Father Severino Giner-Guerri, Sch.P. - The Piarist Fathers

Saint Joseph Calasanz
by Father Severino Giner-Guerri, Sch.P.

Translation of San Jose de Calasanz by Father Severino Giner-
Guerri, Sch.P. (Province of Valencia).
BAC Popular – Second Edition – Madrid 1993.
Edited by SAC (Bibliotheca de Autores Cristianos).
This book was translated into English from the original Spanish by
Father Salvador Cudinach, Sch.P. (Vice-Province of California).
The original English translation was published by the
Argentinian Province of the Piarist Fathers in India, 1993.
The English translation was edited by Kevin J. Owens and Father
John G. Callan, Sch.P. The edited translation was further edited by
Father Jose A. Basols, Sch.P., Father Jesus Maria Lecea, Sch.P.
and Father Emilio Sotomayor, Sch.P. (Province of the United
States and Puerto Rico).
The edited English translation was published by the Province
of the United States and Puerto Rico, 2012.

INDEX
Index
Introduction
Abbreviations
Chapter 1 A HAPPY CHILDHOOD 1
Peralta de la Sal 1
The Kingdom of Aragon 3
The Calasanz-Gaston Family 5
Birth of Joseph 8
Home Education 10
Estadilla 11
Chapter 2 UNIVERSITY STUDIES AND ORDINATION 14
Traditional Version and Documented Data 14
University of Lerida – First Period 15
Valencia and Alcala de Henares 19
Final Decision to Become a Priest 21
Return to Lerida – Holy Orders 22
Chapter 3 FIRST YEARS OF PRIESTHOOD 25
Misguided Biographers and Calasanz’ Disorientation 25
The Episcopal Palace of Barbastro 27

Aide to the Bishop of Lerida in Monzon 29
Apostolic Visit to Montserrat 30
Death of His Father – Peralta de la Sal 33
Chapter 4 IN THE LAND OF SEU D’URGELL 34
Historical Environment of Seu d’Urgell 34
Calasanz and the Cathedral Chapter 37
Ecclesiastical Official in Tremp 39
Diocesan Visitor and Reformer 41
Seeds of a Future Vocation 45
To Rome 47
Chapter 5 ROME: YEARS OF RESTLESSNESS 50
Return to Spain? 50
Obsession for a Canonry 52
Change of Course – Religious and Social Activities 57
Mystical Ways? 61
Chapter 6 GENESIS OF THE PIOUS SCHOOLS 64
The Great New Idea 64
The School of Saint Dorothy in the Trans Tiber Section
of Rome
65
The “Pious Schools” 69
Benefactors and Disasters 71

First Collaborators 74
Decisive Move – Saint Pantaleo 77
Chapter 7
FROM SECULAR CONGREGATION TO RELIGIOUS
ORDER
79
Union with the Congregation from Lucca 79
Between Illusions and Disappointments 82
Courageous Attempt to Reform 87
Acceptance of His Own Destiny – Founder 90
The Pauline Congregation of the Pious Schools 93
First Wanderings of the Founder 96
The Order of the Pious Schools 99
Chapter 8 EXPANSION 102
Liguria 102
Naples 105
Central Italy 109
Sicily and Sardinia 111
Beyond the Alps 114
Two Failures: Venice and Spain 118
Chapter 9 PIETY AND LETTERS 121
A New Order for a New Ministry 121
Formation of Religious Teachers 124

Intellectual Formation of Children (Letters) 128
Moral and Christian Formation of Children (Piety) 132
Chapter 10 THE APOSTOLIC VISIT OF 1625 136
Before and After 136
Three Complementary Documents 139
Minutes and Decrees of the Visit 142
Calasanz’ Answer 144
Chapter 11 GENERAL CHAPTERS 147
General Chapter of 1627 147
General Chapter of 1631 148
Disappointments and Informers 151
General Chapter of 1637 155
General Chapter of 1641 157
Chapter 12 BEGINNING OF THE GREAT TRIBULATION 159
The Brother Clerics 159
Turbulence by the Brother Clerics 160
A New Player: Father Mario Sozzi 164
Father Mario: Provincial of Tuscany 168
Via Dolorosa 172
Chapter 13 THE GREAT TRIBULATION 176
Suspension of the Superior General 176

The Apostolic Visit 181
Government Under Fathers Sozzi and Cherubini 184
The Commission of Cardinals: The First Two Sessions 188
Third Session: Fleeting Joys and Triumphs 192
The Last Two Sessions: Destruction 195
Chapter 14 DEATH AND GLORIFICATION 200
Heroic Hope 200
Death of a Just Man 204
First Glorification: Funerals 208
Second Glorification: Restoration of the Order 211
Third Glorification: Beatification and Canonization 214
Notes 218
The Author 229

INTRODUCTION
Two works stand out because of their literary criticism and
size among the many biographies of Saint Joseph Calasanz,
which were published during the last three centuries. The first,
Life of Blessed Joseph Calasanz of the Mother of God, the
Founder of the Pious Schools, was published by Father Vincent
Talenti after the saint's beatification in 1748. The second work
was written by Father Calasanz Bau. This was published in
Madrid in 1949 to celebrate the third and second centennials of
the death and beatification of the Founder of the Pious Schools.
The book was titled Critical Biography of Saint Joseph Calasanz.
In its introduction, the author expressed the desire to present a
totally "new" biography using documented sources. Father Bau,
however, was not satisfied with his initial effort and wrote the
biography again. He substantially cut down his previous large
work and subjected it to formal corrections using a precise
methodology. This new version was titled Revised Edition of the
Life of Saint Joseph Calasanz. It was published in 1963. These
two complimentary works by Father Bau are the last serious
investigative biographies of the Founder.
Father Bau’s critical biography awakened among the
Piarists a desire to do research on their Founder, studying his
history as well as his ideology and personality. Several doctoral
theses on the theology, spirituality, history, canon law and
pedagogy of Calasanz were written. See the works by A. Sapa,
C. Bau, A. Garcia-Duran, C. Vila, S. Giner and R. Martin.
The biography by Father Calasanz Bau was the beginning
of some very important research on the following documents: 1)
Letters of Saint Joseph Calasanz, 1950-1956; 2) Letters to Saint
Joseph Calasanz from Central Europe, 1969; 3) Letters to Saint
Joseph Calasanz from Spain and Italy, 1972; 4) Mutual
correspondence among writers to Saint Joseph Calasanz, 1977-
1982. All of these works make up nineteen volumes, totalling
eleven thousand pages.
In addition to these, we have many scientific articles on the
life, ideology and Calasanzian spirituality published in the
following magazines of the Order: Revista Calasancia, Analecta

Calasanctiana, Ephemerides Calasanctianae, Archivum
Scholarum Piarum, Rassegna di storia e bibliografia Scolopica,
Ricerche (Bolletino degli Scolopi Italiani). The articles were
written by Fathers L. Picanyol, G. Santha, J. Poch, C. Vila, C.
Bau, M. A. Asiain, D. Cueva, G. Ausenda, O. Tosti, J. M. Lecea
and S. Giner. Two writers, however, stand out among these
authors: Father J. Poch who wrote on the so-called "Spanish
Period" of the Founder (1557-1592), and Father G. Santha who
wrote on the "Italian Period" (1592-1648). They contributed
tremendously to the clarification of many points in the life and
work of Calasanz.
A later and very valuable contribution was written by Father
C. Vila in his work titled Positio of Father Casani. Although
Father Casani is the central figure in the document, the heroism
of Calasanz is evident. Father Casani was Calasanz's assistant,
companion and collaborator for over thirty-three years.
The present work, part of a collection called BAC Popular,
does not pretend to be a work of direct scientific investigation
with all of the prerequisites of a critical methodology. The author,
however, has kept in mind the works and writings that have
been published, correcting or detailing the biographical
viewpoint of Saint Joseph Calasanz as presented by Father Bau.
Given the large amount of textual documentation that we present,
we thought it convenient to back up our quotations with a minimum
number of bibliographical references. The majority of these
references are translations from the original Latin or Italian, with a
few from Catalan. We offer you then a work, which with its modest
limitations, attempts to be a new biography including the results
from the most recent research.
Madrid, ICCE, May 1985.
The Author

PRELIMINARY NOTE TO THE SECOND EDITION
I published the Life of Saint Joseph Calasanz, Teacher and
Founder in BAC Maior in 1992. It was a new critical biography. I
totally revised the original book by using criteria from the most
demanding historical methodologies. In this way, I arrived at
conclusions, clarifications and different hypotheses held up until
today by the various biographers of Calasanz. In preparing the
second edition of this popular biography, I thought that it would be
appropriate to revise and adapt it to any recent critical biographers,
except for some debatable ideas that do not make a difference
anyway.
Rome, April 1993.
The Author

ABBREVIATIONS
Anal. Cal.
Archivum
Calasanzian Documents. Madrid 1959-1976. Salamanca
1977-present.
Archives of the Pious Schools. Rome 1936-present.
BAD, BC Critical Biography of Saint Joseph Calasanz. Madrid
1949.
BAD,RV Revised Life of Saint Joseph Calasanz in Anal. Cal., 10,
1963.
C Letter in EGC
Const. Constitutions of the Pious School by St. Joseph Calasanz.
1622.
EC Letters of the Contemporaries of St. Joseph Calasanz. G.
Santha, C. Vila. Rome 1977-1982.
EEC Letters to St. Joseph Calasanz from Central Europe. G.
Santha. Rome 1969.
EGC Letters of St. Joseph Calasanz. L. PicanyoI. Rome 1950-
1956. Nine Volumes.
EHI
Eph. Cal.
Letters to St. Joseph Calasanz from Spain and Italy.
Rome 1932.
Ephemerides Calasanctianae (Magazine). Rome 1932-present.
"Positio" Position Paper on the Virtues of Peter Casani, Rome 1982.
Rev. Cal. Revista Calasancia. Madrid 1888-1969.
Santha
(BAC)
SANTHA
Ensayos
G. Santha, San Jose de Calasanz, Obra Pedagogica. (BAC)
Madrid 1984.
G. Santha, Critical Essays. Salamanca 1976.

Chapter 1
A HAPPY CHILDHOOD
Peralta de la Sal
On August 25, 1646, exactly two years before his death,
Calasanz wrote to the Vice-Queen of Sardinia, Lady Catherine
of Moncada and Alagon, while consoling her in her tribulations:
"In the meanwhile, I shall always pray to the Lord to keep you
and your household for many years to come, especially your
two sons. This is what, I, your vassal, wish while paying you his
respects." (1)
Calasanz called himself a vassal and so he was. He was a
vassal from the house of Moncada, because he was born in the
village of Peralta de la Sal. Peralta was one of the many fiefs of
the Count of Moncada. The addition of Peralta was recent.
Lady Margaret of Castro and Alagon was the heiress of the
baronies of Castro and Peralta de la Sal. In 1610, she married
Lord Francisco of Moncada, the third Marquis of Aytona and the
Count of Osuna. Through their marriage, the barony of Peralta
de la Sal became one of the many estates owned by the house
of Moncada, who were also the Marquesses of Aytona. All of
these titles and possessions were in the hands of the brother of
the Vice-Queen of Sardinia, Lord Guillen Raymond of Moncada
and Alagon. The Vice-Queen reminded Calasanz in one of her
letters: "My brother, the Marquis of Aytona, is Lord of the house
of Castro, because it belonged to my mother, the daughter of
the Baroness of Laguna, whom your Reverence might have
known." (2)
The Lords of the barony of Peralta de la Sal go back to the
thirteenth century and reappear in the extreme western side of the
county of Urgell, which were among the last lands conquered from
the Moors by the Counts of Urgell.
The conquering counts settled the region with the people,
whom they defeated. They spoke Catalan and were familiar with
Catalonian customs. These people and their customs have
1

emained there until today. Of course, there have been
modifications and changes due to the fact of being in the frontier
and later being incorporated into the Kingdom of Aragon. The
beginnings of the conquest of Urgell contributed to the incardination
of Peralta and the villages of the barony into the county of Urgell.
The barony of Castro, which was created by James I, the
Conqueror, sprung up next to the barony of Peralta. James gave it
to his illegitimate son, Fernan Sanchez. That is why the Baron of
Castro would use later the title "royal." When Joseph Calasanz was
born, Lord Berenguer Arnau de Cervello, the Baron of Laguna, and
his wife Lady Eleanor de Boixadors, were the Barons of Castro and
Peralta. Little Joseph heard a lot about them because these
aristocrats were the lords of the village. Joseph felt and heard their
presence in a special way because his father, Peter Calasanz, was
the mayor of Peralta from 1559 until 1572. We do not know
whether he was mayor for all of those years without interruption.
The mayor was the direct representative of the baron and
procurator of his patrimony and rights.
The barony of Peralta included the villages of Gavasa,
Pellegrino, Rocafort, Zurita, Cuatrocorz, Alcana, Momagastre and
La Cuba. Peralta de la Sal was the capital of the barony, and its
mayor was usually the mayor of all the villages in the barony. The
capital of the barony of Castro was Estadilla, where the lords lived.
These capitals were very small. Peralta, in the middle of the
sixteenth century, had 315 inhabitants and Estadilla had 430.
The village of Peralta de la Sal, located about 1,300 feet
above sea level, is situated in a small river valley at the junction of
the ravine de Gavasa with the river Sosa, which comes down from
Calasanz and whose waters flow into the Cinca. The land
surrounding Peralta is dry and produces the typical Mediterranean
products: wheat, wine and olive oil. At the edge of the water, there
is a considerable zone for irrigation. In the higher and hilly
elevations there is holly. Holly was so abundant in days gone by
that in 1798 an historian, Ignatius Asso, described the village as
being surrounded by a "vast extension of holly." About three
thousand feet east of the village in the ravines called Manantial,
Collenera and Poza Grande, there are three water fountains. The
2

salty water from these fountains changed the whole area into an
enormous region made up of salterns. These gave Peralta not only
its nickname "de la Sal" but also its livelihood for centuries. The salt
was exported to Catalonia and France.
Calasanz was a happy child in this village. He knew it inside
out. He ran around the village and outside the village. One of the
most famous and well-remembered anecdotes was the one that
took place outside the village among the olive groves.
The Kingdom of Aragon
Saint Joseph Calasanz spoke and wrote Catalan very well.
A dialect of Catalan is still spoken in Peralta today. This dialect is a
result of the influence of an Aragonese-Spanish spoken in the
outlying villages of the Catalan county of Urgell. During his studies
at the University of Lerida and while performing his priestly ministry
in his diocese of Urgell, Calasanz had a chance to perfect his
maternal language, speaking and writing Catalan very well. As a
native of Peralta de la Sal and as a priest, Calasanz belonged to
the Catalan Diocese of Urgell. However, neither the diocese nor
the language defines the nationality of the individual.
The baronies of Castro and Peralta lie between two rivers:
the Cinca and the Noguera Ribagorzana. Legal arguments about
the boundaries between the Catalonian counties and the Kingdom
of Aragon moved King James I to fix a dividing line in the Cinca in
the middle of the thirteenth century. However, James II, his
nephew, moved the boundary line from the Cinca to the Noguera
Ribagorzana in 1300. His decision was not without the logical
protests from the Catalonian courts. In spite of everything, the
boundary remains unchanged even to this day. Therefore, since
1300 the baronies of Castro and Peralta were included in the
Kingdom of Aragon along with the territory between the Cinca and
the Noguera Ribagorzana. Nevertheless, in the first half of the
seventeenth century, some maps, which were published in
Flanders, showed the boundary of Catalonia in the Cinca. These
maps caused a lot of confusion.
The baronies of Castro and Peralta like all the many
3

aronies, counties, duchies and marquisettes strewn throughout
Spain, were contained within the limits of the kingdoms or historic
principalities. Accordingly, one cannot consider the baronies of
Castro and Peralta autonomous and sovereign like some other
regions of Aragon, Catalonia or Valencia. The baronies belonged
to either the Kingdom of Aragon or the Principality of Catalonia.
The inhabitants of Peralta believed that they belonged to the
Kingdom of Aragon during the childhood of Calasanz. In the
census for Peralta de la Sal dated August 18, 1566, one reads:
"The said Peralta de la Sal and its limits are within the present
Kingdom of Aragon and have a common boundary with Calasanz,
Sant Esteban de Litera, del Campell, Tamarite de Litera, Corita and
Gavasa." (3) In the marriage declaration of Peter Calasanz, brother
of Joseph, it says: "This marriage declaration is performed
according to the laws and observances of the present Kingdom of
Aragon and the customs of Catalonia." (4) Michael Jimenez
Barber, who was a canon from Lerida and a great friend of the
Saint, said in the information process for the beatification in 1651:
"I know where Peralta de la Sal is. My mother was born in a place
three miles from Peralta, and I was born six miles away (Binaced).
This place is in the Kingdom of Aragon." (5) The same witness
remembers that, when he was studying at the University of Lerida,
"all the young men from our country of Aragon elected Calasanz
prior of the nation." (6)
Saint Joseph Calasanz affirms that he was from Aragon in a
memorandum describing the origins of the Pious Schools. He says:
"Joseph of the Mother of God, from Peralta de la Sal, in the Diocese
of Urgell, in the Kingdom of Aragon." (7) In a letter dated 1632, he
says: "Although I am from Aragon, my customs and feelings are
Roman, since it have lived in Rome for more than forty years. I
have almost forgotten my native country." (8) The Vice-Queen of
Sardinia, in a previously mentioned letter dated 1646, wrote: "I
learned that you were from Aragon and, because of your name, I
didn't doubt that you knew my parents," who were the barons of
Castro and Peralta. (9)
In spite of all this, as soon as the Saint died, someone said
that he was not from Aragon but from Catalonia. The Piarists from
San Pantaleo reacted immediately against this idea. Calasanz had
4

lived with them and died among them. The priests knew that the
"holy old man," as he was lovingly called behind his back, had told
them several times that he was from Aragon. In fact, Father John
C. Caputi, one of the first historians of the Order, wrote in his
memoirs that, during beatification process of Calasanz, postulatory
letters were requested from the King of France. "When some
Catalonian lords offered them to me, I refused them because I knew
that our Father was from the Kingdom of Aragon and not from
Catalonia. Those Catalonians claimed that our holy Founder was
born in the Kingdom of Catalonia and was a vassal of the King of
France. When he died in 1648, Catalonians and Aragonese had a
disagreement because each contended to be his compatriot. There
was an Aragonese doctor who brought records from the Kingdom of
Aragon. These indicated that not only the Calasanz family but also
Peralta de la Sal was under the dominion of Aragon. As our Father
said, he was Aragonese. In all of the confraternities in Rome,
whenever he signed his name, it was always Dr. Joseph Calasanz,
Aragonese." (10)
However, he preferred to be considered "Roman by customs
and feelings."
The Calasanz-Gaston Family
We must not forget that the Founder of the Pious Schools
lived and died during the Baroque period. During this period the
nobility of one's origin was held as the greatest value in society. It
was not enough to be the founder of a religious order and to be
greatly appreciated in many parts of Europe. Neither was it
sufficient to be canonized a century after death. Worldly honors
were to be added to the ecclesiastical honor. Therefore, both his
noble history and his virtues were exalted in the eulogies preached
during the Saint’s funerals from the very beginning. Letters were
written to Spain, asking about his childhood. Genealogical trees
were drawn, sprinkled with mention of royal blood. For three
centuries, biographies kept repeating and enlarging the nobility
details and even the wealth of his parents and ancestors. It was
taught that a saint from the Golden Age of Spain should stand out
among the nobility of his days.
5

All of this tinsel was shaken violently and fell like autumn
leaves in 1921. A canon from Urgell, Father Peter Pujol i Tubau
published the essay Saint Joseph Calasanz - Official of the Diocese
of Urgell." He included in it a document about Calasanz receiving
his tonsure. It mentions that his father, Peter Calasanz, was a
blacksmith. The Saint had taken this document and others to
Rome. One could see, with dismay, that the words fabri fe (fabri
ferrari) were scratched out but that the two "f's" could still be made
out. Whoever erased the embarrassing words wanted to hide the
humble and servile state of the father of our Founder. In 1921 the
debate began between the staunch defenders of the old, noble and
traditional glories of the Calasanz clan and the new malingerers
who denied it.
Later more serene investigations have cleared up the issue.
Not only his father, Peter Calasanz, but also his mother, Mary
Gaston, came from families, which belonged to the nobility. They
were the lowest grade on that scale, called "infanzones" in Aragon,
"hidalgos" in Castile and "donzells" in Catalonia.
Some think that the word blacksmith means a "master of
arms," but there are no irrefutable arguments to deny the
hypothesis that he was nothing more than an ordinary blacksmith in
the village.
Another story regarding the noble distinction of the Saint
comes from the interjection of the word "de" between his first and
his last name. The Spanish custom dictates this. It has lasted up
until today in many of the original documents. Some documents
mention the Saint's father as "mayor" but the word "de" never
appears. Here is another example, where almost all the members
of the family are mentioned: "Item this contract and conditions
among the said parties that Peter Calasanz, Jr. has and the said
Peter Calasanz, Sr. and Mary Gaston, his parents, are giving him,
reserving all the said above, give to the marrying Peter Calasanz,
Jr., Jose Calasanz, Mary Calasanz, Joan Calasanz, Magdalene
Calasanz and Elizabeth Calasanz, their children." (11) Neither his
father nor his brothers ever used the word "de". When he first
arrived in Rome, he signed all of his letters with “Joseph Calasanz,”
and he mentioned his doctorate. In the marriage documents for
6

Peter, his older brother, and for Hope, his sister, the names of the
bride, groom, and other family members are mentioned. There is
not a single time when the word "de" appears before the surname.
(11)
In another large set of autographs, his first name and
surname appears in the ledgers of Anthony Janer, a merchant.
Calasanz lived in his house for a while. He signs in Spanish
"Joseph Calasanz" thirty times and in Latin "Josephus
Calasanctius" ten times. The merchant, Janer, addresses him by
name about 150 times, but he places the word "de" between the
first and last name only twice. We conclude, without any doubt, that
the noble particle is a baroque addition of his admirers. Yet, it would
be an excess of historical criticism, if we wanted to radically
eliminate this particle, which has been consecrated by centuries of
use. Further, we cannot ignore the fact that Calasanz could have
used this particle by right, since he was a member of the nobility.
The discovery, that his father was a blacksmith, forced some
writers to think that the Calasanz family was rather poor and
depended upon the menial work of his father.
Documents suggest, however, that the family was well off.
The parents endowed their five daughters, marrying them off to
young men of the same social position. The parents paid for the
studies of Calasanz, from the moment he left the village and moved
to Estadilla and later on to the Universities of Lerida, Valencia and
Alcala de Henares.
In the marriage documents for Peter, his brother and the heir,
it is noted that the family owns abundant goods, which came from
the dowry of the mother, from the menial work of the father and
from his many years as mayor of Peralta. This job paid very well.
In an old register of Peralta, it says that Peter Calasanz and Mary
Gaston owned several properties, houses, olive groves, a
threshing-floor and hay and flax fields. Peter Calasanz was a
farmer, mayor and blacksmith. All of these do not neglect the fact
that he was a nobleman in Aragon.
The genealogical investigations of the Saint do not agree on
7

the precise lineage and on where his father and ancestors came
from. There are no documents about the birth of his parents. The
only certainty is that the surname Calasanz was rather popular in
those lands. Calasanz was the surname of noblemen from the
Middle Ages up until the Saint's time. The surname Gaston was
also that of noblemen. Calasanzian genealogists have only been
concerned with the paternal side of Calasanz. This supports the
attitude of Father Joseph Calasanz- Gaston, who took to Rome his
family seal with the coat of arms and who stamped his letters with it,
showing his nobility.
Peter Calasanz and Mary Gaston (Gasto), who were both
from Peralta de la Sal, were the parents of Joseph Calasanz.
Some claim that Peter Calasanz was born in one of the neighboring
villages. The fact that he was a member of the village council and
mayor of the barony of Peralta from 1559 until 1572 implies that
such jobs would not be given to someone, who just arrived in town.
There were eight children from this marriage: John, Mary,
Peter, Joan, Magdalene, Hope, Elizabeth and Joseph. The first
born, John, died as an adult while still single. The rest all married
except Joseph, of course. Peter, Mary, Hope and Elizabeth died
before Joseph moved to Rome. Joseph talked about and showed
his concern for the other sisters, nephews and brothers-in-law in his
letters from Rome.
Birth of Joseph
Isn't it funny that we don't know the exact date of the birth of
some saints even though some are relatively modern? For
instance, we don't know the day, month and year of the birth of
Ignatius Loyola, John of the Cross and Vincent de Paul.
The most adequate way would be to follow the example of
Saint Bonaventure who, following the example of Thomas de
Celano, began the legend of Saint Francis of Assisi by saying:
“There was a man called Francis of happy memory." (12) The
styles of the traditional biographies of saints (hagiography) with
their enchanting but sometimes incredulous and mystical stories are
out of date. Today biographies and documents demand precision.
8

