

- The number of templates listed in (4) are reduced by<br />

suggesting that CA verbal forms use a unique template as<br />

given in (6):<br />

(6) CV[CV]CVCV<br />

(7) forms II, III, IV and VII of the root √ktb “write”:<br />

a. Form II b. Form III<br />

k t b k t b<br />

| | | | | |<br />

C V C V C V C V C V C V C V C V<br />

| |<br />

a a<br />

[kattab]<br />

[kaatab]<br />

c. Form IV d. Form VII<br />

/ k t b n k t b<br />

| | | | | | | |<br />

C V C V C V C V C V C V C V C V C V C V<br />

| | |<br />

a a a<br />

[/aktab] [nkatab]<br />

Internal (greyed) and external (italicised) sites act as the head of<br />

the formation; the identification of one of them leads to the derivation one<br />

verbal form.<br />

(8) Classical Arabic internal plurals<br />

sg pl<br />

“sword” rum rimaa<br />

“mountain” Zabal Zibaal<br />

“sea” bar biaar<br />

“star” naZm nuZuum<br />

Asfour (2001) and Kihm (2003) suggest that CA internal plurals<br />

use an empty derivational site located in the template between C 2 and C 3 .<br />

(9) Berber internal plurals (Idrissi 2001):<br />

Berber plurals such as: awtul (sg) ⇒ iwtal (pl) “hare”, asrdun<br />

(sg) ⇒ isrdan (pl) “mule”, asyrs (sg) ⇒ isyras “bag”, asƒun (sg) ⇒<br />

isƒwan (pl) “rope”, are analysed in the same way.<br />

(10) Kabyle Negative Preterit (Bendjaballah 1999)<br />

Aorist Negative Preterit<br />

“work” xD´m xDim<br />

“dive” bb´“ bbi“<br />

“go down” aD´r uDir<br />

“quote” BD´r BDir<br />

The Negative Preterit marker /i/ results from the activation of the<br />

empty site between C 2 and C 3 .<br />

III. Data<br />

The Geminated Imperfective involves verbs that contain:<br />

- no more than three consonants, none of which is a geminate.<br />

- If a verb contains a full vowel it should be in the final position.<br />

Regular verbs (triconsonantal) follow under (11):<br />

(11) Aorist Imperfective<br />

a) Tamazight<br />

“get cold” kr´m k´rr´m<br />

“plough” kr´z k´rr´z<br />

“burn” k w m´d k w´mm´d<br />

“stand up” nk´r n´kk´r<br />

“grill” kn´f k´nn´f<br />

b) Tashlhiyt<br />

“hunt” g w mr g w mmr<br />

“enter” kSm kSSm<br />

“itch” frd ffrd<br />

“plough” krz kkrz


IGG XXXI, February 24th-26th 05<br />

University of Roma<br />

“rent” kru krru<br />

c) Kabyle<br />

“crush” br´c b´rr´c<br />

“cross” zg´r z´gg´r<br />

“work” xD´m x´dd´m<br />

“forbidden” gD´l g´dd´l<br />

“make swell” bz´g b´zz´g<br />

d) Tamashek<br />

“fight” ´$kn´s kA@nnQs<br />

“learn” ´$lm´d lA@mmQd<br />

“follow” ´$lk´m hA@kkQm<br />

“destroy” ´$hl´k hA@llQk<br />

“walk” ´$rg´h rA@ggQh<br />

These verbs all geminate one stem consonant at the Imperfective.<br />

By contrast, verbs under (12) use both gemination and affixation to form<br />

their Imperfective:<br />

(12)<br />

a) Tamazight<br />

“fall” d1r t1t1ar<br />

“overnight” n´s n´ssa<br />

“be” g t´gga / tt´g<br />

“wash” ´gW t´ggWa<br />

“come from” ´kk t´kka<br />

b) Tashlhiyt<br />

“kill” nƒ nqqa<br />

“spend the day” kl klla<br />

“be, become” g ttgga<br />

“eat” SS Stta<br />

“hit” ut kkat<br />

“put out” d1i t1t1ay<br />

c) Kabyle<br />

“stick” g´r ggar<br />

“give” ´fk tt s ak<br />

“fall, go down” ´rs t s rus<br />

“suppurate” fi t s fay<br />

“sleep” ´d`s` t`tàs`<br />

d) Tamashek<br />

“give” Q$kf hA@kk<br />

“do” Q$j tA@jj(a)<br />

“hit” ´$w´t t´wwA@t<br />

“say” Q$nn jA@nn<br />

“kill” Q$NF nA@qq<br />

Different kinds of verbs are distinguished in (12):<br />

i. verbs using both gemination and vowel <strong>insertion</strong> (e.g.<br />

Tamashek: nA@qq; Tamazight: n´ssa, t1t1ar; Tashlhiyt: ggan,<br />

nqqa; t1t1ay; Kabyle: ggar, t`tàs`),<br />

ii. verbs using /t-/ affixation and vowel <strong>insertion</strong> (e.g. Tamazight:<br />

tt´g; Tashlhiyt: Stta; Kabyle: tt s ak, t s fay, t s rus),<br />

iii. verbs using /t-/ affixation, vowel <strong>insertion</strong> and gemination (e.g.<br />