At the time of Joseph’s death and burial, the Piarists in Rome
were not too sure about the age of their Founder. They wrote that
their Founder died at the age of 92 years, and they placed this
number on a plaque made of lead on the casket. The certificate of
death, which was signed by a notary public, shows that the priests
had their doubts, when they included the phrase "about 92 (more or
less)." This opinion was widely spread by the first historians of the
Order. Some of them said that the Founder was born in either 1556
or 1558, but the former (1556) prevailed in the written lives of the
Saint. In the early days after his death, it was commonly believed
that he was born on either December 9 or September 11. One of
the most reliable historians was Father Vincent Berro. He believed
that Calasanz was born on September 3 or 4 and that he was
baptized on September 11. Nevertheless, tradition chose
September 11, 1556 as the birth date.
Before the publication of the letters of Calasanz, someone
looked through them and found some in which the Saint talks about
his age. Based on these letters, the person making the statements
proposed 1557 as a more accurate date for the birth of the Saint.
Calasanz talked about his age a dozen times saying: "I'm
going to be seventy-four." "I'm a seventy-six year old man." "If I
weren't eighty years old. “ On first look, these expressions point to
the obvious. On the other hand, some people have used them
saying, without any evidence, that the Saint did not count his age
based upon completed years but instead on years to be completed.
They assert that he was following the Latin custom, annum agens.
According to this interpretation, the date of his birth would be 1558.
If he counted the years already completed, then it would be 1557.
This latter hypothesis seems to be the more acceptable. We make
this conclusion because this is the normal way of counting age,
even to the present day. In addition, in letters written by him, he
referred to the age of others, leaving no doubt that he counted
already completed years. This is also evident, on innumerable
occasions, when he requested a pontifical exception for the
profession of brothers, who wished to profess before reaching the
minimum canonical age of twenty-one years. In any case, based
upon the statements of the Saint, it is clear that his birthday was not
in 1556.
9

There is no hope of finding his baptismal certificate. The
procurator for the clergy in Peralta wrote in 1651: "Peralta de la
Sal, where Dr. Calasanz was born and baptized, was invaded,
sacked, and burned by the French twice. All of the written records
from the area were lost. Among them were five books from the
parish, where the date of baptism of Dr. Calasanz was written.
There is no way we can write a certificate of his baptism." (13)
Home Education
Typically it is said that saints showed signs of holiness early
in their childhood due to the good education given to them by their
parents. There is no reason to deny it. It is also true that many
things said about the Saint could be repeated about good children
who have not been canonized. There are many stories about this
regarding Calasanz, both in the beatification process and among
the early historians. Brother Lawrence Ferrari, who took care of the
Saint during his last years, said: "He exhorted me and other young
men to be pious. He told us that, when he was very young, he went
to devotions and always prayed the Little Office of the Blessed
Mother and other prayers, particularly the Holy Rosary." And: "I
heard the same Father Joseph say that his mother and father
taught him respect for God and good letters. His parents educated
him, keeping him away from bad companions.
Father Scassellati said: "A companion, whose name I don't
remember and as old as our Superior General, told me that the
childhood of Father Joseph was filled with respect for God and
signs of holiness. Joseph frequently went to evening devotions and
taught his companions respect for God and Christian piety." (14)
We are almost sure who this companion was. It was Father Joseph
Musquez (Marquet), who, while in the church of San Pantaleo in
Rome for the Saint's funeral, told the Piarists stories dating back to
the childhood of his companion. Father Scassellati alluded to them
when he added that the teacher in Peralta had Joseph stand on a
chair and lead the class in the recitation of the Miracles of Our Lady
by Berceo. This picture of Calasanz leading his class in the
recitation of the Miracles of Our Lady or encouraging them to
exercise piety compels one to think about the future teacher,
educator and founder of an order, which was dedicated to
10

education.
Among the anecdotes told by Father Joseph Musquez, there
is none as interesting and famous as the one told by Father
Benedict Quarantotto: "Father Joseph Musquez told me in the
sacristy of San Pantaleo, when the Servant of God laid in state in
the church on August 26, 1648, an episode that happened in
Peralta de la Sal, when the Servant of God was five years old. He
said to me: Father, don't be surprised that this Servant of God may
already be a saint and even popularly believed to be one at the time
of his death. At the age of 5 years, he once left his home and the
village with a small knife drawn. When asked where he was going,
he answered me: I want to kill the devil, because he is God's
enemy." (15) The creative minds of the hagiographers added the
final touches to the story by adding that little Joseph saw the
shadow of the devil among the olive branches. Father Berro says,
"After arriving at the place, he climbed a fig tree and the branch,
which he climbed, broke." (16) The poor child went home hurt.
This is a credible story, except for the details. It reminds us of the
story of Saint Teresa of Avila and her brother, Rodrigo, who left
home when they were children to go to the land of the Moors and to
be decapitated out of love for Jesus.
In Peralta, there was a kindergarten where little Joseph
recited the miracles in front of his classmates. Joseph learned the
three R's there. His father helped him with his reading and
homework. We know that his father knew how to read and write,
since his signature appeared in some documents. We know that
his mother and his sisters were unable to read and write. Joseph
couldn't study Latin in Peralta, because there was no Latin teacher
until 1592. This is what Calasanz remembers: "It pleases me
greatly that you hired a teacher for Latin in Peralta. This will help
parents to teach letters to their children. Learning is the best
inheritance that parents may leave to their children." (17)
Estadilla
After elementary school in Peralta, his parents had to choose
a school where Joseph could study humanities and grammar
(Latin), as it was called in those days. In 1541 the Trinitarian
11

Fathers founded a convent there, where they taught grammar.
They even had a residence for boarding students. This foundation
was due to the interest of the Lords of Castro and Peralta. They
wanted a center for the humanities in their baronies to prepare
children for university studies. Centers like this were also in
Benabarre and Monzon.
The boys from the baronies of Castro and Peralta usually
went to Estadilla to receive a higher education. That is what
Joseph Calasanz-Gaston did.
Studies in grammar and humanities at the convent of the
Trinitarians of Estadilla were divided into three levels: elementary,
middle and secondary. The basic text was "that of Nebrija
according to the statutes and other documents of the Kingdom of
Aragon. The children studied the principles of grammar, syntax,
prose and eventually rhetoric. They studied Terence, Cicero,
Caesar, Salustius, Titus, Tacitus, Virgil, Horace, Martial and even
The Dialogues by L. Vives. Father Catalucci, one of the first
biographers of the Founder, wrote that "after studying grammar and
rhetoric in verse and prose with much success, Joseph went to the
University of Lerida." (18) Father Aloysius Cavada, after visiting
Peralta and its surroundings in 1690 seeking information about the
Saint, left us the following statement: "I also remember that the
vicar of Benabarre, who was a very good friend of Dr. Joseph
(Calasanz), had a book, which was like a Roman ritual. It was a
manuscript, which contained various very stylish Spanish poems,
written by the said venerable Father Joseph, during his studies in
Lerida, Valencia and Huesca. They were a beautiful explanation of
the mysteries of the Most Blessed Trinity and other sacred
subjects." (19) Even though Father Cavada said that Calasanz was
studying in the university when he wrote these poems, it seems
more believable that he wrote them while in Estadilla. This is
particularly true since the most common theme of the poems was
the Trinity and he was studying in the convent of the Trinitarians.
Furthermore, he studied rhetoric, poetry and other humanities at
that time.
The hagiographers did not leave us with many details about
his studies in the humanities, because they were more interested in
12

writing about Joseph's holiness. Joseph's friend, Dr. Michael
Jimenez Barber, a canon from Lerida, wrote about Joseph's studies
in Estadilla: "With respect to the education of Father Joseph during
his childhood, I repeat what I heard from some older men of the
area, such as Antonio Calasanz and Francis de Ager, a minister of
the Holy Office and a fellow student of Father Joseph in Estadilla:
“Everyone called him the santet, which means little saint. Joseph
never went to school without first praying. He did so every day,
even though his companions made fun of him." (20) These stories
from his fellow students in Estadilla agree with what his classmates
from Peralta said. All of this resulted in a vocation to the
priesthood. His father, Peter Calasanz, confirmed it. In his will
dated March 8, 1571, Mr. Calasanz left everything to his son, Peter,
because his heir, John, had died. In his recommendations to his
son, the father told him to not only care for Joseph, by giving him
everything he needed but, "believing that he will become a cleric,"
to also give him a sufficient patrimony in order to receive Holy
Orders, if there is no benefice." (21)
According to some biographers, including Father Berro,
young Joseph had a confrontation with his father, while he was still
in high school and before he entered the University of Lerida. His
father wanted him to enter the military service instead of pursuing
an ecclesiastical vocation, which Joseph preferred. On the other
hand, we are almost certain that this confrontation took place a few
years later, just before the dramatic moment of Peter's death.
Joseph, who was the heir and the hope for the continuation of the
Calasanz family name, was in the middle of his theology studies at
the time. In March 1571, Joseph was thirteen years old when his
father expressly stated in his will, which was signed on that day,
that he believed Joseph would become a cleric. The father could
have given into the wishes of his son, but it is very improbable that,
due to the times, he would give in to the will of a child over his own.
The school year of 1570-1571 was probably the third and last
year, which Joseph spent in Estadilla. He probably began his
studies there in 1568-1569, when he was just eleven years old. He
probably entered the University of Lerida at fourteen. Generally,
boys studied grammar on the university level, when they were
anywhere from ten to fourteen years old. Therefore, before he
13

egan his studies on the university level, it is only natural that he
would have told his parents about his desire to become a priest. In
his will of 1571, his father could have stated that Joseph wanted to
be a cleric. Many years would have to pass before the blacksmith
and mayor of Peralta would see his son sing his first Mass in the
parish church of the village.
Chapter 2
UNIVERSITY STUDIES AND ORDINATION
Traditional Version and Documented Data
Like Father Scassellati, many early eulogists exalted the
nobility of the Saint. At the same time, they said that he went to the
most famous universities of Spain. The historians and
contemporary biographers were more discreet. One of the
historians was Father Catalucci. He prepared a document, which
was used by Friar Jacinto de San Vicente, who was a Discalced
Carmelite priest and who preached a eulogy a month after the
death of Saint Joseph Calasanz. Fray Jacinto said: "After studying
grammar and rhetoric with great success in prose and in verse, he
was sent to the Universities of Lerida, Valencia and Alcala. He
received Doctorates in Theology, Canon Law and civil law. (1) This
was the essential story, which was repeated almost without
exception by all the biographers up until the present time. In the
seventeenth century, one or two biographers further exaggerated
the story by giving him a Doctorate in Philosophy or by adding to
the list of three universities with those of Salamanca, Perpignan or
Huesca.
There have been recent researchers, who have tried to find
the name of Joseph de Calasanz in the registration books of the
Universities of Lerida, Valencia and Alcala. But it has been all In
vain. His name does not appear in any registration records of the
three universities. There are references to studies by a student,
Joseph Calasanz, in Lerida and Valencia. Given the close
association of the three universities and supported by the stories of
his first biographers and historians, there is no reason to deny the
14

presence of the Saint in the University of Alcala de Henares. The
chronology and the facts facilitate this hypothesis.
Data from already obtained documents, however, does not
allow us to determine, with certainty, the chronology of the studies
of Joseph Calasanz in either the elementary or secondary levels.
Even the most recent authors disagree on a chronological
outline of the studies of Joseph Calasanz. However, if the
biographers tell us that he studied grammar, theology and law and
that he did the latter two in a university, it is only logical that we
resort to the academic statutes of the day, in order to know how
many years he had to spend studying each subject. We have
concluded that he spent three years studying grammar in Estadilla,
because it was a prerequisite subject for any university career. In
the same way, at least two or three years of Philosophy were
required. He also studied law for about four years at the University
of Lerida. It took four years to receive a Bachelor's Degree in
Theology, followed by a period of practice ("catedriIlas") before
earning a doctorate.
We can prove with documents that Saint Joseph Calasanz
earned a Doctorate in Theology. The acquisition of all the other
academic degrees cannot be documented. He signs his name by
only using the term, Doctor of Theology.
It would be hard to imagine that, during the long process of
securing a canonry in Rome, there was no mention of any degrees
in law or in philosophy, if he had obtained them. His Bachelor’s
Degree in Arts and Philosophy might be explained, but keeping
quiet about his doctorate in law, if he had earned it, would be
baffling.
University of Lerida: First Period
Joseph Calasanz, who was fourteen years old, when he
finished his studies in grammar in Estadilla and left for Lerida in the
autumn of 1571. It was the first time that he left the baronies of
Peralta de la Sal and Castro and crossed the boundary of the
Kingdom of Aragon. The ancient University of Lerida was founded
15

y King James II. It was meant to serve the entire Kingdom of
Aragon. Later on, other universities were founded in Huesca,
Zaragoza, Valencia, Tarragona and Barcelona. It was the only
university, which the Crown of Aragon maintained throughout the
centuries. There were student associations from each of the three
"nations," which made up the Crown: Aragonese, Catalonians and
Valencianos. By statute, the rector of the university was a student,
with full juridical and academic powers, over both the professors
and students. This is very hard for us to believe. In order to
respect the equality of rights, the rector was elected every year,
from among the law students of the three nations, who took turns.
Joseph Calasanz-Gaston, who was born in Peralta de la Sal,
belonged to the Aragonese "nation."
Largely due to this structure, both power and authority were
in the hands of the students. As one would imagine with typical
university students, the University of Lerida was not exempt from
protests, brawls, mayhem and riots, caused by the students. These
brawls and riots did not confine themselves to the campus, but they
spilled over into the streets and squares of the city. Between 1557
and 1559, Bishop Miguel Despuig tried a reform but died without
accomplishing anything. He wanted to reform not only the students’
life but also the curriculum. In July 1559, King Philip II approved
new statutes, which had been proposed by a new reformer, Bishop
Anthony Augustine Albanell of Lerida. During that time, Joseph
Calasanz-Gaston had been in the classes of the university and had
seen and experienced the noisy, tumultuous and turbulent
atmosphere of the university.
For example, on September 3, 1574, Bishop Albanell
arrested John Baptist Boil, a student from Valencia and rector of the
university. Since he was a cleric, he locked him up in the episcopal
jail. The students rioted in the city with "standard and flag." They
were accompanied by many people, who had gathered bearing all
kinds of arms. They went to the episcopal palace, and their threats
forced the bishop to let the prisoner go.
We also have stories about the exceptional conduct of young
Joseph Calasanz from Lerida. They follow the same pattern of
what we heard about his years in Peralta and Estadilla. Here we
16

have what Father Michael Jimenez Barber, a canon from Lerida,
testified: "Father Matthew Garcia, a priest and fellow student of the
Servant of God, told me that, while studying at the University of
Lerida when he was still young, he was very unruly and had many
altercations, which placed him in many dangerous situations. He
went to young Joseph, who advised and helped him to get out of
those difficulties. He said that young Joseph was his Holy Spirit,
since he didn't have any one else to get him out of his troubles." (2)
Such stories about the piety of young Calasanz, during his
childhood, adolescence and youth, might seem to us like eulogies
or like events taken from a book of saints, but the guarantee of their
credibility remains in the fact that we have the names of his fellow
students, who remembered these anecdotes from their youth:
Joseph Marquet in Peralta, Francis de Ager in Estadilla and Father
Mathew Garcia in Lerida. We are not dealing with generalities but
with concrete deeds and cases.
Looking back at his days in Lerida, it is rather interesting to
see that Calasanz, at the age of eighty-two years, still remembered
the dangerous times of his youth in the university. Just as he did in
those days, he still continued to give advice to pugnacious and
quarrelsome youth. The Saint wrote to Father Fedele in April 1639:
"Your brother, Joachim, has such a hot temper that he fought again
with some students coming back from school. He and his friends
wounded someone in the back, and he is seriously ill. I advised him
to go to Naples (where Father Fedele was stationed). If he does
not leave Rome and they catch him, it will be hard to free him,
because he is a natural delinquent.” In June he wrote to Father
Fedele again: "As for your brother, Joachim, you must encourage
him to go to confession and communion every Sunday. If he does
so devoutly, then the youthful rumors will quiet down. Otherwise,
they will find someone who might hurt him, and he will not be able
to go to confession. God allows such things to happen to those
who show off, as I saw so many times in my younger days." (3)
Joseph studied philosophy for three years and law for at
least four years. If we suppose that, in the autumn of 1571
("believing he will become a cleric," as his father said) he moved to
Lerida, then he would have finished philosophy in the summer of
1574. If he studied law for four years, then it was from the autumn
17

of 1574 until the summer of 1578. By chance, we have two
documents, one dated September 1573 and the other September
1577, which Calasanz and a companion signed. Calasanz signed
"Jusepe Calasanz," student, but he did not say what he was
studying. This confirms the fact that he went home for vacation,
since he signed the 1577 letter in Peralta and the 1573 letter in the
neighboring village of Gavasa.
His fellow student Matthew Garda says that Father Jimenez
Barber, a canon, "told him that the students from Aragon, who were
studying in Lerida, elected Calasanz as prior of his “nation,” when
he was young and at the University of Lerida."(4) The Italian
biographers interpreted prior as "Prince of the Students." It
probably means rector of the university, since the rector of the
University of Lerida was a student, who was elected by the
students. Calasanz could have been elected when his nation’s turn
came around. This hypothesis has not been contested. No
documents have been found questioning it. Another hypothesis
suggests that he was simply elected as a counselor of the rector.
The rector of the university had counselors from each of the three
nations. The counselors were elected by the students from each
nation. It is strange that Jimenez Barber, who was a canon from
Lerida and a student, knew the terminology very well. What did he
mean when he said prior? Was it rector and counselor? Lately,
another hypothesis has been proposed. In Lerida, there was the
College of the Assumption (Dominic Pons) for students with a
scholarship. In the statutes of this college, the positions of prior,
rector and vice-rector are mentioned. Did Calasanz live in this
college, and was he the prior or rector, since one of the students
was elected to fill these positions?
One of the most important events of his life at the University
of Lerida occurred on April 17, 1575. Calasanz received the
tonsure from the Bishop John Dimas Loris of Urgell in the Church of
the Holy Christ of Almata in the city of Balaguer. In those days,
some students received the tonsure in order to collect an
ecclesiastic benefice, without the intention of ever becoming a
priest. Joseph Calasanz received the tonsure because he wanted
to become a priest, just as his father testified in 1571. Calasanz did
not receive any ecclesiastic benefice until he was ordained a sub-
18

deacon. He still had his expenses covered by the expressed
provisions in his father’s will of 1571 and the marriage declarations
of his brother, Peter, signed in 1576.
Another important event for Calasanz took place in Lerida.
The Jesuits preached their first mission in the city in 1575. It
caused great spiritual exhilaration among the students. The Jesuits
held these missions every year until 1580. Occasionally in his
letters, when he was advanced in years, Calasanz said that he had
respected the Jesuits since he was a young boy. In 1644 he
referred to them, saying that he had known them for eighty years.
(5) If our calculations are correct, then the Saint met the Jesuits for
the first time in 1564, when he was seven years old, while he was
still in Peralta. He also remembered them from when he was a
student.
Calasanz left Lerida after finishing law.
Valencia and Alcala de Henares
Why did Calasanz leave Lerida? There must have been very
powerful reasons to leave Lerida for Valencia, which was very far
from Peralta. It isn't easy to find any satisfactory answers. There is
no question that Lerida needed reform. Its prestige in law was
eminent, but such was not the case in theology. It is easy to find
complaints about the sorry and deplorable state of studies in both
Lerida and Valencia. Following the Council of Trent, there was a
great need for reforms everywhere. Curriculum had to be brought
up to date. In addition, given the internal structure of government,
the students were more rebellious and unruly in Lerida than in
Valencia. The Jesuits, however, were the one factor, which
perhaps influenced Calasanz and caused him to change the
location of his studies. The Jesuits encouraged Calasanz, who was
ready to start theology, to transfer to the College of Saint Paul,
which they had founded in Valencia in 1544. They taught theology
there and awarded pontifical academic degrees. Since 1567 they
admitted no Jesuits as students. The patriarch, Saint John of
Ribera, was convinced that teachers, who worked in schools run by
religious, taught with competence. He also lamented the sad state
of deterioration in the universities. That is why so many students
19

left the universities to study theology in the schools run by religious.
Therefore, this is the reason why the name Calasanz-Gaston does
not appear in the registration books of the university. Unfortunately,
the expulsion of the Jesuits and other disturbances caused the
archives of Saint Paul's College to disappear.
Every biography includes the story of the temptation of the
Saint in Valencia, when he was a robust twenty-one year old
theologian.
Calasanz was the only one who could describe this event, in
such an intimate setting as if in a session of spiritual direction.
Ascanio Simon was, for a while, a Piarist known as Father Jerome
of Saint Agnes. In 1659, while preparing the beatification process
of Saint Joseph Calasanz, he declared before a notary public: "I
once went for a manifestation of conscience to the venerable
Servant of God. After talking about many spiritual matters, he told
me that, when he was a twenty-one year old theology student in
Valencia, he was provoked to sin by a lady. By the grace of God
and His Mother, he avoided the trap set up by the devil. He
immediately left the lady, who was inciting him to sin." (6) Brother
Lawrence Ferrari, in his 1652 statement for the beatification
process, said the same thing. Without mentioning any names, he
added: "that Calasanz had a very good and well-paying job and that
he had to flee from the occasion of sin, without giving a second
thought to the profit." (7) The always trustworthy Father Berro
summed up what he had heard from Father Jerome by saying "that
while studying in Valencia, Calasanz had an honest job as
secretary to an honorable and noble lady." (8) If Calasanz was a
twenty-one year old theologian, then this incident might have taken
place during the 1578-1579 school year, which was the first and
only year that he lived and studied theology in Valencia. We have
already said that he studied his last year of law in Lerida from 1577
until 1578.
According to the unanimous opinion of all his biographers,
Calasanz moved from Valencia to Alcala in order to avoid
temptation. In his Brief News, Father Catalucci wrote that Calasanz
"fled that house, looking for his confessor. There and then, he
decided to never enter the house of that lady again." (9)
20

If he was studying in the College of Saint Paul and if the
Jesuits had recommended it to Calasanz in Lerida as we have
suggested, then one might think that his confessor was also a
Jesuit, who told him to leave town and continue his studies in
Alcala. The Jesuits also had a college there. Andres Capilla, the
future Bishop of Urgell and a protector of Calasanz, studied in
Alcala. There were a significant number of students from Aragon in
Alcala. Calasanz began his second year of theology in the autumn
of 1579, according to our hypothetical chronology.
Final Decision to Become a Priest
To the north of the baronies of Castro and Peralta, there was
the county of Ribagorza. This county was in turmoil from 1578 until
1581, because the vassals took up arms against the tyranny of the
Count.
The rebellion expanded to the neighboring baronies, and
Peralta and Castro were among them. The lords joined together,
and so did the rebels. The son of the former mayor of Peralta,
Peter Calasanz-Gaston, joined in the conflict to defend the rights of
his lord. Unfortunately, he died at the hands of the rebels in 1579.
The death of his heir jolted the old blacksmith, and he reversed his
plans. Preoccupied with the future of his estate and the succession
of his family name, he tried to bend the will of his son, who was
already studying his second year of theology in order to become a
priest. This is how a distant relative of the Saint testified in 1651:
"When his brother, Peter Calasanz, who was heir of the family and
the estate, died without any child, his parents wanted Joseph to
become the heir of all the goods and the estate, but he did not want
it. That is the truth." (10) The bad news about his brother's death
reached Joseph, with the insinuation that his father wanted to make
him heir. Logically, this meant that it would take a family to
perpetuate the Calasanz lineage. There were no sons left in the
Calasanz-Gaston family. He was the last one. For the time being,
he put it off and continued to study without returning to the village.
A short time later, his mother also passed away. Joseph waited
until the summer to return home, after finishing his second year of
theology.
21

He spent the entire 1580-1581 school year at home in
Peralta de la Sal. He must have endured harassment from his
father. The father asked him, by all means, to give up his priestly
vocation in order to provide heirs and perpetuity to his family and
estate. This battle was more demanding and painful for Joseph and
more distressing than the one he had fought in Valencia with regard
to the suggestions of the lady. He did not experience a new
temptation. He was not tempted with the prospect of having
abundant goods and a serene and happy life of fatherhood. He
must have agonized about the desires of his father, who cherished
the perpetuity of his family much more than the priestly vocation of
his son. These were months, when the son had to live with a
father, who had lost both his wife and his heir within one year.
Father Catalucci, who was the first biographer of the Saint, in
his Brief News, said that Joseph had studied in the Universities of
Lerida, Valencia and Alcala, and continued to tell the story of the
temptation of the lady. Then he writes: "He returned home” and
“Before returning home." He erased both sentences, unsure as to
whether it was before or after returning to Peralta. Finally, he
writes: "He fell ill and, after vowing to become a priest, he suddenly
recovered his health." (11) Doubts also influenced later
biographers, who did not know where exactly to place this critical
illness. There is nothing to prevent us from placing it in 1580 or
1581, when he returned home after these tragic events. The illness
was, without any doubt, providential. That is the way everybody
interprets it. Joseph pleaded with his father that if he got well, then
his father would allow him to become a priest and that he would
make a vow to the Blessed Virgin in this regard. His miraculous
and speedy recovery convinced his father to accept the vocational
desires of his son. Joseph, once healed from his illness, awaited
the new school year in order to resume his interrupted ecclesiastic
studies. It was a very difficult year, but it was a decisive one for the
future and even the imperishable glory of his father's name.
Back to Lerida: Holy Orders
Joseph Calasanz left Peralta for Lerida in the middle of
October 1581. He did not think of going back to either Valencia or
Alcala to finish theology. Perhaps his father's age told him to stay
22

closer to home. Lerida was one day's journey from Peralta. Many
of his former classmates would be there, because only three years
had passed since he had left those classrooms. Only two years of
theological studies remained for him to finish his theology studies.
During the next two years, he received the minor and major
orders. Seven years before, he had received the tonsure from his
Bishop in Urgell. Now, while studying theology in Lerida, it was not
required that his bishop give him the dimissorial letters to ordain
him. Everything could be taken care of in the episcopal curia of
Lerida. As fate would have it, there was no bishop in Lerida
between 1581 and 1583. The Vicar General, Father James Mahull,
had to intervene for the exams and dimissorial letters. (12) He had
to be ordained outside of the city, because there was no bishop in
Lerida. Calasanz and his companions had to go to Huesca to
receive minor orders and the sub- deaconate. Bishop Peter de
Frago did the honors in 1582 on December 17 and 18. The
dimissorial letters of Father Mahull and the certificate of ordination
all stated that Calasanz belonged to the Diocese of Urgell.
For the ordination of sub-deacon, as it is today for a deacon,
one had to say the source of income for the ordinandi. If he is a
religious, then it is said that he is ordained under "the title of
poverty," that by the vow of poverty his sustenance is guaranteed
by the order to which he belongs. If he has his own goods, then it is
said he is ordained "under the title of patrimony." If he enjoys an
ecclesiastical benefice, then the kind of benefice must be specified.
Joseph Calasanz, at this time, did not possess any kind of
patrimony, because his father had not yet made him universal heir,
as he would eventually do in 1585 and 1586. For this reason, it
was said that he had a benefice in the Church of Saint Stephen in
Monzon in the Diocese of Lerida. Who procured it for him? What is
much more interesting to remember is that precisely on November
23, 1582, almost a month before Joseph Calasanz was ordained
sub-deacon, Father Bartholomew Calasanz, prior of the Church of
Santa Maria del Romeral, was appointed "ecclesiastic official of the
villa of Monzon." (13) We cannot say they were relatives. On the
other hand, the coincidence of the appointment of Father
Bartholomew and the awarding of an ecclesiastical benefice to the
23

sub-deacon, Joseph Calasanz, in a church of Monzon makes us
believe that they were relatives and that the recently appointed
"official" of Monzon obtained a benefice for his young relative, a
sub-deacon.
A few months had passed, and the Diocese of Lerida was
still vacant. Ordinations had to be carried out at the most opportune
time.
In January 1583, Father Caspar John de la Figuera of Jaca
was recommended to become the new Bishop of Albarracin. By the
end of March, Rome accepted the proposal. As soon as the new
bishop learned of his appointment, he probably left for Jaca to
spend a few months in Fraga, his birthplace. He waited there for
his confirmation and the official communication of his appointment.
Fraga belonged to the Diocese of Lerida. The Cathedral Chapter
authorized Bishop-elect de la Figuera to perform all kinds of
pontifical acts in Lerida, including ordinations. Joseph Calasanz
travelled to Fraga in order to be ordained a deacon on April 9, 1583.
(14)
Finally, on December 17, 1583, Calasanz was ordained a
priest by Bishop Hugo Ambrose de Moncada of Urgell. The
ordination took place in the chapel of his episcopal palace in
Sanahuja, in the province of Lerida, in the Diocese of Urgell.
Calasanz was twenty-six years old. He was not an older vocation
but rather a young one, because his father "believed he would
become a cleric" when he was just thirteen years old. Joseph was
probably one of those boys, who from an early age began to say
that he would like to become a priest. His ordination date suggests
that his first Mass was probably on Christmas Day in Peralta de la
Sal. This was a joyful but sad day, because his brothers, John and
Peter, his sister, Hope, and most of all, his mother, were missing.
Perhaps Joseph's father was resigned to the fact and even
satisfied to see his son as a priest, without even thinking that the
Calasanz family name was ended. The newly ordained priest
signified the end of a dynasty. At that time, the old blacksmith from
Peralta could not imagine that his last son, as in the case of the
Biblical patriarchs, would have as many descendants as there are
24

stars in the heavens. The Calasanz family name would become
famous throughout history, not because of the actions of the
ancestors, but because his own son had given up the opportunity to
marry and the chance to perpetuate the descendants of the
Calasanz-Gaston family. God would make him the father of many
children.
Peralta de la Sal y de la Honor was the complete name of
the village. On the other hand, the true honor of Peralta was
Joseph Calasanz-Gaston.
Chapter 3
FIRST YEARS OF PRIESTHOOD
Misguided Biographers and Disorientation of
Calasanz
At first sight, the course followed by Calasanz, from the
beginning of his studies after leaving Peralta de la Sal through
Estadilla until he concentrated totally on the authentic vocation of
his life in the Trans Tiber section of Rome, gives one the impression
of restlessness and disorientation. He did not seem to know what
he wanted. He began his university studies in Lerida, where he
could have studied grammar instead of going to Estadilla. He went
from Lerida to Valencia, from Valencia to Alcala, from Alcala to
Peralta, and from Peralta to Lerida. Yet the old biographers wanted
him to go through Salamanca, Perpignan and Huesca. Even
though some intermissions may be explained, there is no
accounting for changing universities. He could have started and
finished his career in Lerida, where he actually did.
He was barely ordained a priest, when he started to roam
around. The logical and normal course was that, once he finished
his studies and became a priest, he would minister in his own
Diocese of Urgell. Without any explanation, he went to serve the
Bishop of Barbastro. When the Bishop died, he left Barbastro and
went to Monzon, where the courts of the Kingdom of Aragon would
25

soon convene. There he joined the entourage of the newly
appointed Bishop of Lerida. Calasanz followed him to Montserrat.
When the Bishop died in the monastery, Joseph moved back to his
home village, where he spent almost one year. Finally he joined his
own Diocese of Urgell.
Some old and new historians like to extend this period of
disorientation, because they believe that Calasanz also ministered
in Jaca and in Albarracin before going to Monzon. Recently
discovered documents have thrown some light into this obscure
period in the life of the Saint. The dimissorial letters for minor
orders and for the sub-deaconate, which were issued to Joseph by
the Vicar General of the Diocese of Lerida (sede vacante) and the
permission given to Bishop-elect de La Figuera to perform pontifical
acts during his visit to Fraga where he ordained Calasanz as a
deacon, place Joseph in Lerida two years before his ordination to
the priesthood. As we shall see, the documented presence of
Calasanz, for one and a half years in Barbastro after his ordination,
reassures us that Calasanz only later joined the entourage of
Bishop de La Figuera in Monzon.
Some biographers, even the most recent ones, have asked
themselves: “How did Calasanz manage to join the service of the
two bishops from Barbastro and from Lerida?” On the other hand,
they have not questioned his motive for not immediately ministering
in his own diocese until the death of his father. His stay outside of
his own diocese as well as his subsequent services to two different
bishops must have had a reason. Otherwise, we can only think that
Joseph, even with due permission, sought honorable and well
compensated employment, forgetting his own diocese.
We believe that there are two acceptable hypotheses, which
may even be complementary. First, Calasanz finished theology and
then became a priest. However, he had not done the necessary
practice (catedrillas) in order to earn the doctorate. He might have
tried to obtain some work in a neighboring chancery office or in
Lerida itself. In this way, he could have been close to the
university, where he could spend the necessary months to fulfill the
academic requirements. He obtained a position in the chancery of
Barbastro. After the courts of Monzon had finished their work, he
26

expected to move with Bishop-elect de La Figuera to Lerida.
Calasanz could then complete the requirements for his Doctorate in
Theology. His plans failed, however, because from Monzon he had
to go to Montserrat, where de La Figuera passed away.
The second hypothesis seems more reasonable, without
excluding the other. Joseph wanted to be near Peralta because his
father, who was already very old, might die when least expected.
He wanted to be there when he died. That is why he looked for a
position close to Peralta, which would not tie him down too much.
For instance, he could not be absent from a parish for more than a
month at a time. Joseph found a position in Barbastro. Once the
bishop and protector passed away, he moved to Monzon, where the
convocation of the courts would provide him a similar opportunity.
He was accepted as the personal secretary to the Bishop-elect of
Lerida. However, his plans became complicated because he had to
move far from Peralta in order to go to Montserrat. This was a
result of accepting his new position. He could not leave the Bishop,
and he had to accompany him wherever he went as his personal
secretary. As we shall see, however, he went to Peralta from
Monzon in order to visit his father before going to Montserrat. As
soon as de La Figuera died in the monastery, Calasanz returned
home and remained there until the death of his father. Only then
did Calasanz incorporate himself fully into his own Diocese of
Urgell.
In roaming around from one diocese to another, there is no
evidence of any desire to prosper under the shadow of his
protectors. He did not abandon his ministry for the souls of his
diocese because of any human disappointment or for religious
scruples. He simply had a filial devotion to his father and a deep
desire to be near him during his old age.
The Episcopal Palace of Barbastro
The Diocese of Barbastro was reestablished once again,
after almost a century, in 1571. The first bishop was a Dominican
Friar, Philip de Urries (1572-1585). 0n February 10, 1584,
Calasanz appeared among the list of co-workers of the bishop. (1)
Two other signatures appear in two documents dated May 28,
27

1584. The last reference is found in a document dated October 12
1585. The document referred to Calasanz in this way: "Very
Reverend Joseph Calasanz, a graduate in Sacred Theology” and
goes on to say that Calasanz was absent from Barbastro. (2)
Indeed, Calasanz was in Monzon as a co-worker of Bishop de La
Figuera.
In order to explain the presence of Joseph in the episcopal
palace of Barbastro among the co-workers of Bishop Urries,
biographers mention the relationship between the Bishop and the
Barons of Castro and Peralta. The Barons, as the lords of the
newly ordained priest from Peralta, who was also the son of the
former mayor of the barony, could have used their influence to have
the Bishop accept him into his entourage. This is probably what
happened.
The Brief News of Father Catalucci says that Calasanz was
accepted as aiutante di studio (helper of studies). This Italian term
is not easy to interpret. There was a small group of pages, who
served the bishop in the episcopal palace. A priest was in charge
of their education, both religious and secular. (3) This led people to
believe that aiutante di studio (helper of studies) meant a “teacher
of pages.”
Bishop Urries was surrounded by some Dominicans. The
Bishop continued to live a cloistered life with them. If Calasanz
lived in the palace, then it is probable that he also kept this
observance. In this way, Calasanz came into direct contact with
religious life. He had several other opportunities to deal with
religious: Trinitarians in Estadilla, Franciscans, Augustinians,
Jesuits in Lerida, Valencia and Alcala and perhaps even Peralta.
They will not be the only religious, with whom he would deal before
becoming the Founder of a new religious order. Here, in Barbastro,
he had to hear about the internal problems of the Abbey of lguaire,
the sisters of St. John of Jerusalem. His signature JC\ Barbastro
was stamped on a document regarding a suit by these nuns.
Bishop Urries mediated as the judge in a lawsuit and ruled in favor
of the prioress. He must have also learned about another suit,
concerning certain villages in the Diocese of Barbastro, which took
place during his stay in the episcopal palace, between the Bishop
28

and the Benedictine monastery of St. Victorian. (4)
Aide to the Bishop of Lerida in Monzon
On June 28, 1585, the courts of the Kingdom of Aragon were
opened in the archpriest's Church of Saint Mary of the Romeral of
Monzon in the presence of King Philip II. The prior of the church
and the ecclesiastical official of Monzon was Father Bartholomew
Calasanz. Did he call his protege and relative, Joseph Calasanz,
when the Bishop of Barbastro died to introduce him to the Bishopelect
of Lerida, who was coming to the courts as a representative of
the Church? Or, without a position, was it Joseph, who decided to
go to Monzon to ask the new Bishop of Lerida for a one? We don't
know.
Calasanz certified his presence in Monzon in a sworn
declaration, which was requested by the Augustinians. He wrote:
"In 1585, King Philip II returned from Barcelona, where he
accompanied his Highness, the Duke of Saboya and the Princess
of Spain, the wife of the Duke. His Majesty, the King, came to
Monzon to hold the courts for the three kingdoms of the Crown of
Aragon. Bishop Caspar de La Figuera of Albarracin, who was born
in Fraga and was the Bishop-elect of Lerida, was in Monzon with
other bishops. Father Aguilar, who was an Augustinian, came to
live in the palace. This priest was small, but he was a great
preacher. I think that he was from the area of Seville. We worked
together in Monzon at the service of the Bishop. Father Aguilar
began to talk with the Bishop about the reform of his Order, and the
Bishop talked with Father Chaves, a Dominican and the confessor
of King Philip II, about the reform. The King appointed a committee
to investigate the matter. It was made up of the Bishop, the
confessor of the King, the Count of Chinchon, the Justice of Aragon
and Father Aguilar. After meeting several times, they determined at
last a course of action. As secretary, Calasanz was called upon to
make the necessary arrangements and to send the details to Rome
in August or September in 1585. The papers were sent to the
ambassador by order of the King. (5) This declaration proves to us
not only the presence of Calasanz in Monzon but also his service to
Bishop-elect John de la Figuera of Lerida. This is the only activity
of Calasanz, which we know about in Monzon.
29

This reform of the Augustinians is not the one, which
occurred later in the Provincial Chapter of Castile in Toledo in 1588.
That one constituted a new way of life for the Augustinian
Recollects. Towards the end of the fourteenth century, long before
the Council of Trent, a tendency toward the reform of the old
religious orders began, especially in Spain. It took on a life of its
own, particularly during the time of Cardinal Cisneros. The
reformed were called the "observant," and the rest "cloistered."
There was also another reform among the Augustinians. It started
in Castile, and from there they tried to spread it throughout the
Kingdom of Aragon, but they met with opposition. One of the
champions of the reform in Monzon was Father Aguilar, who tried to
get the King's attention and intervention to impose the reform in the
entire Kingdom of Aragon.
On September 21, 1585, King Philip II wrote to his
ambassador in Rome, the Count of Olivares, and told him about the
papers sent by Calasanz. (6) It was during that time in September,
when "his father (Peter Calasanz) became gravely iII. On
September 19, 1585, the father signed another will, in which he
replaced Mr. Peter Calasanz as the heir and named as the “heir
and executor of the will his beloved son, Joseph Calasanz, a priest
living in Peralta de la Sal." (7) According to Father Jerico, Joseph
most probably moved to Peralta de la Sal. This supposition is
logical. Monzon is very close to Peralta, and it is not presumptuous
for Joseph, hearing about his father's grave illness, to leave
everything to be at his father’s side.
Peter Calasanz got well, and his son, Joseph, who was
already his heir, returned to Monzon. His protector, Bishop Caspar
John de la Figuera, had already received the pontifical brief
appointing him visitor of the monastery of Montserrat, just as King
Philip II had asked. On October 22, 1585 the Bishop and his
entourage left Monzon and went to Montserrat. They arrived on
October 28. The monks solemnly welcomed them. "Joseph
Calasanz, a priest, Michael John Castanesa, a deacon, and coworkers
of the Bishop signed and witnessed the official minutes of
the day in the said monastery." (8)
30

Apostolic Visit to Montserrat
The companions of Bishop de La Figuera were the personal
co-workers, who have been previously mentioned: Joseph
Calasanz, John Castanesa, Jerome Perez, secretary to the Bishop,
and John (lban) de Bardaxi, delegate of the King. The old
biographers, who were always prone to exaggerate about the titles,
talents, and activities of a subject, said that Calasanz was the
secretary for the visit. In the official minutes, however, Jerome
Perez signed his name as secretary and Calasanz as co-worker.
Besides, in 1637, Calasanz himself said: "That Bishop (de La
Figuera) was appointed by an apostolic brief as the Visitor of the
convent or sanctuary of the most holy house of Montserrat and that
I served as his confessor.” (9)
The choice of Calasanz as a confessor by the Bishop clearly
shows us the spirituality and personal talents of the young priest.
His responsibility as an examiner dealt with the interviews and
tests, to which aII of the monks had to submit.
What was happening in Montserrat? We have already seen
that the Augustinians in Monzon spoke about their reform. In fact,
reform in all of the religious orders was promoted during the
sixteenth century. The Spanish Benedictines spoke about reform
with the Congregation in Valladolid. From Castile, the reform
movement advanced to Aragon, but not without difficulties,
opposition and suspicion. The reformer of the monastery of
Montserrat was the famous Abbot García de Cisneros, who brought
with him a group of monks from Valladolid. Logically, the new
reformed abbeys depended on Valladolid. The first efforts were
followed by less spiritual ones, during which economic interests,
ambition for power and a clash between centralism and regionalism
played havoc in the life of the monastery. The monks from the
Crown of Aragon, especially the Catalonians, deplored the fact that
the Castilians had monopolized all of the positions, leaving them
out. They also complained that, because impediments were
constantly placed for the admission of novices from throughout the
Crown of Aragon, the numeric predominance of the monks from
Castile remained intact. Further, they complained that the gold and
money, which the faithful gave as alms, were taken to Valladolid.
31

This last detail was the reason why the government of Catalonia
and the consul of Barcelona intervened. The Catalonian monks
sought recourse to these civil and political authorities for protection.
That is why this matter did not remain within the monastic realm but
transcended it to the political arena.
King Philip II was interested in ending this mayhem. He
secured pontifical bulls to have Friar Benedict de Tocco, who was a
former abbot of Montserrat and the Bishop of Lerida, appointed as
visitor. His visitation lasted from May 9, 1584 until January 13,
1585. He died under suspicious causes, poison. After Tocco´s
death, morale within the monastery became irritated. Papal
documents speak about discussions and disagreements among
religious, "great scandals," and "atrocities and enormous felonies."
(10) On March 6, 1585, Friar Guillen, who was a French lay
brother, led a band of desperadoes and interrupted the sleep of the
monks in their dormitory. Their secret cooperation helped to force
twenty Castilian monks to leave. They escorted them as far as
Cervera, where they were rescued by the Viceroy of Catalonia. He
wanted the monks to return to Montserrat, but they refused and
remained in the monastery of Saint Paul of Barcelona, which was
dependent on Montserrat.
The environment, then, was not conducive to peace,
tranquility of spirit, and the joy of solitude and liturgical life. One
had to be careful and prudent. Father Alex Armini wrote the most
critical and well-documented biography during the seventeenth. In
1686, he wrote: "Joseph, who recognized the damaged ego of the
administrators, warned the Apostolic Visitor on several occasions to
be cautious and to guard himself against any sinister accident.
Some tried to tempt the integrity of Joseph through different means.
They hoped to have him let down his guard, but he always
effectively protected himself always from them. The constantly
repeated warnings from his secretary or consultor (Calasanz) did
not protect the Bishop. After a sudden attack, the Bishop quickly
passed on to a better life." (11) Poor de La Figuera followed the
same path as his predecessor, Friar Benedict de Tocco. He died
on February 13, 1586. That is not all. The royal envoy, Dr. Iban de
Bardaxi, died on May 14, 1586, under the same suspicious causes
as did the two bishops. Abbot Martin Carrillo, a contemporary,
32

wrote: "Bishop Caspar de La Figuera died in Montserrat, after being
elected Bishop of Lerida. De La Figuera was conducting a visit with
Dr. Iban de Bardaxi, an examiner for the governor of Aragon, when
both died suddenly and not without suspicion." (12) When Bardaxi
died, Calasanz was not in Montserrat. As long as he lived, and he
lived a long life, Calasanz could not forget this dramatic adventure
of the apostolic visit to Montserrat. He said nothing about this,
however, to his Roman confidants, who wrote in their memoirs that
the Saint accompanied the Bishop on a visit to Montserrat. “(He
was) always willing to be alone and stayed in a room, where he
could hear the Mass, which was sung in a chapel in front of his
room every day at dawn.” (13) In 1637, when questioned by an
Augustinian, Calasanz was much more concise. He simply said
“Bishop de La Figuera died during that visit, and I returned to my
home.” (14)
Death of his Father: Peralta de la Sal
These last words of Calasanz seem to indicate that, no
sooner did his protector de La Figuera die, did he return home to be
with his aging father. His service to the Bishop-elect of Lerida had
ended. He had no personal business in the monastery. The royal
envoy, Bardaxi, as well as the secretary for the visit, Jerome Perez,
remained there to inform the next visitor about the events that had
taken place.
Old biographers have said that Calasanz waited for the
arrival of the new visitor, Bishop John de Cardona of Vich, who took
over his responsibilities on June 22. But the same biographers also
believed that Calasanz was the secretary for the visit. However, the
records show that the secretary was Friar Jerome Perez, who
handed over the documents to the new visitor.
Calasanz was at his father's side by the middle of February
1586, when he returned to his home from Montserrat. We know
that his father made a new will on November 7, 1587. We do not
know what the changes were or if he made any new arrangements
from his previous will. (15) It is certain that he ratified his son,
Joseph, as the universal heir. This new will suggests that the father
must have felt near death, but we cannot say when this happened.
33

In the parish archives of Peralta, a note was found saying that
Joseph Calasanz requested an anniversary Mass for the dead
every February 27, but there is no record as to the year when it
began. More than one historian has concluded that the date was
when the father passed away. (16) There is no reason, however, to
accept this hypothesis. It could be said that the anniversary Mass
was for his already deceased mother, brothers or sisters. Father
Talenti, who was one of the best documented of his biographers,
has already said that such a perpetual anniversary Mass was for
the souls in purgatory. (17) Any other hypothesis seems to be
valid. We believe, however, that the date did not refer to his father,
since we know that Father Joseph Calasanz began his work as
secretary to the cathedral chapter of Urgell and as master of
ceremonies on February 12, 1587. (18) It makes no sense to
suppose that Joseph waited for his father to die to be absolutely
free. If during the first years of his priesthood he was away from his
own diocese, it was precisely to be closer to Peralta and to attend
to his father at the opportune moment.
Chapter 4
IN THE LAND OF SEU d´URGELL
Historical Environment of Seu d’Urgell
Seu d’Urgell was one of the poorest municipalities in
Catalonia. It was divided into archpresbyterates (officialdom),
which were a kind of temporal fief with all civil and criminal powers
in the hands of the “officials.” These fiefs depended directly on the
bishop or the cathedral chapter.
The Christian climate between the people and the clergy
must have not been very different from the rest of the Spanish
regions during the period before the Council of Trent. There were
abuses and bad customs, which needed to be corrected. Voices of
reformers were heard. They presented a very murky picture so as
to justify the reforms. Towards the end of that century, the Jesuits
sent a report to their Superior General, urging him to open a school
in Seu d’Urgell. They said: "The people need to be taught doctrine.
34