Tamazight: t´gga, t´ggWa, t´kka; Tamashek: t´wwA@t, tA@jj(a);<br />

Tashlhiyt: ttgga),<br />

iv. some verbs change completely (e.g. Tashlhiyt: ut ⇒ kkat,<br />

Tamashek: Q$kf ⇒ hA@kk),<br />

v. other verbs use unusual affixes (e.g. Tamashek: Q$nn ⇒ jA@nn,<br />

Tashlhiyt: SS ⇒ Stta)<br />

IV. Phonological account<br />

Tashlhiyt Berber unfixed gemination:<br />

- Dell & Elmedlaoui’s (1988) syllable-based analysis:<br />

“The segment which is geminated in the Imperfective stem is that segment which is<br />

syllabified as an onset by Core Syllabification in the basic stem.” (p. 11)<br />

However, this analysis:<br />

- Does not involve irregular verbs as given in (12).<br />

- Is limited to Tashlhiyt Berber where gemination is unfixed.<br />

- Seems unnecessary in the case the geminated consonant is<br />

invariably C 2 .


IGG XXXI, February 24th-26th 05<br />

University of Roma<br />

- Jebbour (1996):<br />

Prosodic account: for any verb to undergo gemination the output<br />

should contain two light syllables.<br />

V. Templatic account<br />

Tri-consonantal verbs<br />

(13) CVCV Model (Lowestamm 1996),<br />

Within CVCV model templates consist of a strict alternation of CV units.<br />

(14) Berber peripheral vowels<br />

Following Kabbaj (1990), Lowenstamm (1991), Bendjaballah (1999,<br />

2000) and Idrissi (2000), Berber peripheral vowels are analysed as being<br />

phonologically long; they are associated with two V slots:<br />

This parameter is limited to the skeletal tier. It has no effect on the<br />

phonetic lengthening of the vowels.<br />

(15) - Why does C 3 never geminate at the Imperfective stem?<br />

[16] Imperfective Template<br />

C 1 V [C V] C 2 V C 3 V<br />

(17) Tamazight<br />

(a)<br />

C 1 V C V C 2 V C 3 V<br />

| | | | |<br />

n ´ k ´ r<br />

[n´kk´r]<br />

(b)<br />

C 1 V C V C 2 V C 3 V<br />

| | | |<br />

n k ´ r<br />

*[nk´rr]<br />

(18) Sonority effect<br />

Verbs that geminate C 1 instead of C 2 in Tashlhiyt all contain<br />

sonorants (liquids or nasals) in C2 position.<br />

(19)<br />

“Any segment is prohibited to geminate at the Imperfective stem in Tashlhiyt Berber if it is<br />

the most sonorous segment in the basic stem.”<br />

C 1 germination: a “subsidiary” operation that overcomes<br />

prohibited C 2 gemination. Cf. Tiberian Hebrew “compensatory<br />

lengthening” (nominal derivation: naggar “carpenter”, sippuur “story”<br />

opposed to paaraaS “horseman” and baaheret “white spots on the skin”;<br />

verbal derivation: kitteb “write” vs. beerak “bless”).<br />

VI. Mono- and bi-consonantal verbs<br />

The so-called irregular verbs derive their Imperfective with a<br />

combination of different operations. Their Imperfective size depends on<br />

their aorist form. That is to say:<br />

“the shorter the aorist form is, the more numerous the operations used to<br />

transform the verb are.”<br />

Minimality Word Constraint in Prosodic Morphology (cf. McCarthy &<br />

Prince 1986 et seq.): each word contains at least one foot (or two moras).