They are very illiterate and just a little less needy than the Indians.
There are very few priests, who know how to care for the souls of
the faithful. The clergy live very frivolously. Pastors do not dare
correct them, because the priests confront them and are defiant."
(1) When Calasanz arrived in UrgeII, the cathedral chapter was
acting in place of a bishop (“sede vacante"). Neither the cathedral
chapter nor Bishop Capilla tried very hard to set any reforms into
motion. On the other hand, our Saint took a very active part in the
reform through frequent pastoral visits.
Without a doubt, the most serious problem that preoccupied
the cathedral chapter and afflicted the Diocese was the bandits.
They were not restricted to this region, but proximity to France and
the Pyrenees complicated the situation immensely. The
ruggedness of the terrain provided easy protection for the bandits
and for the infiltration of Huguenots or Lutherans, who joined the
bandits of the region in their rogue behavior. The bandits became
more daring, particularly during the years without a bishop, who
could serve as a responsible authority. Calasanz arrived during this
period of time. As secretary to the cathedral chapter, he wrote
several letters to the Viceroy of Catalonia, asking for immediate
intervention. He wrote at least ten letters between May 1587 and
April 1588, but his effort was in vain. (2) Nevertheless, the tragic
environment and the terror controlling the region can be plainly
seen in these letters.
Here are some quotations, which have been translated from
the original Catalan:
"(We are) afflicted by the tyranny of this land and by so much
blood shed on the road sides. We saw the dead bodies of two
men, whose throats were cut by these delinquents, just two days
ago on the royal highway leaving this city, which is under your
Majesty's jurisdiction."
"We have not yet discovered the necessary remedy, which will
cause these villains to stop committing these heinous crimes.
On a daily basis, they kill and cut into pieces men on the road
sides and in the villages. Such tyranny on the roads prohibits
anyone from traveling anywhere, without falling into the hands of
thieves, who rob them. We have reached this extreme situation
35

ecause these bandits and other evil men in the area have
enjoyed some form of security from the legal authorities. The
French, who are enemies of the Catholic faith and anxious to
prove this point, plunder the churches, as they did in the village
of Andorra, leaving it without the Blessed Sacrament."
"This city does not have a bishop or anyone else to administer
justice, particularly when there is such a great need to expel the
delinquents, who upset it so much."
"Your Excellency should really believe this, because it is certain
that the wickedness of the bandits is far greater than what we
have told you in our letters."
"Your Excellency should consider the dangers, which threaten
us. What would happen if the ports were not snowbound, since
they are our only defense? How badly do the people on the
road sides and in the villages suffer, when they see that the
bandits are very well armed and encouraged by the lack of any
arms to stop them?"
"We have not yet received the assistance, which we asked for
from Your Excellency. Our need for help is very just. The
insolence of some has become very extreme. About twenty or
thirty Lutherans have crossed the borders from France, with
someone called Plometa. They have come today with other
thieves and criminals to attack this city. Many clerics have taken
up arms in defense of the honor of God. During the skirmish,
which lasted from noon until evening, one man died and there
were a few wounded."
The last letter is dated April 1588. During the previous year,
almost as soon as Calasanz had arrived in Urgell, small caliber long
guns were distributed to the canons. Calasanz kept records of the
gun distribution, because he was the secretary of the cathedral
chapter. He wrote: "I testify as to the distribution of the small caliber
long guns to the canons on April 13, 1587.” In addition, he wrote:
"Calasanz, one small caliber long gun with a powder horn but no
purse." (3)
He kept this weapon for two years. There is another note
saying: "On January 27, 1589, Calasanz returned two small caliber
long guns. One belonged to himself and the other to Rostoll, with
the powder horns and smaller flasks."
36

That is the way it was when Joseph Calasanz, as a young
priest, left his village of Peralta and, after crossing both Nogueras,
arrived in Seu d’Urgell for the first time, in the middle of the winter.
Calasanz and the Cathedral Chapter
Bishop Hugo Ambrosio de Montcada, who ordained Joseph
Calasanz to the priesthood in his episcopal residence during the
winter in Sanahuja, died on December 8, 1586. His death left the
Diocese of Urgell without a bishop (sede vacante). Calasanz
arrived one or two months later. There is a note in the payroll
ledger, which says that on March 24, 1587, Calasanz received the
salary for his services as secretary to the cathedral chapter and as
the master of ceremonies, roles which he began to fulfill on
February 12, 1587. Another note says that on February 7, 1589,
Calasanz received the last pay owed him for his work up until
January 27, when "he said good-bye." (4) During this two year
period, he was secretary and master of ceremonies.
As secretary, he carefully maintained the minutes of the
chapter meetings, the documents for the cathedral chapter, and
other books dealing with business of the chapter. The handwritten
pages show a beautiful calligraphy, which contrasts sharply with the
handwriting of his predecessors. Later in Rome, he perfected his
handwriting, when he taught reading and writing. He repeatedly
encouraged his religious to learn how to write, as he did: "I have
always been busy, doing many things. Nevertheless, I have
learned how to write perfectly, in order to teach others to do the
same." (5)
As master of ceremonies, he directed the liturgical
ceremonies. He also had the special responsibility to adapt the
liturgical traditions and customs to the Tridentine reform, particularly
to those issued by Pope Pius V. It is worth mentioning two items,
which were among the different functions he had to schedule: He
had to plan the processions and special prayer services, which
were decreed by the cathedral chapter, and he had to prepare
prayer services, which sought victory by the invincible armada, as
King Philip II had asked in all the churches of Spain in March 1588.
37

During his entire life, he had a great appreciation and respect
for liturgical ceremonies. He dedicated an entire chapter of the
Constitutions of his Order to the observance of the ceremonies and
to the care of sacred objects. The chapter in the Constitutions
began: "It suits the dignity of the Church that those called to the
sacred ministry of the altar know perfectly well the sacred rites and
ceremonies." (6) Another sign of his appreciation and respect for
ritual and liturgy is that he kept in his room a copy of the rites of the
Church by John Stephen Durando. (7)
From June 1587 until April 1589, Calasanz lived in the house
of a merchant, Anthony Janer. His two ledgers, which have been
preserved until this day, are a treasure trove of quaint data.
Calasanz was not only a witness to many commercial transactions,
but he also kept a kind of check register for his own personal
expenses. The merchant frequently added details, such as alms,
trips, individuals and his relationship with Calasanz. Because of
these ledgers, we know that Calasanz lived in his house until, at
least, the end of 1590, when the manuscript ends. Calasanz had a
servant, who later also became a priest. Calasanz, himself,
probably got him a benefice. His name was James John
Coromines. For his trips he bought saddle-bags or rented a mule,
etc.
Friar Andrew Capilla was finally appointed Bishop of Urgell.
He had been a Jesuit (1553-1569) and a Carthusian (1569-1588).
Since King Philip II had entrusted him with the reforms of the
Canons Regular of Saint Augustine and with the Benedictines, who
were not subject to the Congregation of Valladolid, Capilla could not
take immediately charge of the Diocese of Urgell. He appointed
Father Antonio de Gallart y de Mongay to serve as his procurator
and the Vicar General of the Diocese. He was from Valencia and a
canon from Tarragona. Gallart assumed his responsibilities in April
1588. Several months passed. In November, Calasanz wrote a
letter to Capilla in the name of the cathedral chapter. He asked him
to come as soon as possible. He said: "In this devastating time
God, in his mercy, has given us an individual who is gifted with so
many talents and such a great mind. Please, Your Excellency, do
us the favor of coming to watch over His sheep. Help them deal
with such terrible oppression, which they suffer in this city, region
38

and public roads. They are tyrannized and oppressed. Human
blood is spilled with such liberty, and the poor are owners of neither
their lands and nor their women. The French and other bandits
have decided to kidnap priests and to maltreat them, so as to
procure large ransoms. The city is full of priests, who have been
forced to abandon their domiciles in order to avoid death or prison."
(8) Bishop Andrew Capilla solemnly entered Urgell one month
later.
On November 12, before Capilla's arrival, Calasanz was
appointed as pastor of Claverol and Ortoneda, which were two
small villages lost in the mountains. In reality, it was a nonresidential
benefice, and Calasanz had to appoint an associate to
help care for the souls.
He cared for the two small villages and even occasionally
visited them. The salary he received was probably not sufficient.
On the other hand, Father Gallart, the Vicar General, gave him the
benefice, and he also personally recommended that Bishop Capilla
appoint Calasanz as a co-worker and take him into the palace.
Capilla arrived in Urgell on December 24, 1588. Calasanz resigned
his two positions as secretary to the cathedral chapter and as and
master of ceremonies on January 27, 1589. On February 3, his
name appeared on a list of co-workers for the Bishop. (9) It is
possible that his appointment occurred before the resignation of his
other two positions.
He still lived in the home of Mr. Janer, who called Calasanz
"secretary and butler to his Excellency." Calasanz moved into the
episcopal palace in April. The Bishop lived with three other
Carthusians, and he hoped to live like a Carthusian, as much as
possible. Calasanz lived with them, just as he had done before in
Barbastro in the episcopal palace of Bishop Urries and his
Dominican companions. It was another step closer to religious life
and, in this case, to the very austere life of the Carthusians.
Ecclesiastical Official in Tremp
Life with the Carthusians and Bishop Capilla in the episcopal
palace did not last long. On June 28, Calasanz was appointed,
39

together with Dr. Peter Gervas de las Eras, as visitor of the
archpresbyterates (officialdom) of Tremp. Two days later, Calasanz
and his Bishop were in Tremp. He was appointed as the
ecclesiastical official on the following day, July 1, 1589. Tremp was
a temporal fief of the Bishop, and Calasanz had both ecclesiastical
and civil jurisdiction there. Since the Bishop was present, it was
only natural that he presided over the swearing in ceremony,
granting Calasanz ecclesiastical and civil powers.
The ceremony was described in a document dated 1695.
Calasanz promised "God and the holy Gospels solemnly that he
would keep all the privileges, uses and customs that the village of
Tremp and its inhabitants possessed and had grown accustomed to
have, use and enjoy. Then the magnificent Lord Consul Clavero,
taking his right hand, made him sit on the bench of the said Lord
Consuls, at the right hand of Clavero. He gave him a pair of gloves
as a sign of his possession of civil jurisdiction. As a sign of his
possession of both low and high criminal jurisdiction, he gave him a
sheathed sword. He unsheathed it and held it up, making the sign
of the cross. While doing so, he said three times: Possession that I,
the ecclesiastical official and Vicar General of his Excellency, the
Bishop of Urgell, take possession of the village of Tremp, of both
high and low, civil and ecclesiastical jurisdiction, and the other
rights and privileges that his Excellency, the Bishop of UrgeII has in
the village of Tremp." (10)
It is really unusual to imagine Calasanz waving a sword in
the air and assuming powers of criminal and civil justice. It is also
difficult to think of him aiming a small caliber long gun against the
Huguenots and bandits. These unusual gestures were not unique
during his short lived time in this Diocese, which was located in the
Pyrenees.
Tremp had only one hundred houses in 1521 and not many
more at the time of Calasanz. Its magnificent collegiate church had
seven canons, seven benefices and sixty-six parishes. Just outside
the walls, there was also a Dominican convent, where reading,
writing and grammar were taught to the boys of the region. It was
called Schola Christi, the School of Christ. It is not difficult to
imagine that Calasanz visited the school as an ecclesiastical
40

official. He also probably maintained friendly ties with the
Dominicans, remembering Bishop Urries, who was a Dominican.
The position of an ecclesiastical official of Tremp, like other
archpriests, carried the title of Vicar General. Calasanz referred to
himself in this way in a document dated on September 18, 1589 in
Talarn. (11) The old biographers wrongly believed that Calasanz
had been Vicar General for the whole Diocese.
The Patroness of Tremp is Our Lady of the Valley of the
Flowers. She is venerated in the collegiate church, whose
confraternity Calasanz joined on September 25, 1589. Bishop
Capilla arranged to celebrate ordinations in the collegiate church on
September 22, 1590. Among the ordinandi were two men from
Peralta, James Huguet and Caspar Salas and one from Pont de
Claverol, Francis Motes. Years later, in 1648, Father Motes, who
was already old, remembered Joseph Calasanz in this way: "When
I was from fourteen or fifteen years old, I knew and saw him many
times, because he was a good friend of my father. He was tall, had
an honorable presence, wore a light brown beard and had an
elongated and white face."(12) During the autumn of 1590,
Calasanz was approaching thirty-three.
Diocesan Visitor and Reformer
Let us back up a little bit. It was almost a year since the
death of Bishop Montcada (December 8, 1586), and there was no
talk about a substitute. The needs of the Diocese forced the
canons to make a pastoral visit, and they divided the
archpresbyterates among themselves. The major archdeacon,
Raphael Gomis, received the officialdoms of Tremp, Balaguer,
Guissona, Agramunt, Sanahuja, Oliana and Pons. He took as a
companion Joseph Calasanz, who was the young secretary to the
cathedral chapter. Peralta de la Sal was in the officialdom of
Balaguer, where they stayed on November 23, 1587. There they
signed some documents involving Mass obligations for the pastor of
Peralta and for another nearby pastor. They could not find the time
to visit all of the parishes during this apostolic visit, which lasted
almost forty days. This opportunity to get out from behind the
closed spaces of the curia was probably the first time in his life that
41

Calasanz, even as simple secretary, experienced real parish life,
not only with the priest but also with the faithful.
Bishop Capilla continued to think, as did the canons, that the
best way to promote the Tridentine reform was to visit the parishes
of the Diocese. With this in mind, he appointed Joseph Calasanz
and canon Peter Gervas de las Eras as visitors of the officialdom of
Tremp on June 28, 1589. The Bishop immediately left for Tremp.
He was accompanied by Calasanz, whom he appointed as
ecclesiastical official three days later. One year later, apparently
satisfied with the work they accomplished, the Bishop increased the
regions of responsibility for the two visitors by adding to Tremp the
officialdoms of Sort, Tirvia and Cardos on May 5, 1590. They did
not have to travel together. They could divide the parishes between
themselves in order to facilitate the work. This must have been a
wonderful opportunity for Calasanz to experience the real life of the
people and their pastors in greater depth. He acted with absolute
personal responsibility by solving problems, counseling,
understanding, punishing and forgiving. He did all of this while
crossing the precipitous regions near the Pyrenees, on difficult and
treacherous roads, with the fear of facing bandits, climbing
mountains and going down valleys, feeling the weight of days and
hours. His ministry was performed with the satisfaction of
exercising, for the first time, his priesthood, which up until then
seemed exclusively limited to bishops and cathedral chapters. His
years in the officialdom of Tremp were also rich with anecdotes,
which Calasanz, who was already old and who had nostalgia for a
youth spent far away, told his Piarist sons in Rome. They were
always curious to know more about his early life. After his death,
there were many witnesses, who remembered without accuracy,
the stories told by the "holy old man" about the times when he was
an ecclesiastical official in Tremp in the area of Urgell.
In his Brief News, Father Catalucci wrote that Calasanz, who
was vicar in Tremp, "acted magnificently, ordering the clergy to live
with a strict observance and to not appear at banquets with lay
people but to have fun with other ecclesiastics. He settled their
disputes with the greatest prudence." (13) Father Berro writes:
"Noticing that two extremely angry priests had arrived before his
tribunal because of some monetary disagreement, he told them to
42

present their complaints and reasons in writing. He then rationally
suggested that they not leave home without finding a formula for
agreement and mutual compensation. The next day, they returned
to the tribunal in complete agreement. Joseph then gave them a
paternal reprimand and sent them home, without asking them for
anything, not even the price of a stamp, which was due for the
administration of justice." (14) Father Catalucci continues: "While
making the pastoral visit through the Pyrenees, he met a very
scattered and unorganized clergy. Therefore, he decreed and
compelled them to begin to fulfill their priestly responsibilities very
carefully, and he ordered the excommunication of any archpriests
and foreign vicars, who did not reveal the names of the guilty.
These decisions provoked great disturbances among the people
and clergy, almost to the point of pretending to assassinate him.
When they realized that his actions resulted in benefits for the
greater glory of God, they quieted down. As a sign of deference,
the community gave him some cheese. While expressing his
gratitude, he confessed that, up until that moment, he appreciated
neither the good effects of his actions nor the high dignity of his
priesthood." (15)
Biographers usually tell this most delightful anecdote:
Walking one day on the very rugged roads of the Pyrenees, he met
a poor man, whose donkey had fallen into a soft deep marsh. The
poor man could not remove the beast by shouting, cussing or
blaspheming. Joseph stopped his horse and told his servant to
help the desperate man. It was in vain. The two men could not free
the beast from the marsh. Joseph got off his horse and took off his
cassock. He scattered branches over the mud, got under the belly
of the donkey and, lifting it up over his shoulders, he carried it to dry
land. The man was amazed. The priest told him, in so many
words, that one cannot get donkeys out of a marsh with
blasphemies. Each went on his own way.
There is another anecdote involving his extraordinary
strength. Once he saw some sailors, who were pulling on a rope
and trying to bring a boat up onto the sand. Without any help,
Calasanz pulled on the the rope until the boat was on the sand.
This event did not happen near the sea but on the Noguera
Pallaresa River. People often dragged logs in the river. The bridge
43

entering Tremp was demolished in 1589, and it was replaced by a
boat, which people pulled from the shore.
Here is another similar story. Outside Tremp, Calasanz met
a group of priests, who amused themselves by throwing a rod as far
as possible. Calasanz took the rod and threw it farther than anyone
else. He told the priests to say the Lord’s Prayer a few times, as his
trophy.
The story, which has baffled the biographers the most up
until today, involved the kidnapping of a young girl. Father
Scassellati, who was a witness during the beatification process,
said: "He was sent by the Bishop of Urgell to settle a dispute
between two families. They were armed and ready to fight,
because a young girl had been kidnapped. Others had failed in their
efforts to bring peace to the two families. Calasanz resolved the
problem and brought them together." (16)
Other witnesses during the beatification process and
historians have said that this event occurred between two families
of the nobility in Barcelona. The case reached the ears of the King,
who asked the Bishop of Urgell to put out "that blaze, which
threatened to scorch Spain.” The Bishop delegated his Calasanz,
his Vicar General. "In the middle of winter, through snow and mud,
he began the march and arrived just as armed people were ready to
start fighting." Naturally, he came, he saw and he conquered, and
he "secured an immediate suspension of hostilities and, later, total
peace." (17) It was just as if it took place in the movies! This case
occurred in Barcelona. It was so sensational, that the royal court in
Madrid became aware of it. It is very strange that the King did not
call on the Bishop of Barcelona but on the Bishop of Urgell. What is
even stranger is that the Bishop placed such a large responsibility
upon his former official, Calasanz. Up until then, he had been
totally unknown in Barcelona, and he was ready to sail for Rome
any day. Moreover, we now know that Bishop Capilla was in
Barcelona at the time. Most likely, the incident took place in one of
the wild villages of the Pyrenees, where Calasanz was conducting a
pastoral visit, and the Bishop probably never even heard about it.
All of these anecdotes came from the mouth of an aging
44

Calasanz, when his sons asked him to tell them stories about life in
Spain. These were his memories. The people of Tremp, on the
other hand, kept alive the memory and veneration of their former
ecclesiastical official. In 1666, Dr. James Gah, a priest from Tremp,
declared to the Piarists in Rome that in his city "there are people
who have great devotion to the venerable Father and kiss with the
greatest devotion the letters, which he wrote when he was an
ecclesiastical official." (18)
Seeds of a Future Vocation?
It is believable that the biographers may have tried to find
hints of the future educational activity of Calasanz, while he was in
Spain. We have seen the school for pages in the episcopal palace
of Barbastro. The title "helper of studies" was given to Calasanz
during that time of his life. In Urgell, we found two documents,
which could present our young priest as a teacher. The first one
was a document of the city council on August 25, 1586. In this
document, there is a reference about finding a teacher "for the
school in the city," and some biographers thought that our Saint
was called to Urgell for this reason. Other documents, however,
mention the name of the teacher, and it was not Calasanz. The
second reference was found in the marginal notes of the merchant,
Janer. One such note mentions a student, who was living in his
house and who was being tutored in writing and arithmetic. Who
would be a better teacher than his other guest, Calasanz?
Bishop Andrew Capilla and Father Peter Gervas de Eras,
who were intimately connected to the Saint, could be both
theoretical and practical, when necessary. They have provided us
with events from his past, which point toward the future teaching
and educational vocation of Calasanz. Both were in agreement that
one of the most effective ways to achieve a reform of the people in
the Diocese was to open schools, which were under the direction of
religious. In 1587, before visiting the officialdoms of Tremp, Sort,
Trivia and Cardos with Calasanz, Father Gervas proposed to the
Supreme Council of Aragon the following: "To achieve the desired
end, it is very important to open two colleges. One should be in the
village of Graus, which is in the middle of the county of Ribagorza,
under the direction of the Jesuits. The other should be in the village
45

of Areny (his native village) under the Carmelites." (19) This idea
was approved by the Supreme Council of Aragon and then
presented to King Philip II, who also approved the initiative for
further consideration.
In the following year, Friar Andrew Capilla was appointed as
the Bishop of Urgell, but he was not installed until Christmas. In
1589, he began to ask the Jesuits to open a school in the capital of
the Diocese. The process took a long time, in spite of the fact that
Bishop Capilla had been a Jesuit for eighteen years. He had great
respect for the Society of Jesus, which he loved for the rest of his
life. In 1592, he finally saw the opening of the school in Urgell,
which the Jesuits called "Saint Andrew," in honor of its benefactor
and prelate. Before the school actually opened, in the same year,
Bishop Capilla also founded the Tridentine seminary, which he
entrusted to the Jesuits.
When the two educational centers opened, Calasanz was
already in Rome. We cannot help but think that Calasanz was
present in spirit in the educational endeavors of his close friends,
Bishop Capilla and Father Gervas. Calasanz revealed some of his
feelings about this during his later years in Rome. Father Caputi,
who was a tireless confidant of the Saint, wrote in his memoirs this
paragraph: "To understand the origin and basis for his motives to
found the Pious Schools, it is important to know about a vision,
which Calasanz had when he was Vicar General of the Bishop of
Urgell. He told me many times, because I was curious to
understand things. I was always after him, asking questions and
pulling his tongue. The vision appeared to him one night. He was
in Rome and preaching to a group of children, who looked like
angels. He was teaching them how to live as Christians. He
blessed them and later accompanied them to their homes.
Meanwhile, he saw angels, who joined him in the task of guiding
those poor children. Without paying any attention to the vision, he
thought it was simply a figment of his imagination. The following
morning, he felt that it was absurd, since he had never thought
about going to Rome. A few weeks later, he began to hear a voice
saying: "Joseph, go to Rome; go to Rome, Joseph." (20)
There is one last detail. There is a note by Janer dated
46

February 6, 1589. Calasanz, "as butler of his Excellency," asked
him for a loan to buy cloth “to make stockings for the pages." There
were pages in the episcopal palace of Urgell, just as there were
pages in Barbastro. If Calasanz was the teacher of these children,
when he was a co-worker of Bishop Urries, couldn’t he also have
been a teacher of the pages in Urgell, when he was a co-worker of
Bishop Capilla?
To Rome
Father Caputi told us about the "dream of Joseph" and the
voice that told him: "Joseph, go to Rome." This was written in 1672.
On the other hand, in 1652, Father Francis Castelli, who was an
intimate collaborator of Calasanz, had already written declared the
same, but with more restraint. He knew about the dream "because
he heard about it from Calasanz and from others who heard it from
Calasanz." He said: "While in Spain, after becoming a priest,
Father Joseph heard an internal voice within himself saying: Go to
Rome.” This happened many times, and it was always the same
message. "Our Father reflected upon it and responded: I don't have
any pretexts. What must I do in Rome?" (21) The hagiographers
have emotionally interpreted these supernatural voices as a sign of
a future glorious vocation. We must not deny them out right. Dr.
Francis Motes received the tonsure in the collegiate church of
Tremp, while Calasanz was the ecclesiastical official. In 1648, Dr.
Motes wrote that, while “saying good-bye to his family but before
sailing for Rome, “(Calasanz) intended to go to Rome to secure
some kind of benefice. I heard that he had hoped to receive a
benefice in his native country and, after one or two years, he
obtained it. God had destined him for greater activities.
Unfortunately, he was sued and, after they judged against him, he
decided to abandon his expectations and gave himself totally to
God." (22) This was a detailed account of the events. This offers
one of the motives for his desire to move to Rome. Once there,
God changed his course. It appears, however, that the primary
motive for his trip was the ad limina visit. Calasanz went in place of
his Bishop because, in those days, King Philip II forbade the
bishops to go on such trips. Another determining factor must have
been the position of procurator for the Bishop of Urgell in Rome.
His predecessor, Father Raphael Duran, had been removed from
47

that office.
We do not know, with precision, when Calasanz decided to
go to Rome. However, it was not a hasty decision. For months
before his departure, he began to resign from his positions. Francis
Motes was a young man of fourteen or fifteen years at the time of
the trip. He remembered what was said in his home about the trip
of Calasanz to Rome and about the conditions, which he set down,
before resigning from his parish of Claverol: "He left the parish of
Claverol to Mr. James Segur de Valmitjana, with a benefice of
seventeen and a half gold coins, to be used at the discretion of
Father Calasanz. He gave them to the poor in his parish, without
discrimination. Therefore, on two principal feasts of the year,
Easter and Pentecost, alms were given to the poor of Claverol and
Ortoneda." (23) When he gave up his benefice, Calasanz kept
seventeen and a half pounds for himself, for as long as he should
live. After his death, the money would help buy wheat, which would
be distributed to the needy of the two villages annually. In 1618, he
had to give up all of his goods, when he made his vows in the
Congregation of the Pious Schools. That is why he asked the
Motes family of Claverol to annually distribute the wheat, as if he
had died. In 1620, he restated his requests to the priest of
Ortoneda and Claverol. (24) He also had to resign his position and
residential benefice as the ecclesiastical official of Tremp. We do
not know when he gave up the non-residential benefice of Monzon,
which he had enjoyed since his ordination as a sub-deacon. It must
have occurred before going to Rome because, during the tedious
suit to acquire a canonry in Barbastro, it was not mentioned but the
one in Fraga was mentioned. It was granted to him in 1593.
The sad duty of saying good-bye required that he pass
through Benabarre, the home of Joan, his sister and her family, and
that he go to Peralta, where his sisters, Mary and Magdalene, lived.
The hagiographers almost unanimously wrote that, on the occasion
of his stay in his native village, Calasanz distributed his properties
among his sisters and nephews, gave something to the poor and
reserved something for himself. The distribution of his patrimony
did not have to be done then, since the dramatic and final goodbyes
were not necessary. After all, the traveller was thinking about
coming back soon. Neither his sisters nor he suspected that they
48

would never see each other again.
Another thing he had to do before leaving Spain was to earn
a Doctor's Degree in Theology. There is not a single document,
which mentions this degree, while still in Spain. He was called a
"Professor of Sacred Theology" in May 1590 and a "Bachelor in
Sacred Theology" in July of the same year. The first time that he
appears as a "Doctor of Sacred Theology" is in a Roman document
dated February 27, 1592. Based upon that date, we have to go
back to December 3, 1591. On that date, he was in mentioned as
being in Urgell. Between these two dates, he had to do whatever
was necessary to receive the degree in Theology. Where?
Without any evidence, every biographer has listed many
universities or colleges, where he may have studied. They have
talked about the Colegio Romano of the Jesuits; the University of
Alcala de Henares and Lerida; and the School of Christ of the
Dominicans in Tremp. Among all these hypotheses, the most likely
is the one that he received the degree of Doctor of Theology in
Barcelona.
Dr. Francis Motes said that Calasanz "left for Rome and
Barcelona to study." This suggests that during his stay in
Barcelona, before boarding the ship for Italy, Calasanz passed the
exams in the university to fulfill the last requirements to receive the
degree. We may very well suppose that he did not receive the
degree in the university but in the College of Belen, which was run
by the Jesuits. This is a very likely hypothesis. Others propose that
Calasanz studied theology in Valencia and in Alcala, in the local
colleges run by the Jesuits. They all had the faculties to award
academic degrees. Bishop Andrew Capilla might have facilitated
the steps. He was a former Jesuit. He was on very good terms
with the College of Belen, and he was in Barcelona during the
months of January and February in 1592. He was there for the
conclusion of the provincial council, which began two months before
in Tarragona. If we consider another hypothesis, the degree may
have been awarded to him by the University of Tarragona based
upon the recommendation of Bishop Capilla, who was there for the
chapter, or of Dr. Anthony Gallart, who was still a canon of the
cathedral. Be that as it may, it is certain and indisputable that
49

Calasanz, by the time he arrived in Rome, had earned a Doctor’s
Degree in Theology. He signed, with great satisfaction, his first
letters accordingly.
On February 2, 1592, the new Basilica of Montserrat was
solemnly consecrated. There were many present who also attended
the Council of Tarragona just finished in Barcelona. It is very
probable that Joseph Calasanz went up the mountain once again
accompanying bishop Capilla. He probably told the bishop during
the trip everything good and bad that had happened during his long
visit with Dr. Caspar de la Figuera. Corning down the mountain, he
probably boarded the ship in the port of Barcelona bound for Rome.
We know he was in Rome in February 27, 1592. He sailed with the
hope of returning very soon. He did not know that it was not a round
trip.
Chapter 5
ROME: YEARS OF RESTLESSNESS
Return to Spain?
Joseph Calasanz arrived in Rome in the middle of February
1592. He was thirty-four years old. We don't know anything about
his aesthetic impressions regarding the majesty of the imperial
Roman ruins, the basilicas, churches and monumental palaces.
We don’t know his feelings as one who had just arrived or as one
who lived fifty-six years as an adopted Roman. Nowhere in any of
his 4,600 letters, did he ever give the slightest hint of admiration or
appreciation for the immense artistic richness of the Rome of the
Caesars, the Renaissance and the Baroque Popes. There are,
however, references to atmospheric phenomena, prodigies and
monsters being born in Italy or in other parts of the world, with a
touch of credulity in omens and in their marvelous wonders. It was
not the riches, the art, the pomp, or the extravagance of the Eternal
City that overpowered him. Instead, the misery, poverty and
ignorance of its people in the neighborhoods won over his heart and
kept him there. What he thought was going to be a round way trip
eventually changed into a one way trip.
50

He arrived with the airs of a conqueror. He had all of the
letters in order and some up his sleeve. It would take only a few
months. Ten months after his arrival, he was stiIl as optimistic as
on the first day: "I am greatly confident that I shall be provided for."
(1) Therefore, his hope and his desire to return home were explicit:
"I desire, very much, to return to Spain soon." (2) In May, he still
had the same desires and hopes: "I shall try to come back soon."
(3) In the same year, he expressed an emotional yearning for his
beloved Peralta, which he never forgot. He sent a chalice to the
parish, with this inscription: Pro ferro aurum at argentum. 1593.
(Silver and gold instead of iron. 1593). In his own way, he invoked
a feeling of nostalgia for his father's old smith shop.
In September of the following year, he continued to talk
about returning, but there was no hurry: "When God wills, I shall
come back to that land." (4) Shortly after the beginning of the new
century, his rush to return has not only disappeared but has
changed into a decision to permanently stay: "I have found in Rome
the ultimate way to serve God, by doing good for the little ones. I
will not leave it for the world." (5) Little by little, he had become
Romanized, and thoughts about his native land became less
frequent every day. In 1632, he wrote: "I am from Aragon by birth,
but I am a Roman by feelings and customs. I have already been in
Rome for forty years and have absolutely forgotten my homeland."
(6) Deep down, he had it right in the beginning when he wrote in
his first letter back to Spain in May 1592: "Until today, blessed by
God, I have been healthy, and I trust that I shall be well in this new
land." (7) More than any omen, it was an unconscious prophecy.
The first document assuring us of his presence in Rome is a
notarized document dated February 27, 1592, regarding a loan of
200 gold coins without interest to Father Balthasar Compte, who
was a canon from Tarragona and the procurator of that Diocese in
Rome. The canon's squandering and misdeeds forced the chapter
of Tarragona to confiscate his goods and to even throw him into the
episcopal jail for a few days, when he returned to Tarragona. The
reckless canon lived in the palace of Cardinal Marcantonio
Colonna. Calasanz would also live there later. (8) It is possible that
Calasanz lived, for a short time, in a house located on the square of
the Twelve Apostles and was welcomed by Father Raphael Duran,
51

a canon and the procurator of Urgell. A little before Calasanz
arrived in Rome, Duran was removed from his post as the
procurator, because of his shadowy dealings. His position then fell
upon Calasanz.
The aging Cardinal Marcantonio Colonna soon appreciated
the talents of his young guest, Calasanz. He appointed him as his
theologian and also charged him with the spiritual direction of the
staff, once he managed to express himself in Italian. One of his
duties as the spiritual director was to give a weekly talk on Christian
life to the whole staff. Some biographers also wrote that the
Cardinal asked Calasanz to provide the education and instruction of
his two nephews, Marcantonio and Philip. However, this is not
probable, because the first witnesses said nothing about it and
because the princes were not small children at the time. They were
seventeen and fifteen years of age.
The Colonna palace is next to the basilica of the Twelve
Apostles. The Conventual Franciscans took care of it then and now.
Calasanz dealt with them very often, while they were neighbors. He
experienced a profound transformation of his soul, when he made
contact with Franciscan spirituality, especially in the area of poverty.
The feeling became very important during the birth and growth of
the Pious Schools, poor clerics at the service of poor children.
Obsession for a Canonry
On May 16, 1592, two and half months after arriving in
Rome, Calasanz wrote to the pastor of Peralta, Father Joseph
Teixidor: “As soon as I arrived, I applied for a canonry in Urgell.
The secretary of the Spanish embassy supported me very much
through a secret chamberlain of the Pope, who gave it to me. I did
not know that I had received it for fifteen days. The secretary of the
Datary (the papal office, which dispenses benefices) did not want
me to receive it under any circumstances at this time, because I
was new in Rome. He said that I could receive it the next time one
became available. The secretary of the Spanish embassy felt very
bad and so did the Papal Chamberlain. They said that as soon as
one became available, they would get it for me. I trust that, if one
becomes available, I will not lose it. Besides these two friends, the
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Pope's steward, whom I met through a Carthusian monk and friend,
is very good to me. I live in the home of Cardinal Marcantonio
Colonna with a canon from Tarragona, Father Balthasar Compte,
who is very dear and a protégé of Cardinal Colonna. He helped me
get into the Cardinal's house." (9)
Of course, success occurred right away. Our young priest
came very well recommended:
Peter Jimenez Murillo from Zaragoza, the Spanish Ambassador;
Mr. James de Palafox of Aragon, a secret chamberlain of the
Pope and the future Marquis of Ariza;
the future Cardinal Francis Oietrichstein (listed by some
biographers);
Hercules Estense Tassone, the Pope's steward;
a Carthusian monk, his friend, who was also known by Bishop
Andrew Capilla, a fellow Carthusian.
If this were not enough, Cardinal Colonna was also ready to lend
him a hand. Ironically, with all of these protectors, the secretary of
the Datary, the future Cardinal Lucius Sasso, was the most helpful
in securing a benefice in Urgell for him. Thanks to him, there was
one less canon and one more founder.
Cardinal Colonna obtained a second canonry in Urgell for
him six months later. Calasanz gave the news to his pastor in a
letter dated November 25. He wrote: "Cardinal Colonna, in whose
house I live, obtained for me the canonry left vacant in Urgell by the
death of Father Sorribes. We later discovered that Sorribes died in
a month, which belonged to the Bishop. (Note: Certain months
"belonged" to the Pope and others to the bishop. It was up to the
Pope or bishop to grant benefices, during their respective months.)
Therefore, it was not valid. They are now trying to obtain another
one. Albarracin or Teruel looked promising but, since they are too
far away, I did not want to ask for them. May our Lord's will be
done." (10) Two canonries had already been obtained in Urgell, but
both fell through. The canonry, which we have called the second
failed attempt, was granted by Bishop Andrew Capilla. Did he
forget that his beloved Father Joseph Calasanz had gone to Rome
53

to look for one? Why wasn't the vacant canonry reserved for him?
Why was he not called back to his Diocese? After failing to obtain a
canonry in his Diocese, Calasanz seemed disposed to accept one
in other dioceses, but he rejected those in Albarracin or Teruel,
because they were too far away. He naturally looked for one
closer.
In 1593, he requested and obtained a non-residential
benefice in Fraga. It paid 24 gold coins per year. It seems that this
stipend was related to the Agosti family, one of whom married Joan,
who was a sister of Calasanz and lived in Benabarre.
In March 1594, there was a vacancy in Barbastro. It was the
Pope’s turn to award it. He remembered fondly the early days of
his priesthood. Therefore, he took the necessary steps and was
awarded the canonry on June 27. Meanwhile, the situation became
complicated in Barbastro. Three pretenders claimed the vacancy:
Drs. Castillo, Latorre and Navarro. The Bishop voted for the first
one, a majority of the cathedral chapter voted for the second one
and, for the time being, the third one remained out of the picture.
The news of the conflict reached Calasanz. Before sending anyone
to take possession of his chair by proxy, he secured a written
decree from the Pope. This document ordered anyone, who dared
take possession of the benefice, to withdraw immediately. The
apostolic protonotary, Camillus Borghese, the future Pope Paul V,
signed it on September 27, 1594. Calasanz appointed procurators
to take possession of the benefice but, when they arrived in
Barbastro and presented the papers, the cathedral chapter said that
they were false.
While the discussion between the cathedral chapter and the
Bishop took place regarding the candidates, Dr. Navarro, the third
one who was left out of the picture, showed up in Rome and asked
for the contested canonry. It was given to him on June 9, 1595. Dr.
Navarro triumphantly returned to Barbastro. He presented the
papers to the cathedral chapter, and he received the same
objections given to Calasanz. The Bishop died. The candidate
supported by the cathedral chapter became a Capuchin. Therefore,
the debate between the Bishop and the cathedral chapter ended.
In spite of being left without a protector, Dr. Castillo, who was the
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candidate backed by the Bishop, travelled to Rome and presented
his petition. The Holy Sea received it and gave him the benefice on
December 7, 1595. Unbelievable! In a short period of time, three
pretenders received the same canonry. That's not all. Calasanz
sued Dr. Castillo and submitted a second petition. His reasons
convinced the officials of the Datary, who gave the canonry back to
him on August 27, 1596. Naturally, the other two competitors were
ready to file a suit. Possible litigation could last forever, leaving the
litigants destitute. Therefore, they decided to reach an agreement.
Dr. Navarro would obtain the canonry, Dr. Castillo would receive 30
gold coins a year, and Joseph Blanch, who was Calasanz' nephew,
would receive 36 gold coins a year. Dr. Navarro would also pay 69
gold coins for the expenses of the suit. They presented all pertinent
details for ratification to the officials of the Datary, and their
agreement was ratified by a pontifical brief on January I, 1598.
Calasanz never received any money, because his nephew
and his brother-in-law wanted nothing to do with it. Calasanz wrote
a letter to the pastor in Peralta on June 27, 1599: "Based upon the
correspondence, which I have received from my relatives, blessed
be God, I would prefer that the papal bulls end up in your hands
than those of my brother-in-law or my nephew. They have never
been of any use to me in all of these years. I don't know what to
think of them!" (11) This disappointment with regard to his relatives
came about as a result of the disillusionment caused by the long
suit for the canonry in Barbastro. It also forced him to give up
forever the idea of residential benefices but not non-residential
ones, which could give him some income to spend on "some
charitable cause that I have in mind," as he said in a letter dated
1599. These can be none other than the Schools that he would
transfer from the Trans Tiber section in 1600 to the City under his
personal responsibility.
He was offered another canonry in Zaragoza. Some
biographers said that it occurred around 1605. However, it does
not seem likely. In a letter dated 1599, Calasanz said: "The official
from the Datary, knowing that I was no longer seeking benefices
requiring a residence, has offered to give me simple ones as they
become available." The canonry of Zaragoza most probably was
awarded around 1594. Since 1592, King Philip II had begun to take
55