IGG XXXI, February 24th-26th 05<br />

University of Roma<br />

(20) mono-and bi-consonantal representations:<br />

a) Tamazight<br />

C V ⇒ C V C V C V C V<br />

| | |<br />

g t ´ g a<br />

[g] [t´gga]<br />

C V C V ⇒ C V C V C V C V<br />

| | | | |<br />

n ´ s n ´ s a<br />

[n´s] [n´ssa]<br />

b) Kabyle<br />

C V C V ⇒ C V C V C V C V<br />

| | | |<br />

f i t s f a y<br />

[fi] [t s fay]<br />

C V C V ⇒ C V C V C V C V<br />

| | | |<br />

g ´ r g a r<br />

[fi] [ggar]<br />

c) Tamashek<br />

C V C V ⇒ C V C V C V C V<br />

| | |<br />

Q Z t A Z<br />

[Q$Z] [tA@ZZ]<br />

C V C V C V ⇒ C V C V C V C V<br />

| | | |<br />

Q N F n A q<br />

[Q$NF] [nA@qq]<br />

d) Tashlhiyt<br />

.<br />

Aorist Imperfective<br />

C V C V ⇒ C V C V C V C V<br />

|<br />

SS S t a<br />

[SS] [Stta]<br />

C V C V ⇒ C V C V C V C V<br />

| | |<br />

k l k l a<br />

[kl] [klla]<br />

VII. Tamashek triconsonantal verbs<br />

Triconsonantal Imperfective forms given in (11c) use both C 2<br />

gemination and vowel <strong>insertion</strong> (vowel lengthening according to Heath<br />

2004). They need one slot more in their template:<br />

(21) Tamashek<br />

C 1 V C V C 2 V C 3 V<br />

| | | | |<br />

* l A m Q d<br />

(23) Classical Arabic plurals<br />

“habitant” saakin sukkaan<br />

“student” taalib tullaab<br />

“reader” qaari÷ qurraa÷<br />

“worker” /aamil /ummaal


IGG XXXI, February 24th-26th 05<br />

University of Roma<br />

(22) C 1 V C V C 2 V C V C 3 V<br />

Questions:<br />

- Why don’t all triconsonantal verbs in Berber use both sites?<br />

- Under what conditions are both sites activated?<br />

- Which site stands for the head of the formation?<br />

Conclusion<br />

- Mono- and bi-consonantal verbs are templatically constrained<br />

at the Imperfective stem.<br />

- Gemination, affixation and vowel <strong>insertion</strong> are used to fill the<br />

Imperfective template.<br />

References:<br />

Asfour, F-M. 2001. Theoretische Aspekte der internen Pluralbildung im Klassischen<br />

Arabisch. Diplomarbeit zur Erlangung des Magistergrades, Universität Wien.<br />

Basset, A. 1929. Le verbe berbère: étude de thèmes. Ernest Leroux. Paris.<br />

Bendjaballah, S. 2001. The « Negative Preterit » in Kabyle Berber. Folia Linguistica<br />

XXXIV/3-4 :185-220.<br />

Cortade, J-M. 1969. Essai de grammaire touareg (dialecte de l’Ahaggar). PhD.<br />

Université d’Alger.<br />

Dallet, J-M. 1982. Dictionnaire kabyle-français. Selaf. Paris.<br />

Dell, F. & Elmedlaoui, M. 1988. Syllabic Consonants in Berber: Some New Evidence.<br />

Journal of African Languages and Linguistics 10, 1-17.<br />

Guerssel, M. & Lowenstamm, J. 1993. The Derivational Morphology of the Classical Arabic<br />

Verbal System. ms. UQAM & Université Paris 7.<br />

Heath, J. Grammar of Tamashek (Tuareg of Mali). Ms. University of Michigan.<br />

Idrissi, A., 2000. On Berber plurals. In J. Lecarme, J. Lowenstamm & U. Shlonsky<br />

(Eds.), Research in Afroasiatic Grammar, Benjamins, Amsterdam.<br />

Kabbaj, O. 1990. La structure syllabique de l’arabe marocain. MA Thesis. UQAM :<br />

Montréal.<br />

Kihm, A. 2003. Les pluriels internes de l’arabe : système et conséquences pour<br />

l’architecture de la grammaire. Recherches Linguistiques de Vincennes, n° 32 : 109-156.<br />

Louali, N. & Philippson, G. 2003. Le thème de l’aoriste intensif : formes multiples,<br />

contenu unique. Collection d’articles 2 ème Bayreuth Frankfurter Kolloquium zur<br />

Berberologie (9-13 juillet 2002), Berber Studies, Rüdiger Köppe Verlag.<br />

Lowenstamm, J. 1991. Vocalic Length and Centralization in Two Branches of Semitic<br />

(Ethiopic and Arabic). In. A.S. Kaye (ed.), Semitic Studies in honor of Wolf Leslau on<br />

the occasion of his eighty-fifth birthday. Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 949-965.<br />

Lowenstamm, J., 1996. CV as the only syllable type. In. J. Durand & B. Laks (Eds.),<br />

Current Trends in Phonology : Models and Methods: 419-441. CNRS, ESRI, Paris X.<br />

McCarthy, J., 1979. Formal problems in Semitic phonology and morphology. PhD dissertation,<br />

MIT, distributed by Indiana University Linguistics Club, Garland Press. New<br />

York.<br />

McCarthy, J. and A. Prince. 1986. Prosodic Morphology, ms. University of Massachusetts,<br />

Amherst and Brandeis University<br />

Taïfi, M. 1991. Dictionnaire tamazight-français. L’Harmattan-Awal. Paris.

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