steps to change the cathedral chapter of the Diocese of Zaragoza
from the hands of the Canons Regular of Saint Augustine to the
hands of the diocesan cathedral chapter. In 1594 the King wrote to
the Duke of Sessa, his ambassador in Rome, that "we must have
new canons for the subjects of the Kingdom of Aragon, all of whom
are Christians with clean and good customs." He proposed several
men, including "eight from Aragon, named in the appendix to this
letter. We attest that they are living in Rome.” (12) In 1952, a
manuscript was found in the cathedral of Zaragoza with a list
containing the names of future canons. Number 26 reads: "Dr.
Joseph de Calasanz, who is in Rome, born in Peralta, near
Monzon.” In a marginal note, we read the word "clean." That is,
without any Jewish or Moorish ancestors. This manuscript
confirmed information contained in the first booklet, which contained
a eulogy about him. It said: "In 1604, he was appointed canon of
the holy church of Zaragoza." (13) We cannot be sure that the
name of Calasanz was on the list, but everything leads us to think
so, recognizing the many friendships he had in the Spanish
embassy. King Philip II died in 1598. King Philip III, his successor,
followed with interest this matter until 1605, when the new canons
took over. Neither Calasanz nor any from the original list were
among them. By 1605, he was already committed to the Pious
Schools. It did not make any sense for him to think about a canonry
in Zaragoza.
Father Berro, in his memoirs, wrote that when the pastor of
Saint Dorothy Church died in 1600, some suggested that Calasanz
become the successor. "Under no circumstances did he want to
accept either the parish or a canonry in Seville, which yielded 1,200
gold coins. He believed that caring for the parish would require him
to leave the schools. He thanked the secretary of the ambassador
of the Catholic King for the offer, but he unequivocally answered: "I
have already found in Rome the way to serve God, doing good for
the little ones. I shall not leave it for the world." (14) Father Caputi,
in his memoirs, and also two witnesses, Michael Jimenez Barber
and Father Scassellati, affirm that, in 1605, the Spanish
ambassador, in the name of the King, offered Calasanz the position
of Archbishop of Brindisi, but he did not accept it. Instead, he
offered it to his friend Father John Falcesm who was born in
Azanuy. He accepted it. (15) Father Scassellati and Brother
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Francis Noberasco attested that Pope Paul V included the name of
Calasanz in a list of possible new cardinals, but the Saint refused to
accept the appointment.
The idea of receiving a canonry, for which he moved to
Rome and which obsessed him for at least seven years (1592-
1599), no longer worried him. He radically changed his attitude.
He also refused everything else: an archdiocese and a cardinal's
hat. Something very important and profound had happened to him.
Change of Course: Religious and Social Activities
The failure to obtain the canonries was like a coup de gras.
It prompted something like a 360 degree turn. During the
beatification process, some of the first witnesses, who knew him,
agreed with this idea. Father Francis Motes said: "He decided to
abandon his ambition and gave himself wholeheartedly to God."
Francis Gutierrez, who was a poor painter taken in by Calasanz,
said: "Father Joseph came to Rome to try to obtain an ecclesiastical
benefice. After being touched by God and realizing that everything
of this world is vanity, he left this world and founded a religious
congregation." Thomas Simon, a Catalonian who provided the
hosts to San Pantaleo, said: "He came to Rome with the desire to
be provided benefices. He then decided to opt for another way of
life. He said that the direction in life begun by him was not for him.
Therefore, he gave himself totally to the spirit." (17) With or without
exaggeration, Jimenez Barber, another witness, said that Calasanz,
at that time, received a total of 200 gold coins per year for rent. On
the other hand, not only this witness but others described a time
when the young priest dressed in a silk cassock. Then everything
drastically changed.
We don't know exactly how he spent his days and hours
during his first three years in Rome. He did have a few
responsibilities in the Colonna palace, his business as the
procurator of the Diocese of Urgell and his concerns about the
canonries. All of these could not possibly have filled up his days.
Beginning around 1595, he started opening his eyes to other
horizons. He became captivated with other realities, which were
much more worrisome than the idea of receiving benefices.
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The archconfraternity of the Twelve Apostles was located in
the basilica of the Twelve Apostles, next to the Colonna palace. Its
primary objective was to help the poor, including nobles who had
lost everything, and the sick. Members had to visit them in their
homes rather than wait for them to come and beg. The frequent
contacts with the Conventual Franciscans influenced Calasanz to
become a member in 1595. He remained in the confraternity until
1601. That is the last time his name appeared on the books. By
1601, he had other responsibilities with the Pious Schools. These
prevented him from spending time on any other matters. In 1644,
he remembered with precision how he "visited all of the
neighborhoods in Rome during the six or seven years that he
belonged to the confraternity of the Twelve Apostles." (18) In the
books of the confraternity, there are records showing that he made
157 visits to eleven Roman neighborhoods during those years.
Frequent contact with the poverty and misery of the people, in
contrast to the extravagance of life in the Colonna palace, changed
him radically.
The stark reality of the poverty, which he saw and felt in the
many make-shift huts of the eleven neighborhoods of Rome, drew
him to Saint Francis of Assisi, il Poverello par excellence.
Obviously, his Conventual Franciscan neighbors also had a large
influence on him.
This can be seen by his membership in the venerable
archconfraternity of the Sores of St. Francis, which he joined on
July 18, 1599. About a week later, he went on a pilgrimage to
Assisi with other members of the confraternity.
On July 10, during the Holy Year of 1600, he signed up with
the confraternity of the Blessed Trinity of Pilgrims and
Convalescents, which was dedicated to works of charity. For
example, they catechized the pilgrims, so that they could earn the
rewards of the jubilee year.
This confraternity was very rich in indulgences. Many of the
members of the Roman curia belonged to it, such as Clement VIII
and Paul V, before they became popes, and many other cardinals
and prelates. Membership in the confraternity was a means for
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Calasanz to become acquainted with some very influential
individuals, who would later lend him a hand when he founded the
Pious Schools.
Two months later, on September 27, 1600, he joined the
archconfraternity of Our Lady of Suffrage. Its goal was to prepare
the dying for a good death and to also pray daily for the souls in
purgatory. The confraternity grew so large in such a short time that,
during the Holy Year of 1600, three hundred members and 40,000
faithful took part in a procession to the four basilicas, in order to
earn the jubilee indulgence. Calasanz had an opportunity to know
and to deal with Cardinals Baronio and Bellarmino, because they
were also members.
He also belonged to the oratory of Saint Teresa in the church
of La Scala in the Trans Tiber section. There he met some Spanish
Carmelites, who had a powerful influence on his spirituality and the
organization of the Pious Schools. Fathers Dominic Ruzola and
John de Jesus y Maria were especially helpful. His devotion to
Saint Teresa and his admiration for her writings were two
characteristics of Calasanz.
He also belonged to the confraternity of the Blessed
Sacrament in the church of Saint Eustace. This confraternity as
well as those of the Twelve Apostles, of the Blessed Trinity and of
Our Lady of Suffrage helped develop in him a deep devotion to the
sacrament. Eucharistic piety became a dominant aspect in the
spirituality of Calasanz during these years. He was also devoted to
the Blessed Virgin. Up until the time of his death, he frequently
prayed, before an image of Mary, in the church of Saint Mary of the
Mountains (Madonna Dei Monti) in Rome.
The Confraternity of Christian Doctrine (C.C.D.) was the one
organization, which had the greatest influence on the Founder of
the Pious Schools. He joined it in the autumn of 1597 or the
beginning of 1598. This was due to his first experiences in the
school of Saint Dorothy, which was the birthplace of the future
Order.
He had a devotion to Saint Philip Neri, which leads us to
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elieve that they must have met each other. Saint Philip, who died
in 1595, was very popular in the city of Rome at the end of the
century. Calasanz’ penitential practice of visiting the seven
churches was due to Neri’s influence. All of the biographers, both
new and old, wrote about this pious practice of Joseph Calasanz.
They trusted the testimony of the first witnesses and chroniclers,
but they did not agree on all of the details. The traditional idea was
that, after he founded the Pious Schools, beginning around 1600,
Calasanz visited these churches every day. Among the witnesses
in the beatification process, only one (B. Ferrari) asserted that the
Saint visited the seven churches every day during the Holy Year.
Others said "almost every day" (Morelli); "very frequently" (Berro);
and "He was very diligent in visiting them" (Catalucci). (19) The
most probable assumption is that, during the Holy Year, he visited
the four principal basilicas, without denying the fact that he also
visited the other seven churches, whenever he could. Further,
during and after the Holy Year, he visited the seven churches
regularly. Those who have visited the seven churches would agree
that it is not likely that one would visit them every day, not even
during a Holy Year. There are two reasons: One would be
physically exhausted, because the effort involved a 15 mile trek. In
addition, such an accomplishment would require a large amount of
time. A daily visit to all seven churches on the same day would be
impossible to combine with a fixed, heavy and responsible
schedule, which would be required in a school.
During the plague of 1596, tradition says, and so did a
witness testify, that a young Calasanz and Saint Camillus of Lellis
worked together, with a lot of self-denial, to assist the people
afflicted by the plague. (20) The same must have happened when
the Tiber River rose above its banks and flooded Rome, killing
1,400 people, on December 24, 1598. The flood was fatal for the
school at the church of Saint Dorothy.
Two interesting pieces of information, which were generally
overlooked by biographers, were recorded by Father Berro in his
memoirs: A short time after his arrival in Rome, Cardinal Borghese,
the papal vicar, appointed him to serve as confessor and chaplain
for the sisters of the monastery of Saint Sylvester in Campo Marzio.
Later on, Cardinal Lanti appointed him as chaplain for the Discalced
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Carmelites of Capo Ie Case. (21) These appointments seemed to
describe a priest, who was committed to work, and to show an early
appreciation by others for his personal talents.
Mystical Ways?
By 1600, Saint Joseph Calasanz had joined seven Roman
confraternities. His membership implied both social and religious
commitments. He was deeply moved by the poverty and misery of
the people in the Roman neighborhoods, and he dedicated himself
to their service. Franciscan poverty won him over. He was now
different from the Calasanz, who had arrived in Rome in 1592, with
the air of a conqueror, who was determined to obtain a Spanish
canonry. All of his efforts in this regard came to nothing, with failure
and renunciation. From the time he arrived until the time he
stumbled upon the little school of Saint Dorothy, there were years of
hesitation, disorientation, and an unconscious search for his final
vocation, which would make sense in his life and place his name in
history.
During the fast transition from his renunciation of
ecclesiastical honors to his total dedication to his neighbor, he
perhaps reached some sublime moments, which are generally
reserved for those saints, who are more mature in their spiritual
ways. These typically are called mystical experiences. He was
about forty years old, and he had about fifty years ahead of him.
For this reason, we are tempted to believe that those experiences
happened later in his life and not just six or seven years after he
arrived in Rome. On the other hand, according to witnesses, those
years were truly rich in spiritual ways. One cannot deny the
premise that the atmosphere around him was conducive to inner
experiences of a highly mystical nature.
In a letter to the pastor of his village in June 1599, he wrote:
"I wish to visit some of the places of great devotion around Italy,
such as the House of Loreto and Mount Verna, where Saint Francis
received the stigmata, and to return to Rome for the Holy Year. Up
until now, it has not been possible. I am still thinking about doing it,
with God's help." (22) One writer said that he made this long
pilgrimage in 1614. (23) However, the majority of biographers,
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even the most critical ones, place it in the summer of 1599, a short
time after he wrote to the pastor of Peralta. (24)
The reasons presented by these biographers seem
convincing, and even the one, who proposed the first hypothesis,
admits it. Because of the advanced age of Calasanz, who was fiftyseven
in 1614, everything points to just one visit to Assisi.
According to witnesses, he had a mystical experience while in
Assisi. It is interesting to note that he had at least one such
experience before he reached old age. One cannot deny the fact
that he fulfilled his desire to visit the sanctuaries in the summer of
1599. His letter dated 1630 suggested this much. When referring
to Nursia, which was the birthplace of Saint Benedict, he wrote: "I
was there more than 30 years ago." (25) In other words, before
1600.
In addition to information contained in the books of the
confraternity of the Twelve Apostles, from May 1596 when the
name Calasanz first appeared until the end of 1599, his work would
not have permitted him to be away for more than three weeks. He
could only have visited those sanctuaries from July 14 until
September 7, 1599. Neither Assisi nor Nursia appeared on the list
of sanctuaries, which he had planned to visit, but he mentioned that
there were "others." Nursia and Assisi were probably included on
the list as "others", because Calasanz did want to venerate Saint
Benedict and Saint Francis at Monte Casino and Mount Verna,
respectively. We now know that he visited them. We have some
testimony connected to the visit to Assisi. Friar Bonaventure Claver,
the Bishop of Potenza, said: "One day, while at San Pantaleo in
Rome, he confided in me that he had gone to Assisi to gain a
plenary indulgence on the feast of Saint Mary of the Angels, on
August 2. Saint Francis appeared to him twice. In one apparition,
Francis was married to three young women, representing the three
vows of poverty, chastity and obedience. In the other apparition,
Francis explained to Calasanz just how difficult it was to gain a
plenary indulgence. Calasanz told Bishop Claver that he did not
know how to explain the apparitions, but that he somehow
understood them through interior illumination. (26) The personality
of the witness and the quality of his testimony make it hard not to
believe it. Nevertheless, nothing forces us to admit that this vision
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actually took place in the summer of 1599 during his pilgrimage to
the Italian sanctuaries.
In 1614, he might have returned to Assisi. On that occasion,
he may have interpreted the apparition to refer to his religious
vocation and the three vows. In 1599, he was not even close to
thinking about becoming a religious. By 1614, however, he was
already involved with the Congregation of the Mother of God from
Lucca. He had entrusted his schools to that congregation. He later
tried to reform the congregation, by demanding "absolute poverty.”
The visions in Assisi have been closely connected to another vision,
Our Lady of Poverty (Madonna Poverta). These visions were
described by all of the biographers and supported by the writings of
the first chroniclers. Therefore, it makes sense that both visions
occurred close in time and that they were closely connected to
religious life. The visions may be likened to an invitation to enter
religious life.
During this period of time, there were also two charismatic
events, which occurred, as a result of his intense spiritual life. They
took place either at the end of the sixteenth century or the
beginning of the seventeenth century. Father Caputi told us about
the first one: "While visiting the seven churches, he met a large
group of people near the entrance of Saint John Lateran. They
were trying hard to force a possessed man to enter the church, but
they could not do it. Father Joseph approached the group, armed
with a living and true faith. He took the man by the two fingers,
which elevate the host during Mass. The possessed man was led
like a little lamb into the basilica. Years later, when he was asked
whether it was true and how it happened, he answered naturally:
"Don't you know about the power of the consecrated fingers of a
priest?" (27) According to other witnesses, it took place in Saint
Praxedes, and it involved a possessed woman, not a man. The
conflicting details, however, do not deny the basic truth of the
narrative.
The other event was a prophecy. While he has living in the
palace of Cardinal Colonna, he used to go to the convent of the
Franciscans, which was next to the basilica of the Twelve Apostles.
One day, he ran across two young friars, who were running around
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and playing in the cloister. Their names were James Montanari de
Bagnacavallo and John B. Berardicelli de Larino. He called out to
them and nicely told them that it would be better if they spent their
time in a more dignified manner and not playing like little children.
Further, he told them that, one day, they would both become
Superiors General of their Order. And so, it happened. Later, when
they were Superiors General, he kept in touch with them. After
Calasanz died, they tried to locate Father Berardicelli to testify as a
witness in the beatification process. They could not find him. In
addition, Father Montanari already died in 1631.
Joseph Calasanz advanced greatly in the area of perfection
during the last years of the century. Perhaps he did not know much
about interior mansions. This is what was important: His priestly
vocation had reached its ultimate goal through his religious
restlessness and his unconscious searching. His goal was to
dedicate himself totally to the school, as a means for social
promotion of the poor and the Christian reform of society.
Chapter 6
GENESIS OF THE PIOUS SCHOOLS
The Great New Idea
Joseph Calasanz began a strange journey through his
membership in the confraternity of the Twelve Apostles. He started
by going into the heart of Rome, facing unforeseen situations, which
were very different from his visits to the seven Roman churches or
to the famous shrines of Italy. Bearing alms, he went through every
neighborhood of Rome, looking for poverty and misery. He found
plenty. Unfortunately, he discovered that it was not only material
misery and poverty, which damaged the bodies, but also moral
misery and ignorance of the most fundamental and indispensable
religious truths. He asked why? He asked about the ignorance of
the children, in particular. They know neither the Lord’s Prayer nor
the Hail Mary. They did not know how to read, write or count. On
the other hand, there was a school in each neighborhood with a
teacher paid by city hall. The salary was supplemented by tuition,
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which was paid by the students’ families. In Rome, there were also
people, who dedicated themselves to teach catechism to the
children, especially on Sundays. Why then were there so many
ignorant children? The parents always gave him the same answer:
There were too many poor people, who could not pay the tuition for
the teachers in the neighborhood. On the other hand, Sunday
catechesis was not attractive enough for them. His solution was to
give poor children the opportunity to attend school, without paying
tuition. It was a great pity that this idea was not already practiced,
because there were very intelligent children, whose talents were
wasted, due to the lack of an education. (1) He had developed a
great new idea: to teach them how to read, write, and count, in
addition to Latin and Christian doctrine. He started another type of
pilgrimage. His solution was obviously revolutionary. He began to
look for someone, who could carry out his new idea. He contacted
the paid teachers in the neighborhood schools and asked them to
accept the poor children, who could not pay. The teachers
responded, as Father Berro wrote that "they only taught six or eight
children for free. Their excuse was that the Roman Senate and the
People (S.P.Q.R.) did not allow any more free pupils." (2) He asked
Cardinal Colonna for suggestions. The extremely confident
Calasanz met with the leaders in city hall and asked them to
increase the salary of the neighborhood teachers, so that they could
accept more children for free. He got nowhere with them. Without
losing heart, he spoke with the Jesuits at the Colegio Romano.
They told him that they could not accept children, rich or poor, who
did not yet know very well certain fundamentals of Latin grammar.
Another big fat no. The Dominicans at the Minerva were just a few
feet away from the Colegio Romano. Perhaps Calasanz
remembered Schola Christi, which was the school they ran in
Tremp. He hoped that they would help the poor children in Rome.
Unfortunately, they also said no.
All of these events, without any success, distressed him very
much. He thought about his idea, while he visited the poor huts in
the neighborhoods of Rome.
The School of Saint Dorothy in the Trans Tiber section
On April 9, 1597, Calasanz crossed the Sixtus Bridge for the
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first time as visitor of the confraternity of the Twelve Apostles. He
was accompanied by another member of the confraternity from
Spain. They entered the Trans Tiber section. Father Caputi wrote:
"In the morning, Mr. Santiago de Avila, who was a very pious
gentleman and a fellow member of the confraternities of the
Twelve Apostles and of Christian Doctrine, called on him to go to
the neighborhood of the Trans Tiber section. They were going
to visit the poor, who were bashful and sick. On their way,
Calasanz told him that he had made several attempts to have
someone teach the poor children the fundamentals of the faith.
He did not find anyone, who was willing to adopt such a
charitable cause. He now had every intention of doing it himself.
Santiago de Avila liked the idea of Calasanz. They entered the
Trans Tiber section. They wanted to talk to the pastor and to
ask him for a list of the sick in the parish of Saint Dorothy." (3)
Calasanz must not have told Avila about his whole idea but just
his concerns about the teaching of catechism. Avila informed
Calasanz that the Confraternity of Christian Doctrine already
took care of this problem. Therefore, Calasanz became a
member of that confraternity in the fall of 1597.
The pastor of Saint Dorothy, Father Anthony Brandini,
opened a school for the children of his parish. The children were
taught reading, writing and maybe counting, in addition to
catechism. The moral atmosphere and the religious instruction
in the neighborhood schools left much to be desired. To end
these deficiencies, the good pastor opened the school, which
was identical to the ones in the neighborhoods but which has
with a moral fiber. The children’s families had to pay tuition to
help pay the teachers, but some attended for free. In turn, they
helped the parish by performing manual chores.
In addition to the pastor, some members of the
confraternity of Christian Doctrine served in the school. They did
this on their own and not as one of their official responsibilities
with the confraternity. In a document dated 1597, the
confraternity helped 22 schools for boys and girls in Rome. The
school of Saint Dorothy was not mentioned on this list. (4)
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As much as the school pleased Calasanz, the problem
remained the same: the poor children could not attend, because
the school was not tuition-free. It is very meaningful to note that,
after his first visit to the Trans Tiber section on April 9, Calasanz
did not return again until May 29. Seven months would go by
before he would show up a third time. During the month of
January 1598, he visited the school seven times, always
accompanied by members of the confraternity of the Twelve
Apostles. (5) This change in attitude suggests that the
neighborhood of the Trans Tiber section began to interest him
very much by the beginning of 1598. The reason for such an
interest was nothing else but the school of Saint Dorothy.
He may not have been convinced at the beginning, when
he joined the confraternity of Christian Doctrine. He began to
visit the little school, accompanied by other members, and
envisioned an idea to change it. What he could not obtain from
the city council, the Colegio Romano or the Minerva, he could
obtain from Saint Dorothy. He talked with Father Brandini and
convinced him to accept only the poor children for free. In
addition, they would accept not only those children living in the
Trans Tiber section but also those who were willing to travel.
The pastor accepted the ideas. The first great step had been
taken. In 1622, Calasanz wrote a memorandum in which he
recalled the origin of the Pious Schools with the following words:
"The Institute of the Pious Schools had its origin in the church of
Saint Dorothy in the Trans Tiber section near the Septimiana
gate. Both the rich and the poor were taught there. Calasanz,
himself, managed to teach only the poor, who could not find
anyone to teach them the fundamentals.” (6)
Little by little, Calasanz became the director of the school.
The news of a free school for poor children spread rapidly
throughout Rome. Such a large number of children went to
Santa Dorothy that it became necessary to rent space next to
the parish. The small rooms, which were lent by the pastor,
were no longer enough. Saint Dorothy is rightly considered the
first free school in Europe, as Ludwig von Pastor recorded in his
monumental work, History of the Papacy.
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It was not mere "social work." It was, instead, fundamentally
a "work by the Church," which required a special divine vocation.
Father Berro introduced it this way: "There were numerous works of
charity in Rome. Unfortunately, none of them could do anything for
the children of the poor. Therefore, Calasanz thought that God
gave him this job. Trusting in his Divine majesty, he bowed to the
Divine will with love and with the belief that it would be more
acceptable to God and beneficial to the children to teach them
Christian piety using letters as bait. For the same reason, he
decided to open schools, and so he did." (7) There were, however,
those who saw this vocational moment surrounded with a mystical
halo and who heard once again the mysterious voice that had
already told him in Spain: "Joseph, go to Rome." This time, it was
Father Castelli, who painted the following symbolic scene: "To obey
a divine impulse, he went to Rome. After just a few days, while
passing through a square (he did not remember which one), he saw
a multitude of children, who had gone astray and were
misbehaving. They were throwing stones at passers-by. Joseph
heard a voice, telling him: "Look, look!" Listening to the voice, the
following thought came to him more and more frequently in his
conscience: "Maybe the Lord wants me to take care of these
children." From that moment on, he did not think about anything
else but helping those children. That concern kept growing every
day until he finally founded the Institute." (8) On Christmas Eve in
1598, the Tiber River overran its banks, causing one of the worst
floods in the history of Rome. Fourteen hundred people died.
Others suggest that the number was closer to four thousand. The
damage was estimated to cost two million gold pieces. The poor
were the ones, who suffered the most. Their homes were swept
away by the raging waters. The Trans Tiber section was one of the
neighborhoods, which was hit the worst. Once the new classrooms
were restored, everything went back to normal.
The number of students, the expenses and the need for
more regular attendance by the teachers overran the monetary
provisions made by Calasanz. He worried about the continuity and
stability of his work. One of his unconditional collaborators and
friends was Mark Anthony Arcangeli, a member of the confraternity
of Christian Doctrine. Since he did not participate in its assemblies,
Calasanz asked Arcangeli to suggest how helpful it would be to
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have the confraternity take the school of Santa Dorothy under its
protection. During a small informal meeting on June 10, 1599,
some members of the confraternity welcomed the idea. They left
the final decision up to the upcoming public meeting. The
confraternity promised to help in "such a charitable work," but chose
to not accept it as its own, because of the reduced number of
members. (9)
Father Anthony Brandini, the pastor of Santa Dorothy,
passed away on February 26, 1600. Before the new pastor was
appointed, Calasanz decided to move the school to the center of
Rome. The most powerful reason for the move was expressed by
the Saint in his letter dated 1644 with the following words: "I
decided to move the school into Rome after the death of the pastor.
He had previously lent us a little hall and room on the ground floor,
We had started the venture after becoming aware of the great
poverty that was there, after visiting all of the neighborhoods in
Rome as a member of the confraternity of the Twelve Apostles for
six or seven years." (10) The move to a more central place was
better for all concerned, especially for the children, who came from
all over the city.
The new school was located in a house, which was next to
an inn called “Paradiso" and close to Campo dei Fiori, a popular
square. Only one of the collaborators from Saint Dorothy followed
him to the new location: Mark Anthony Arcangeli. Neither Saint
Dorothy nor the confraternity of Christian Doctrine intervened in this
move. Calasanz, feeling total responsibility for the new school,
made the decision to move. The school still did not have its own
name.
The "Pious Schools"
Calasanz wrote these words about the school, while it was
located in Paradiso Square: "At the beginning of the Holy Year of
1600, the school was moved from Saint Dorothy to the center of
Rome, to a small house next to the inn of “Paradiso." We paid 56
gold pieces per year. Since the number of students grew every
year, it was necessary to rent another one for 100 gold pieces per
year. There were about 500 students in this school. The school
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emained in those two houses for almost two years." (11)
The students did not pay anything, but Calasanz still had to
pay not only the rent but also the classroom materials and the
salaries of some teachers. Not all of the collaborators worked for
free. The income had to increase, because the money from his
own pocket and patrimony could not last forever. These difficulties
gave him the courage to ask, for a second time, the confraternity of
Christian Doctrine to welcome the school as its own. Once again
he went to his friend and faithful collaborator, Mark Anthony
Arcangeli. In a secret meeting on March 27, 1601, he proposed
that the confraternity take the school under its wings and supply it
with everything that was necessary. The school would be called the
"Work of the Christian Doctrine." Unfortunately, the confraternity
refused to accept the school because it did not have the means to
do so, but it agreed to help in any way possible. (12)
It was a second try, and it failed again. Calasanz had
intensified his activities within the confraternity, after he was turned
down by them the first time. He did so in order to gain the trust and
gratitude of all, who deserve to be elected to higher offices. From
the beginning of 1600, he was part of the assembly, which met in
secret. He was also a visitor to the sick lay people. He was given
the job of teaching catechism to gypsies. He was appointed
ordinary visitor of the schools, which were run by the confraternity.
Three months after being turned down for a second time, he
presented himself as candidate for the presidency of the
confraternity. He had every intention of having the members accept
his schools, if he were elected. The election was held on June 1,
1601. He came in third.
His efforts seemed to be in vain, but it was really providential.
If he had achieved what he wanted, then there would never have
been any Pious Schools. The school in Paradiso Square would
have become just another pious enterprise of the confraternity of
Christian Doctrine. Nevertheless, when his desire to delegate the
care of his school to the confraternity fell through for a third time, he
realized that the only way to keep it open was for him to personally
take charge of it. And so, he did. As a result of the third refusal, he
thought of giving a name to his work. He called them the "Pious
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Schools."
The first time this name appeared, as far as we know, was
on April 4, 1602. Father John Francis Flammeth from Florence,
who was a collaborator of Calasanz, wrote Il Principe Cristiano
Guerriero. In it, he called himself a "Brother of the Congregation of
the Pious Schools."
The creation of this congregation probably happened during
the second half of 1601, when Calasanz ran for president of the
confraternity of Christian Doctrine. The city hall of Rome mentioned
the "Pious Schools" in decrees dated the 26 th and 27 th of August in
1602.
In 1603, the official minutes of the confraternity of Christian
Doctrine mention "the Fathers of the Pious Schools." (13)
Something new arose within the Church of God: the tuitionfree
school of Saint Dorothy.
Benefactors and Disasters
The ever increasing number of students outgrew the size of
the classrooms, and another move was necessary. The house of
Bishop Vestri, which was next to the church of Saint Andrew of the
Valley, was rented for 200 gold pieces per year. He was the
Secretary of Briefs. In no short time, he informed Pope Clement
VIlI about the marvelous work of the Pious Schools, which rented
classroom space in his home. The Pope, interested in the project,
sent two cardinals to visit the school, and they informed him
thoroughly about it. The two envoys were Cardinal Cesare Baronio,
who was one of the most learned men of his time and a disciple of
Saint Philip Neri, and Cardinal Silvio Antoniano, whose work Three
Books on the Christian Education of Children (1584) prompted
some to call him one of the greatest educators of his time. The
report about the visit must have been very good, because the Pope
instructed his alms giver to pay 200 gold coins every year for the
rent of the Pious Schools.
The first benefactor was Pope Clement VIII, whose example
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was followed by others. Father Berro wrote: "The principal
benefactors were Cardinal Aldobrandini, who gave large alms,
Cardinal de San Cesario, and Cardinal Montalto, a nephew of Pope
Sixtus V, who gave six gold coins per month, and many others."
(14)
The kindness and protection of Pope Clement VIlI went
beyond the alms. He wanted to have a private audience with
Calasanz. By word of mouth (viva voce), he approved what was
already being called "the Congregation of the Pious Schools."
Official approval was sought through an apostolic brief, but it failed.
Subsequent documents figured that the Pious Schools, as a
congregation, came about with the approval of Pope Clement VIII.
During the time when the school was located in the residence of
Bishop Vestri, the group of collaborators of Calasanz began to
organize themselves as members of a religious congregation
without vows. The director of the group was Calasanz, from the
very beginning. In a memorandum dated 1622, he wrote: "To have
some regularity and to provide a benefit to the students, shortly
after the school was moved to the center of Rome, Joseph
Calasanz of the Mother of God was elected superior by all of the
collaborators." (15)
In 1602, Cardinal Ascanio Colonna moved to Spain, when he
was appointed Viceroy of Aragon. Father Joseph Calasanz left his
palace and moved in to the recently acquired house of Bishop
Vestri. In this way, he tied himself definitively to the fate of the
schools. There were also some "Common Rules," which date back
to this period. They described, in general terms, a way of life. They
identified the superior as the "Prefect," whose permission was
required to leave the house, to accept gifts, etc. There was also
some mention of mental prayer, other common exercises, daily
Mass and communion for the priests.
These very brief "Rules" are part of an extensive report, in
which the practices, methods and teachings in the schools were
described. It showed the level of maturity, which was achieved in
such a short time, and the framing of the educational ideas of the
new institution. By July 1602, there were seven hundred children, a
sign of the success of the school. (16)
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One of the collaborators wrote that a bell for the school was
installed to regulate the class schedule. One day, in 1603, Father
Joseph Calasanz went up to fix it, but he lost his footing. He fell
and broke his leg. He felt the effects of this fracture for the rest of
his life. According to Father Berro, the fall should have been deadly.
As some neighbors said: "He was visibly taken by a shadow and
thrown straight down onto the playing field of the school." (17) The
shadow of the devil once again appeared on this Roman belfry. It
was the same being, who wanted to finish him in the olive grove of
Peralta. It was defeated on both occasions, as a sign of the other
spiritual defeats, which the devil would suffer because of the
establishment of the Pious Schools. These are two hagiographic
stories, which complement each other. The consequences of the
fall, however, were tangible. Calasanz had to rest for some time.
He appointed Mr. Andrew Basso to serve as the provisional prefect.
The school was moved once again. In 1622, Calasanz
wrote: "The Pious Schools were moved from Saint Andrew of the
Valley to the house of Mr. Octavius Mannini on September 1, 1605,
in the square of San Pantaleo. They paid 350 gold coins per year.
They were there for seven years. Pope Paul V always helped with
the rent. (18) The number of students increased to 800 in this new
location.
The growth of the student body caused an increase in the
expenses. The income diminished significantly, so much so that he
had to ask permission from the Pope to beg for the schools in 1606.
The generosity of the benefactors had dwindled. A new era of
scarcity and poverty, which would practically last forever, had
begun. Poverty was not looked upon as an adversity. Rather, it
would be thought of as a distinct and venerable element, later on,
during the birth of the Order. After all, the poor were the reason for
the existence of the school. It was necessary to share in their
poverty.
The enormous flow of children to the Pious Schools and the
reputation, which they gained in the Roman curia, stirred up the
envy and interest of the neighborhood teachers, who began to see
their schools as well as their monthly income depleted. On the
other hand, the perfect educational organization of the Pious
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Schools left the methods and progress of the neighborhood schools
in the dark. The resentful teachers unleashed a defamation
campaign against the Pious Schools. The defamation memoranda
carried over to the Vatican. Pope Paul V was shaken up, fearing
that so many accusations could be well founded. He appointed
Cardinals Peretti Montalto and Aldobrandini to visit the Pious
Schools and to report back to him. Both Cardinals had been friends
and benefactors for a Iong time. Their visit dispelled the Pope's
doubts. So did the good words of Father John of Jesus and Mary,
who was a Discalced Carmelite, a great friend of Calasanz and an
admirer of his educational work.
Father John also wrote an educational book titled Liber de
Pia Educatione sirve Cultura Pueritiae. The moment of distress had
passed. On the other hand, the danger must have been very
serious, because Calasanz still mentioned it as a major event,
which affected the Pious Schools, after moving into central Rome.
He said: "The Institute of the Pious Schools, which moved into
Rome at the beginning of the Holy Year of 1600, had its origins in
the church of Saint Dorothy, next to the Septimiana Gate. Despite
complaints raised against them by the neighborhood teachers, they
have been growing, and they continue to serve and teach the poor
children.” (19) For this and for other reasons, they asked Pope
Paul V to appoint a Cardinal Protector for the Pious Schools. He
appointed Cardinal Louis on March 24, 1607.
First Collaborators
Calasanz worked as a member of the confraternity of
Christian Doctrine from 1597 until 1605. These years gave him
valuable experience to learn the methods and catechetical
practices, which he then applied to teaching not only catechism but
also other subjects. They were also productive years for his
growing institution, because he received a lot of help from many
members. Some joined the new Congregation. They included
Father Francis Fiammelli from Florence, who would reappear later
in relation to the establishment of the Pious Schools in Florence.
Another priest was Father Gellio Ghellini from Vicenza, whose
holiness Calasanz admired during the short time that Ghellini was
with him (1602-1605).
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The collaborators were constantly coming and going.
Calasanz considered this to be one of his most serious problems,
and he really worried about it until the Pious Schools became a
religious order. Some could not tolerate the poverty and misery in
the new congregation. Others found teaching mostly poor students,
who lacked basic skills, to be intolerable. Therefore, many
abandoned the work, as Calasanz lamented some years later:
"After learning how to teach, many left us and went to teach
somewhere else, since we could only give them room and board."
(20) From 1604 until 1612, there were 72 collaborators. Eight or
nine of them died, faithful to their call right up to the very end. Fiftyfour
left the Pious Schools. (21) From the early days before the
move San Pantaleo, when the Institute was already a canonically
approved religious Congregation, only three collaborators stayed
with Calasanz until their deaths: Lawrence Santilli, Gaspar
Dragonetti and Glicerio Landriani.
In 1622, Calasanz wrote about Gaspar Dragonetti: "In 1603,
he volunteered to help the school. At the time, he was a venerable
old man with a lot of spirit. He taught grammar and humanities for
more than forty years in Rome. He is now 110 years old, and he
has survived teaching with the same strength as that of a young
man and with great effectiveness for his students. His name is
Gaspar Dragonetti from Leontino, Sicily." (22) He never entered the
Congregation, but he was considered a religious and he was loved
by everyone, especially Calasanz.
Father Dragonetti had a sincere devotion to the Blessed
Mother and a child-like veneration for Christmas. With respect to
our Lady, he obtained a precious statue of the Blessed Mother, and
it is still kept next to the house chapel at San Pantaleo.
One day, Pope Urban VIII was passing by the church of San
Pantaleo. He was surprised to see an old man, who was
surrounded by children. The Pope asked who he was. They
answered that it was Father Gaspar Dragonetti, who taught Latin in
the Pious Schools. The Pope asked Father Dragonetti to visit his
palace and to explain some passage from Virgil. The old man went
to the Vatican and, in the presence of the Pope, cardinals and
others, he began as if he were in front of his class, by saying:
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"Attention, children!"
He never agreed to keep the extreme poverty, which they
kept. Perhaps this was the reason why he never professed
religious vows. During difficult times, when they began to beg for
the Pious Schools, the old man showed his displeasure by sending
home all of his students. Calasanz asked him what had happened,
and Father Gaspar answered that things could not go on like that.
There was too much debt. He could not endure such poverty.
Calasanz had someone construct a collection box with this
inscription: "Alms for the Pious Schools." At the end of the day,
Calasanz called in the old man, and they opened the box. They
found 40 gold coins and a policy, which was worth 200 gold coins,
to be cashed at the Banco Bonnani. They could not find out the
name of the donor, but they did thank Divine Providence.
Father Dragonetti passed away at 115 years of age. He was
revered and mourned by all.
In stark contrast to this old man, there was a very young
man, who far surpassed in holiness the first companions of
Calasanz. His name was Glicerio Landriani. They used to call him
"Abbot," because he was really the abbot of Saint Anthony de
Piacenza. He was from Milan, and he belonged to a noble family,
which was related to Saint Charles Borromeo. After arriving in
Rome, he joined a pious circle of men, including Father Francis
Mendez from Portugal. When he returned to Spain, this priest
recommended Father Dominic Ruzola to all of his followers. Father
Ruzola was a great admirer of Calasanz. That is how Landriani and
five companions learned about and joined the Pious Schools. He
was an extraordinary catechist. He did not limit himself to teach
only in the Pious Schools but also in several Roman parishes. He
loved poverty very much. Calasanz placed his hopes on Landriani's
talents and virtues, but he died during his novitiate in 1618, like a
saint. His beatification was introduced by the Founder.
There was another collaborator. He was a married layman,
Ventura Sarafellini. He was the genial calligrapher, who wrote the
monumental letters inscribed in the interior ring of the dome of Saint
Peter's. It read: "Tu es Petrus.” In 1618, Calasanz signed a
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contract with him, binding him "to serve, by teaching calligraphy, for
the rest of his life, in the schools of the Congregation.” He agreed
to not ask his students for anything. They agreed upon his
salary and benefits, even the spiritual ones, which Calasanz
would give him, "because he had served in that capacity from
the beginning of the Pious Schools with great perseverance and
love." (23) He taught both the religious and the students. He
also instructed the Founder, whose calligraphy was already
excellent from his days in Spain. It was perfected by Sarafellini.
Until his death in 1664, Sarafellini was faithful in his
commitment to the Piarists. He was a prime example of the
broad and farsighted spirit of Calasanz, who always looked for
the best teachers that he could find. Later on, he would hire
Galileo Galilei as a teacher of mathematics and Thomas
Campanella as a philosophy professor. In his field, Ventura
Sarafellini was as great as they were.
Decisive Move: San Pantaleo
The fact that the Pious Schools moved around so
frequently and that they used only rented spaces made them
seem to be not quite worthy of existence. There was an
outward sense of being unstable and temporary. The time had
come to purchase a permanent home. Father Ruzola, who
always worried about the good of the Institute, persuaded
Calasanz in this regard. He assumed the responsibility of
finding a new home, close to the church of San Pantaleo. Mrs.
Victoria Cenci Marchioness of Torres sold her house to the
"Rector, Fathers and Brothers of the venerable Congregation of
the Pious Schools of the City." They included: "Father Joseph
Calasanz, from the Diocese of Urgell, Rector; Father Lawrence
Santilli, from the Diocese of Spoleto; Father Scipion de Santis,
from the same Diocese; Father Virgil Marcelli, from the Diocese
of Firmio; Father Gaspar Dragonetti, a cleric from the Diocese
of Leontino; R. D. Glicerio Landriani, Abbot of Saint Anthony de
Piacenza; Brothers John Garda del Castillo, a cleric from the
Diocese of Segovia; Thomas de Victoria, a cleric from the
Diocese of Seville; Didacus Lopez, a cleric from Paris; Francis
Franchi, a cleric from Spoleto and John Martin (Martini), from
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Florence." (24) There were four priests, six clerics, and one
other. There were eleven men in the entire Congregation. (25)
Calasanz, Santilli, Landriani, Garda del Castillo (the second
Superior General of the Order and the successor of Calasanz),
Victoria and Dragonetti, in his own way, would all become
members of the canonically approved Pauline Congregation of
the Pious Schools.
The house of San Pantaleo, as it came to be known, cost
10,000 gold coins. The cost was paid, thanks to the generosity
of Cardinals Giustiniani and Lancellotti and others, including the
patrimonial donations of Glicerio Landriani. Though not all used
for the purchase of the house, the remainder was used to fix the
house. The house was very old and in dire need of repairs and
adaptations for its new purposes.
The church next to the house was a parish. In 1614, San
Pantaleo was given to the Pious Schools, but it still kept its
status as a parish. In 1615, a door was built to allow the
religious and the students to enter the church directly from the
yard, instead of having to go through the street.
In 1623, Pope Gregory XV suppressed the status of the
church as a parish and gave its use, in perpetuity, to the Pious
Schools.
Calasanz rented out space for two shops in the lower part
of the building. They were already there, when the Marquis of
Torres bought the place. The rest of the rooms were used for
the school. Knowing the present capacity of the building and
knowing that it originally had fewer stories than it does now, it is
hard to believe that it could accommodate 1,200 students in
1614 and 1,500 in 1619. (26) The venerable historic complex
of the house and church of San Pantaleo would be the stage for
many happy and dreadful events, and of glory and Calvary, not
only for the Founder but also for the Order. In time, San
Pantaleo would become the spiritual center and symbol of the
whole Institute. Throughout the centuries, it would also serve
as a place of research for those hoping to discover the
memories and feel the presence of Calasanz.
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Chapter 7
FROM SECULAR CONGREGATION TO
RELIGIOUS ORDER
Union with the Congregation from Lucca
During these crucial years, the "venerable Congregation of
the Pious Schools in Rome" was digging its roots deep into Roman
soil. It was passing slowly from a secular congregation or a pious
association without vows to a religious order with solemn vows.
Father Dominic Ruzola, who was the prior of the convent of the
Scala in the Trans Tiber section, was a determining influence. He
directed Glicerio Landriani and his companions toward the Pious
Schools. He also intervened in buying San Pantaleo as the
headquarters of the schools. At the end of 1612, Ruzola convinced
Cardinal Giustiniani to become the protector of the Pious Schools,
succeeding Cardinal Torres. Pope Paul V signed the appointment
on January 12, 1613. Cardinal Giustiniani's protection left a deep
mark and an undying memory on the Pious Schools.
Shortly after his appointment as protector, Cardinal
Giustiniani asked the priests from the church of Santa Maria in
Portico to assign someone as the confessor for the children of the
Pious Schools. He wrote: "These schools will someday fall upon
your shoulders, because the prefect is old and indisposed. If he
died before provisions were made, there is danger that this work
would disintegrate." (1) The priests belonged to the Congregation
from Lucca, because the Congregation was founded in that Tuscan
city. Cardinal Giustiniani loved Saint John Leonardi, its founder,
very much. Calasanz, who would provide testimony in the
beatification process of Leonardi, said that he "had known him
during the reign of Pope Clement VIII and that he had dealt with him
intimately, while he was in Rome until his death." He added: "What
is more, I remember that Pope Clement VIII chose him to settle
some differences that arose between some gentlemen and the
teachers of the Pious Schools. His intervention was very useful to
the work of the Pious Schools." (2) These sentiments helped to
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provide us with a basis for the mutual understanding between the
two congregations.
Calasanz felt old at the age of fifty-six years, and the
perpetuity of the schools again bothered him. For the second time,
he was looking for a solidly established congregation to assume
care of the Pious Schools. On the first occasion, shortly after they
were founded, he tried to entrust them to the confraternity of
Christian Doctrine, but his effort failed. Twelve years had gone by
since then. Eighty collaborators had gone through the classrooms.
The majority of them had left the work for various reasons. In the
summer of 1613, eleven men formed the Congregation of the Pious
Schools. Unfortunately, Calasanz, Father Ruzola and Cardinal
Giustiniani did not have much hope in the continuity and stability of
that group. The advanced age of Calasanz left· the future even
more uncertain. After much discussion, they decided that they
ought to speak with the priests from the Congregation from Lucca
about entrusting the Pious Schools to them. Giustiniani
approached those in Santa Maria in Portico with the idea. The
Superior General of the Congregation, Father Alexander Bernardini,
was in Lucca. After hearing about the proposal of the Cardinal, he
told his companions: "I like the idea very much. They felt that they
should not lose this opportunity. It looked like it was God-send, to
get the congregation out of the feeling of being in a morass and
servitude." (3) Calasanz expressed himself in more realistic terms
on this matter: "By 1614, the priests of the Congregation from Lucca
wanted to become an order with solemn vows. Realizing that, over
a forty year period, their congregation had grown by only 40 or 50
people, they thought that union with the Institute of the Pious
Schools would be more beneficial and useful than union with any of
the others." (4) The fame and universal appreciation, which was
enjoyed by the Pious Schools, would serve as a springboard to
elevate the rank of the Congregation from Lucca.
At the beginning of October, Father Bernardini travelled to
Rome to deal personally in the negotiations. In his meetings with
Cardinal Giustiniani and Father Ruzola, he clearly expressed the
motives, which compelled him to accept the union. In his memoirs,
he wrote: "We spoke with Cardinal Giustiniani and Father Ruzola
and told them about our desire to raise our congregation to an
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order. They encouraged us. They gave us great hope about
achieving our goal. Considering the usefulness of the Pious
Schools in the Church, they told us that this union would be a great
way to achieve our objective. We received the same advice from
other prelates and religious of distinction and intelligence. We knew
that the work of the Pious Schools was appreciated by the Roman
Pontiff, several cardinals and lords of the court. In addition, several
major cities of Italy wanted them. For these reasons, we thought
that the union would be the best means to elevate our congregation
from the dust, where it was for so long, to a good and perfect state
for the greater service of God." (5)
In the winter of 1613, Father Ruzola and the representatives
from the Congregation from Lucca, including Bernardini, the
Superior General, met with those from the Pious Schools:
Calasanz, Landriani and Dragonetti, "who together had full authority
in the Congregation of the Pious Schools." (6) They reached an
agreement. They decided to send a petition to the Pope, asking
him to unite both congregations. The emphasis was that the age
Calasanz could jeopardize the perpetuity of his work. It is curious
that nothing was said about the unreliability of his collaborators or
the desire for promotion by those from Lucca. It is admirable to
notice the youthful enthusiasm shown by Calasanz, who wanted his
work to extend to the whole world, even though it had only one
house in Rome at the time. Let us read: "The prefect of the Pious
Schools and the prior of Santa Maria in Portico, most humble
servants of your Holiness, testify that the said prefect, after seeing
through the numerous experiences of many years the usefulness
and benefits of these schools, wishes to perpetuate and to increase
them, not only in Rome, but also in the rest of the world. Because
of my age and after much prayer to God and discussions with the
prior of the Scala, I am in total agreement with Cardinal Giustiniani,
the protector of the Pious Schools, and with the Superior General
and the priests from the Congregation of Lucca to leave to them the
care of the schools and to unite them to the Pious Schools." (7)
The following stipulations were formulated for this union:
Calasanz would be the prefect until his death. He and his
companions would live by their own rules but later would keep
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the rules of the Congregation from Lucca.
Certificates of poverty from the pastors would be requested for
any children from Rome. Such certificate would be waived for
children from outside of Rome.
Out of love for God, children everywhere would be taught free of
charge in the Pious Schools without any remuneration or gifts.
In the future, the Congregation would be called the
"Congregation of the Mother of God. (8)
Pope Paul V expedited the brief on January 14, 1614. He
granted all of the requests, with one exception. He avoided any
reference to future foundations outside of Rome. On January 17,
the priests from Lucca accepted officially the brief. On January 21,
Father Peter Casani was appointed rector of the school in San
Pantaleo.
Father Bernardini took possession of the Pious Schools on
February 1, 1614 in the presence of Cardinal Giustiniani. It was,
without a doubt, a happy and historic day for everybody. The new
rector wrote to his father on January 25, 1615. He enthusiastically
told him what Cardinal Mellini, the Vicar of the Pope, had said about
the Pious Schools. "If they are not number one in Rome, then,
without a doubt, they must be number two.” He also mentioned
what Cardinal Giustiniani used to say. "The reform of the Church
will come about through this work." Father Casani concluded: "We
need men of stature for this distinguished work, which is, above all,
so useful not only for Rome but also for the entire world." (9)
Between Illusions and Disappointments
Everyone was satisfied and optimistic. There were those,
who hoped that their disheartened congregation would gain
universal fame by union with the Pious Schools, which were very
welI liked in high places at the Vatican, and would reach the rank of
a religious order. There were others, who believed that an increase
in the number of committed teachers brought about by a union with
the young congregation would ensure the perpetuity of the Pious
Schools.
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The new rector, accompanied by a group of clerics and
brothers, probably took possession of San Pantaleo in early
February. By the middle of the month, they purchased a little
house, which was located between the church and the schools.
The combination of more space and the group of newly arrived
collaborators raised their hope of accepting many more children.
Sure enough, Father Bernardini wrote with satisfaction: "When we
accepted the schools, there were about 800 children. Once the
fame of the good Order swept Rome, the number of children grew
to 1,200 in no time. Unfortunately, the classrooms were small, and
the teachers could not carry out their jobs." (10) On the other hand,
not all of the recently arrived collaborators were teachers. Some
assisted with pastoral work. Father Bernardini said: "Several
groups of students were formed according to their age. Each group
practices different devotions on holidays." (11)
In the summer of 1614, the first procession to Santa Maria
Maggiore was held. It was the feast day of Our Lady of the Snows.
Eight hundred students participated. They sang the litanies and
other Marian songs. It must have been quite a sight.
Moreover, the daily spectacle of seeing the children going
home, two by two, under the guidance of a teacher was not any
less of a sight. The five routes tell us that the children came from all
over Rome. (12) One route went from the Pantheon to the Spanish
Steps (Trinita dei Monti); another from Campo de Fiori to the Trans
Tiber section; a third from the church of the Gesu to the basilica of
Saint Mary Major (Santa Maria Maggiore); a fourth from Via dei
Bianchi to the basilica of Saint Peter, and the last from Via della
Scrofa to the People’s Square (Piazza del Popolo).
Glicerio Landriani began this practice in June 1615. The
prefect recommended the practice to all of his collaborators, asking
them "to accept it, by behaving like guardian angels to the poor
children and by practicing the humility of Christ." (13) Glicerio
Landriani accompanied the group from the Trans Tiber section, and
Calasanz went with the children from around the Spanish Steps.
Father Caputi maybe exaggerated a little bit, as he did on other
occasions, when he said that Calasanz "always accompanied the
children until 1642." (14) At that time, he would have been eighty-
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five years old. Father Caputi and Father Berro, in their memoirs,
also recalled that Pope Paul V ran across a line of children, who
were accompanied by Calasanz, while he was passing by the
Pantheon in the Piazza della Rotonda. The Pope stopped his
entourage, called out to Calasanz, and spent a long time speaking
with him.
Our Founder really loved this educational practice. He
included it in the Constitutions of the Order. (15) Until just a few
years ago, Piarists still practiced this custom in some cities of
Spain. Traffic finally put an end to it. School buses have now taken
over in some places.
On March 13, 1614, the Marquis of Ariza wrote a letter to
Calasanz, asking him to bring the Pious Schools of Rome to his
land. In May, the Saint responded: "Please God that the schools
may soon be in your land. In the meantime, I will have all of these
boys, who number more than 1,200, pray to the Lord." (16) As far
as we know, this was the first request for another foundation, which
Calasanz received. It is interesting to note that it came from
Aragon. They would eventually be swamped with petitions for new
foundations in his Diocese of Urgell. He tried to comply, but he died
before he could fulfill his dream. During this time, petitions for new
foundations kept arriving from Milan and Pescia. He remarked:
"When God wants to give us the means, there wiII be ways and
places to use them." (17)
In June of 1614, the perpetual use of the church of San
Pantaleo was granted. Parish functions would still be held there.
One year later, they purchased two small houses on the same
block. In the summer of 1616, someone installed a free fountain for
the children in the patio as a perpetual gift. It remained there until
1979.
Frankly, things were not going well. In October 1614, there
was a general assembly of the Congregation in Santa Maria in
Portico. One of the items on the agenda was the Pious Schools.
Since there was not enough information, a commission was
appointed to visit the schools and to report back. As the prefect,
Calasanz took them from classroom to classroom and discussed
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with them the most urgent needs.
They noticed that the number of students had dropped to
1,015. In May, the number had been 1,200. The large decrease
was probably due to the fact that the small group of priests from the
Luccan Congregation withdrew at the end of the year. It was
necessary to either dismiss their students or to incorporate them
into the other classrooms. Out of eleven rooms, four rooms already
had more than one hundred students each. Calasanz' goal was to
have fifty students per room. In short, twenty-five teachers and
three assistants were missing. There were only eleven
collaborators on the job.
During the school year, complaints were frequently made
with regard to poverty and against the Institute of the Pious
Schools. They were usually made by members of the Congregation
from Lucca or from other teachers. (18) Indeed, the growth in the
number of students not only increased fatigue among the
collaborators but also required the use of larger premises. Work in
the summer heat was unbearable. Food was also scarce. Many of
the collaborators became ill. Two novices died, and one of the
clerics, who was teaching but became ill, returned to Lucca, where
he died in the beginning of 1615. Someone from Lucca wrote to Fr.
Bernardini: “Because of the illnesses, deaths and exhaustion
suffered in Rome, there is horror and fear felt among those who
work there.” (19)
To top it all off, alms became few and far between. The
house of San Pantaleo was overridden with debt and expenses. In
addition to the usual annual payments, it had to buy paper, pens,
ink, books, prizes and other materials, which were freely given to
the students. It had to pay the salary and benefits for Sarafellini. It
had to feed and clothe not only those residing in San Pantaleo but
also those in the novitiate, which had recently been opened by the
priests from Lucca in the neighborhood of the Trevi Fountain. In
other words, irregardless of the fixed income and additional money
from rental property, the expenses were drastically increasing.
The decrease in the number of students and the reluctance
to teach by the priests from Lucca preoccupied the thoughts of
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Calasanz. He informed Cardinal Giustiniani about his concerns. In
view of the general assembly in October, the Cardinal reminded all
of the priests from Lucca that “they should take to heart the needs
of the Pious Schools.” (20) The report of the visitors prompted the
general assembly to increase the number of priests assigned to
San Pantaleo. Three priests, five clerics and five brothers were
assigned to San Pantaleo, and Father Casani was reappointed as
the rector. This was a great sacrifice for the Congregation,
especially since everyone was not dedicated to the schools.
Calasanz was disenchanted about seeing the little amount of help
given to the schools. The priests from Lucca, who were trying to
obtain the rank of a religious order, were even more disillusioned.
In 1614, Father Bernardini agreed that all religious must
accept some restrictions imposed by the vow of poverty. It was
impossible to pretend to be a religious order without the vow of
poverty, which they had not yet professed, up until now. In
October, with the help of Cardinal Giustiniani, the general assembly
addressed a memorandum to the Pope. They asked to raise the
Congregation from Lucca to an order. Citing some conciliar
canons, which prohibited the creation of new religious orders, the
Pope denied the request. On the other hand, the Pope also
delegated the matter to a commission of cardinals. The
commission also ruled against it. Facing the possibility of another
denial, Father Bernardini changed tactics.
He asked for permission to profess a simple vow of poverty
and to be ordained under the "title of poverty." The cardinals
approved the new petition. Unfortunately, Pope Paul V agreed with
the idea of a simple vow of poverty but conceded to the ordination
of only four individuals. After careful consideration, he believed that
trouble could result from some priests being ordained under the title
of poverty and others under the title of patrimony. This could bring
about malevolent differences within the Congregation. In addition,
these distinctions seemed to invalidate the brief. They appealed to
the cardinals, asking them to correct the matter with the Pope.
None of them wanted to get involved. They delegated Father
Joseph Calasanz, who was well-liked by the Pope, to travel to
Frascati, where the Pontiff spent his summer and to properly inform
him. Calasanz accepted the responsibility.
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Courageous Attempt to Reform
Pope Paul V welcomed Calasanz in a private audience in his
summer palace of Mondragon, which is situated in the splendid hills
of Frascati. It was September 1615. In reality, the meeting took
place between the Pope and the prefect of the Pious Schools, who
had been commissioned by the Congregation from Lucca. They
obviously talked about the vow of poverty. That was also just a
small piece of the larger, more serious and complex problem. The
image of the Pious Schools was in danger. The priests from Lucca
did not give enough attention to teaching. Calasanz was well aware
of Pope’s interest the Pope in the schools. Calasanz seized the
opportunity. He took out a memorandum, which he had written, and
placed it into the hands of the Pontiff. The Pope read: "In order to
improve the work of the Pious Schools, it is very important that the
priests from the Congregation of Lucca, as members of the same
one Institute, determine either how they might work in the schools
or how they can exercise their previous type of ministry, without the
crippling the work of the Pious Schools." (21) It was a daring
proposal, even more so, given the fact that he had made it, without
counting on the cooperation of Father Bernardini. Later in his
memoirs, Father Bernardini described the proposal as "neither
convenient nor reasonable,” suggesting that "the opinion of the
prefect arose from an immoderate zeal for the work of the Pious
Schools. Calasanz very much wanted to spread them with
excellence." (22) The Pope was also surprised. He asked why the
priests from Lucca could not perform both types of ministries, like
the Jesuits. Calasanz must have been insistent, defending his point
of view. Therefore, the Pope appointed a commission of Cardinals
Giustiniani, Lancellotti and Soana. The Pope gave them the
memorial, which was written by Calasanz, to examine and to make
a recommendation.
Without losing any time, Calasanz presented to the
commission another memorandum, which contained two
fundamental points:
"The primary mission of the Congregation of the Mother of God
would be the Institute of the Pious Schools. This goal should
direct the Congregation and distinguish it from any other. Since
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this would be the one and only goal, it would be preferable that
the principal priests of the said Congregation pay attention to it,
if not in the educational sense, then at least in the spiritual."
"With regard to perfection, in order to have the work of the
schools easily accepted not only by Catholic nations but also by
others, it is important that all of the priests of the said
Congregation will profess supreme poverty. They should be
satisfied with whose things, which are necessary, and not wish
to possess any needless goods.” (23)
These last two points were extremely important, because
they would have changed the essence of the congregation. He was
suggesting that care for souls disappear and that it be replaced by
the both educational and spiritual work in the schools. Further, he
was also suggesting a certain kind of poverty, which was not
common among all religious but only in the most austere religious
orders. Their founder, John Leonardi, explicitly prohibited them
from teaching children and had imposed on them the vows of
chastity, obedience and perseverance but and omit poverty.
Calasanz informed Father Bernardini about the steps, which
he had taken. Father Bernardini told his counselors. When news of
it spread, there were protests from throughout the whole
Congregation. Opposition to the Pious Schools grew. They wanted
to remain faithful to the ideas of Leonardi and to also free
themselves from the work and grind of the schools. Father
Bernardini and Father Casani were the only ones, who remained
convinced about keeping the two congregations united. They did
everything possible to defend the union.
Father Bernardini, Cardinal Giustiniani and Father Ruzola
met several times. They decided to accept the opinion of Calasanz.
Father Bernardini wrote that, in one of those meetings, Cardinal
Giustiniani said: “Fathers, it is necessary for you to decide if the
Pious Schools are beneficial or not to you. If no, then let them go.
We will offer them to someone else. If you want them, however,
then you must accept them as your principal ministry. In this case,
all of the houses, which you open in the future, will have to accept
the Pious Schools and the religious will have to live as poor, without
possessing permanent goods or fixed income.” (24) The
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commission of Cardinals reached the same conclusion: “The
principal ministry of the said Congregation should be the schools.
The religious should be free from the ministry of preaching and
hearing confessions in the churches.” (25) The recommendations
contained in these two declarations were so significant that a
meeting of the General Assembly took place at the beginning of
1616.
The principal business of the meeting was to find a
compromise that would respect the interests of the priests from
Lucca and the wishes of Giustiniani and Calasanz. Father
Bernardini wrote: "It was necessary to meet many times with the
prefect to write a document, which would satisfy both groups and
which would neither destroy our institute nor subject it to the other."
(26) Finally, after long and difficult negotiations, they reached a
compromise, which was presented to and approved by the
Assembly. Although, in fact, it closely followed along the lines of
the proposal suggested by the commission of cardinals, it
unfortunately pleased neither Calasanz nor Cardinal Giustiniani.
They worried that dedication to their former ministry would be an
excuse for them to not properly attend to the schools. The
Assembly ended in the middle of April. After the document was
transmitted to the priests of Lucca, riots and chaos broke out in
some of the houses in Lucca and in Rome. They were upset. They
wanted neither the responsibility of schools nor submission to the
demands of poverty.
The official approval of the document by the General
Assembly made Calasanz somewhat confident. After all, the
congregation was now committed to support the Pious Schools and
to consider it as its primary mission. He expected that the
restlessness would die down, little by little. Further, the document
spoke about "writing new constitutions, according to the guidelines
contained in the document. However, the old constitutions would
be maintained, as long as they did not contradict anything
contained in the document." (27) Father Casani was going to write
the new constitutions, which he did in a small book, called Pussilli
gregis idea. Calasanz was aware that a new congregation was
coming to life. It was going to be different from the Congregation
from Lucca, and Father Bernardini was pretty much its founder.
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Here is what Calasanz wrote to Bernardini: "Blessed be God! He
called you to become the head of the Congregation of the Mother of
God. You are to establish in his Church the new Institute of the
Pious Schools, which will be extremely important for the Church. I
will pray that you have an ample heart, which can imitate the
previous founders. From the beginning, they ministered in God's
service with very few men and always trusted more in heaven's help
than in human advice." (28) If things had continued this way,
Calasanz would not have been the founder of a congregation. No
one could deny the merits of changing a congregation, which was
founded by John Leonardi, into the Pious Schools. His unbridled
desire to secure the perpetuity of the Pious Schools drove him to
the extreme, even at the expense of changing the identity of the
Congregation from Lucca. Everything was a utopia. The priests
from Lucca, exercising their full rights, wished to continue as they
had been.
Acceptance of His Own Destiny: Founder
Things went from bad to worse. Other distressful facts were
soon added to the riots and complaints, which were already present
in Lucca and in Rome. The priests from Lucca accepted the
direction of the diocesan seminary and those in Rome became the
confessors for some convents of sisters. This was an effort to
commit themselves to occupations, which would prevent them from
teaching. Some of the priests from Lucca in San Pantaleo did not
attend to their school duties, joining with the others, who refused
ministry in the Pious Schools. It then became necessary to pay lay
people to substitute for those who were absent, even in the
exercise of perpetual prayer. Calasanz had always assigned an
exemplary priest to teach the children how to pray and to receive
the sacraments. It was delegated to a lay novice, who barely knew
how to read.
The bad affairs did not end there. Cardinal Giustiniani
became very upset with all of this, and he threatened to remove his
protection and support for the Pious Schools. Even Glicerio
Landriani spoke about ending his personal contributions. He was
also about ready to stop begging for alms. That was it. Father
Bernardini had done everything possible to calm the waters. He
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sincerely hoped to keep the Pious Schools. The situation had
become untenable. Towards the end of 1616, Calasanz presented
a memorandum to Pope Paul V. He described the grievous
situation. He concluded: "Things are so bad that, in a very short
time, the good work of the Pious Schools in Rome will be
abandoned, if left in the hands of these priests. For this reason, I
ask your Holiness to direct that the newly professed, who are to be
ordained under the title of poverty, maintain the lifestyle as
recommended by the cardinals. Require that the said priests
accept this ministry as they ought to or leave it. There will always
be enough capable teachers to take care of the schools with
diligence and perfection." (29) By the end of 1617, Father
Bernardini was finally convinced that his efforts to keep the Pious
Schools were useless. He spoke with Calasanz and directed him to
ask the Pope for a definite separation.
Calasanz explained the situation to Giustiniani and Ruzola.
The Cardinal had hinted more than once that there were religious,
who could take over the Pious Schools. In these final moments,
however, he probably must have changed his mind. The rector of
San Pantaleo, Father Peter Casani, expressed his desire to remain
in the Pious Schools, if and when the priests from Lucca left. He
knew that a small group of clerics and brothers would also stay.
This attitude leads us to believe that, in those critical moments,
Father Casani's opinion weighed as much as Father Ruzola's and
that of the Cardinal Protector. They resolutely proposed the most
obvious solution to the problem: to form a new congregation and
name Calasanz as its head.
Calasanz was easily convinced on both accounts. Toward
the end of January, Father Bernardini again talked with him and
proposed the definite separation. On February 15, the minutes of
the brief were presented to Pope Paul V for the establishment of the
Pious Schools. They did it in less than fifteen days.
He tried twice before to give up the paternity of his work, by
committing it to the confraternity of Christian Doctrine and to the
Congregation from Lucca. But to no avail. He already felt old.
Within a few months, he would be sixty years old. On the other
hand, he did not know that he still had thirty more years left. Who
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etter than himself to become the head of his own work, which was
now changed into a religious congregation?
He was indeed a man with a solid preparation: a university
career, studies in civil and ecclesiastical law, and a doctorate in
Theology. He was used to dealing with the ecclesiastical hierarchy.
He served them in his early years as a priest in Spain. Since
arriving in Rome, he had not stopped dealing with people in the
highest realms. They included dignitaries in the curia, beginning
with Cardinal Colonna, and later with the rest of the prelates, who
had joined the different confraternities like himself. Since he began
his work in the Pious Schools, his reputation and esteem had
fascinated many cardinals and even Popes Clement VIII and PauI
V. He was really a famous person. His experience with religious
individuals and environments was also good. Since childhood, he
had come into contact with religious, such as the Trinitarians in
Estadilla; the Dominicans in the episcopal palace of Barbastro; the
Jesuits in Valencia, Lerida and Alcalá; the Carthusians in Seu
d’Urgell; the Augustinians in Monzon; the Benedictines in
Montserrat; the Conventual Franciscans in the basilica of the
Twelve Apostles; and the Discalced Carmelites from la Scala. He
captured all of their spirits. They were his friends, confessors,
counselors and protectors, and they greatly influenced him. He
knew Saint John Leonardi, Saint Camillus de Lellis, and probably
Saint Philip Neri. He had been living for three years with the priests
from Lucca and for sixteen years with his companions from the
secular Congregation of the Pious Schools, which was a regimen
similar to that of religious life. Above all, he was the father of the
baby: his Pious Schools.
His eagerness for absolute poverty, which is appropriate for
congregations with extreme austerity and observance, goes beyond
his dedication to the poor children. His dogged determination to
impose absolute poverty on the priests from Lucca and to change
their ministry to that of the Pious Schools likens him to a reformer
not a founder. Although not reaching a consensus, the first
chroniclers and witnesses speak about a vision with regard to his
demand for absolute poverty. According to some, the vision
occurred in dreams. According to others, it happened on a small
street of Rome. Others place it in the church of the Stigmata of
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Saint Francis, but they do not tell us when. Under oath, Father
Sylvester Bellei said: "While in the church of the Stigmata of Saint
Francis in Rome, a young maid, who was half dressed in rags,
appeared to him. She was crying. Calasanz said to her: ‘Who are
you?’ She answered: ‘I am Poverty. Everybody avoids me.’ Then
Calasanz told her: ‘Come here. I would like to cover you up.’ As he
was about to cover her with his cape, she disappeared. I know this,
because Father Joseph told me this himself." (30) There were
plenty of witnesses, who confused this apparition with that of the
three maids, whom he saw in Assisi. What is more, some believed
that the pilgrimage to and vision in Assisi happened in the summer
of 1614. Besides the trip of 1599, perhaps there was a second trip
to Assisi, which included the vision of the three maids. The truth is,
however, that the visions of the three maids and of Poverty appear
to be better placed around the time when he established the
Congregation of the Pious Schools as well as when he made his
personal decision to become a religious.
The Pauline Congregation of the Pious Schools
In his memorandum of 1616, Calasanz asked the Pope to
have the priests from Lucca either accept as their principal ministry
the Pious Schools or leave them. At the end of January 1617,
when Father Bernardini told Calasanz that the best thing was to
secure from the Pope the formal separation, another memorandum
was presented to the Pope. In it, they clarified the results of talks
among Calasanz, Cardinal Giustiniani, Father Ruzola and perhaps
Father Casani. They had drafted the idea of the creation of the new
Congregation of the Pious Schools. Indeed, the priests from Lucca
had completely rejected the idea of dedicating themselves to teach
in the schools as their principal ministry, and they did not want to
give up their permanent goods. Therefore, "foreseeing that this
pious institute would decrease day by day and, in a short time,
would be reduced to nothing," they asked the Pope to annul the
brief uniting them and to "restore the Pious Schools to Father
Joseph and his companions.” They also asked him to “establish
and found, with the Institute of the Pious Schools as its principal
goal, a new congregation, which will be called the Pauline
Congregation of the Poor of the Mother of God of the Pious
Schools." (31) The memorandum would really become a model for
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the founding document. Therefore, it contained specific features
about the new congregation. While writing it, Calasanz had in front
of him, the famous agreement made by Father Bernardini and
himself. According to that agreement, the Congregation from Lucca
was going to be transformed. Calasanz left out of this document
what no longer made sense. There was no reference to the care of
souls. In giving permission to write the new constitutions, there was
no mention of the constitutions of the priests from Lucca, since the
new congregation would have nothing to do with that Congregation.
There was no mention of the vow of perseverance, and, as for
poverty, it said that it must be absolute.
The process was fast. On February 15, 1617, the Pope
approved, signed and dated the brief. It began with words “Ad ea
per quae.” It was the founding document of the Pauline
Congregation of the Pious Schools. It stated "that the pious and
admirable work of teaching and educating the poor should be
promoted more each day for the glory of God." It then insisted on
its mission: "We are willing to see that nothing happens to this work,
which is so charitable and beneficial for the education and
instruction of the poor children.” In more concrete terms, the
document stated the goals of the new congregation: The religious
“will work, endeavor and commit themselves to teach the
fundamentals of reading, writing, arithmetic, grammar, and, above
all, the principles of the Catholic faith. They will endow the children
with pious customs and educate them without salary or honoraria.”
(32) Neither memorandum included a sentence about teaching
ONLY the poor children or having to prove that they were poor by
presenting a certificate from the pastor, as it had been written in the
document uniting the priests from Lucca with the Pious Schools.
The text of the founding document stated explicitly that the work of
the Pious Schools was for the poor children. The doors of the
Pious Schools, however, were open to all children, rich and poor,
but for preferably the poor children from the moment of its official
foundation.
The document mentioned three simple vows and absolute
poverty, not only personal but also community. It further suggested
a two-year novitiate and a school in every house, except the
novitiate. Father Calasanz was appointed Superior General of the
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new congregation. He would have full authority to promulgate
constitutions, rules, statutes, laws and necessary decrees.
Permission was granted to any of the priests from Lucca to
transfer to the Pious Schools, if they wanted to do so. This
arrangement was not mentioned in the brief. We do not know how
many took this step. Among the contemporary Piarist chroniclers,
some say that it was six (Castelli), and others say eleven or twelve
(Caputi). Among the priests from Lucca, one mentioned ten or
twelve (Erra), and others (Fiorentini and Marracci) say that there
were, for sure, only two lay brothers in addition to Father Casani.
The original companions of Calasanz remained faithful to him. In
September 1612, there were at least eleven of them and possibly a
few more. (33)
The historic day for the first reception of the habit by the new
religious arrived. In 1622, Calasanz remembered it succinctly: "On
March 25, 1617, Cardinal Giustiniani, who paid for the habits which
we now wear, invested Father Joseph [Calasanz] in his chapel.
Then Father Calasanz gave the habit to the other fourteen religious
in the oratory of the Pious Schools." The names of the fourteen
follow. Only one was a priest: Father Peter Casani. (34) Other
companions of Calasanz did not receive the habit that day, but only
many months or even years later. They were: Glicerio Landriani in
July 1617; Lawrence Santilli and Scipion Taccioni on August 10 and
15, 1618, respectively; and Father John Garda in December 1631.
Gaspar Dragonetti never officially entered the congregation, but he
lived and died in it.
The habit honored the absolute poverty prescribed by the
pontifical brief. Father Berro described it with the following words:
"A black cassock, which extended to the two feet. In front of the
chest, there was an opening, which was closed with wooden
buttons. There was a cape, which was made of the same black
cloth that reached the knees. The cloth was so coarse that it
frightened people, because it was of the same material, which was
used to make the sack-cloth. There were no socks, and the
sandals were closed. After a short time, they began to wear open
or apostolic sandals. In the beginning, they wore no shirt, but, later
upon the doctor's advice, they wore a shirt, which was made of thick
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coarse burlap. Finally, after some time, they began to wear woolen
shirts. (35) Father Dominic Ruzola took part in choosing these
clothes, particularly the apostolic sandals, which were used by the
Discalced Carmelites. He also was responsible for coming up with
the idea of changing one's surname to a religious name. From then
on, Calasanz was called "of the Mother of God." It was just another
sign of his Marian devotion. In addition to using the name of Mary
as his last name, he gave the name of Mary to the Congregation
from Lucca and, later, to the Pious Schools.
First Wanderings of the Founder
The first appointment, which Calasanz made, was that of
Master of Novices. The most suitable individual was Father Peter
Casani. He had twenty-three years of experience in the religious
life in the Congregation from Lucca. He was also the only priest,
besides Calasanz. He was very pious and an exaggerated ascetic.
All who received the Piarist habit on March 25 became novices.
They still performed their school duties and made their novitiate in
San Pantaleo. When the number of novices grew, a house near
San Onofre was rented. In the following year, 1618, the novitiate
was moved to the center of Rome, near Santa Maria in Via. There
Glicerio Landriani died. Thus vanished the hopes of the aging
founder, who had planned on him being his possible successor. In
1619, the novitiate was moved back to San Onofre and, from here,
to the Quirinale, which was close to Ie Quattro Fontane.
Vocations were plentiful. During the four years before the
Pauline Congregation became an order, there were 153 novices: 18
were priests, 73 clerics and 63 lay brothers. Of these, 66 left or
were dismissed and 22 died. The mortality rate was very high then.
There were many foreigners, but they did not make it. There were
five Spaniards, including Thomas Victoria and John Garda del
Castillo. There was also one from France, two from Burgundy, one
from Valtelina, one from Bavaria, three from Germany, one from
Portugal and one from Prussia. "The large group of novices from
Lucca, who survived the trials of the novitiate, leads us to suspect
the selection of and preferential treatment for his countrymen by
Father Casani. Frascati was the first foundation outside of Rome.
It happened during the summer of 1616. All of the details were
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personally carried out by Calasanz, while Father Bernardini was in
Lucca. He was trying to convince his religious to accept the
document. Father Bernardini wrote from Lucca to Calasanz. He
did not like the idea of a house in Frascati and asked him to
abandon the project. Calasanz defended himself, by saying that it
was the expressed will of Pope Paul V. After all, Frascati, which
was the summer residence of the Pontiff, was like a "small" Rome.
In the foundational document, the Pope had forbidden the
creation of any new houses, which were more than 20 miles from
Rome. This norm, however, was abolished pretty soon afterward.
In 1618, a foundation in Narni was accepted. This was an estate
owned by Cardinal Giustiniani. In the same year, there a
foundation in Mentana also opened, but it lasted for only a short
while.
The novitiate house in the Borgo, which is next to the basilica
of Saint Peter, was opened in 1619. The opening of Moricone and
the care of the seminary of Magliano, which was abandoned the
following year, took place in 1619. In 1621, a house in Nursia,
which was so dear to Saint Benedict, was opened. For the first
time, houses outside of the Papal estates were accepted: one in
Carcare, a small town near Savona (Liguria) and the other in
Fanano (Tuscany).
These new foundations forced Joseph Calasanz to leave
Rome to inspect, guide, consolidate or simply spend some time,
days or even weeks, with his religious. Frascati, which was nearby,
was the first foundation other than the mother house in Rome. It
was perhaps his favorite. He traveled on a donkey, even though he
was sixty years old. His love for these animals displayed in him the
Franciscan quality of very austere poverty. In 1619, he wrote to the
priests in Frascati: "I am sending you the black donkey. Keep him
for ten or twelve days. Be good to him. Let him regain his strength,
because we do not treat him very well here. I want to send the
white one to the novitiate, because he will be better off there than
here in the schools." (36) "It does not surprise me that the little
donkey died, because not everyone knows how to properly treat
animals. They usually die because of lack of care and abuse, either
by not feeding them properly or resting them." (37) Father
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Scassellati reminded us under oath that the Saint knew how to treat
them well. He told us that Cardinal Torres caught the Saint by
surprise brushing a donkey. When the Cardinal asked what he was
doing, he simply answered that he was showing the brother in
charge how to do it. During his long trips through the little villages in
the Roman countryside, the donkey, which carried him, reminded
him of God's Providence and the Gospel. A paragraph in the
Constitutions suggested: "Adopt a thankful attitude toward God.
Allow him to take and carry you, just as the donkey, which Christ
was riding on Palm Sunday, was led and guided everywhere." (38)
Father Joseph, even though he was sixty years old, travelled, by
riding these donkeys. He must have felt young in comparison to the
venerable Father Gaspar Dragonetti, who was over one hundred
years old and who could not tolerate riding on donkeys at his age.
The Saint wrote with exquisite sensitivity to those living in Frascati:
"I am going to send Father Dragonetti in a carriage, which will be
drawn by four horses, on a stretcher or by whatever means he
wants." (39)
In the autumn of 1620, by order of Cardinal Giustiniani,
Calasanz retired to the house in Narni to write the Constitutions of
the Pauline Congregation. He remained there until the middle of
February in the following year, when he finished them. He worked
on them very diligently for four months. All hagiographers, both old
and new, agree that the Founder of the Pious Schools wrote his
Constitutions, while being inspired by the Holy Spirit and the
Blessed Mother. Once again, however, we must admit that things
in the life of the saints are much simpler in one respect and much
more difficult and complicated in another. They are simpler,
because one does not have to take recourse to inspiration or to the
immediate directions of the Holy Spirit, when simple human causes
are more than sufficient. They are more complicated, because it
takes more effort and work to receive them, when they are already
supernaturally written. Based upon a meticulous examination of the
Constitutions, which were written by Calasanz, we now realize that
the Saint had, in his saddle bags on the way to Narni, copies of the
constitutions of several other religious orders and other writings.
He copied, combined, mixed and arranged ideas. He literally
plagiarized entire paragraphs and composed his Constitutions in
this way. The principal sources were: the Jesuits, the Clerics
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Regular Minor (Caracciolini), the Theatines, the Capuchins, the
confraternity of Christian Doctrine and, in a minor way, the priests of
the Congregation from Lucca. Naturally all of the documents, such
as like memoranda, summaries, formulas and briefs, also helped for
inspiration and as sources. Calasanz proceeded, as all of the other
founders before him had done. They got much of their inspiration
from the Constitutions and Rules of their predecessors and from
various ascetic writings, where the spirit and practices of religious
life were condensed.
On February 17, 1621, Calasanz wrote to those in Rome: "I,
by the grace of God, have finished the Constitutions. If the white
donkey with the good packsaddle and saddlebags is here by the
first or second day of Lent, then I shall leave in two or three days
afterwards, with the help of God and good weather." (40)
The Order of the Pious Schools
Pope Paul V, the great benefactor of the Pious Schools,
passed away on January 28. After a short conclave, Cardinal
Alexander Ludovisi was elected. He took the name of Pope
Gregory XV. Both events happened while Calasanz was in Narni.
While mourning the death of the Borghese Pope, he must have
rejoiced at the election of Cardinal Ludovisi. Calasanz had met
Ludovisi in Narni towards the end of October 1619. At that time,
Cardinal Giustiniani, while returning from Loreto, and stayed in the
house of the Pious Schools of Narni for a few days. Calasanz
himself welcomed and treated him as he fittingly deserved. When
Giustiniani was leaving for Rome, he met Cardinal Ludovisi, who
had just received the red hat. Cardinal Giustiniani suggested that
he stay in the house of the Piarists in Narni. Therefore, he did so.
The Cardinal must have known the about the name and work
of Calasanz. Father John Francis Fiamelli from Florence had been
a collaborator of Calasanz at the beginning of the century. He liked
to be called a "Brother of the Congregation of the Pious Schools,"
and he even founded a similar congregation in 1616. He called it
the "Congregation of the Pious Schools of Bologna." Archbishop
Ludovisi of Bologna, who was "a very kind benefactor," approved
the Rules. (41) It is logical to assume that Cardinal Ludovisi asked
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about the Pious Schools in Rome and reminded Calasanz of the old
days when Fiammelli was his faithful collaborator.
Calasanz arrived in Rome at the end of February 1621 while
riding on the white donkey. He carried deep inside the good saddle
bags the manuscript of the Constitutions. In no time, he asked for
an audience with the Pope. He wanted to pay his respects and to
ascertain from the Pope if he planned to serve as a protector for the
Pious Schools of Rome, just as he had done for those in Bologna.
In the middle of March, with the help of Giustiniani, Calasanz
presented to the Pope a memorandum, in which he asked for the
approval of the Constitutions. At the same time, using a list of
somewhat related names, he also asked to promote the
Congregation to the rank of a religious order. The memorandum
stated that Pope Paul III from Rome had given birth to the Society
of Jesus and that Pope Gregory XIII from Bologna had confirmed it
and raised it to its present state of perfection. Therefore, since God
moved Pope Paul V of Rome to establish the Congregation of the
Pious Schools, did He also expect the newly elected successor,
Pope Gregory XV of Bologna, to “give the Congregation stability
and the state of perfection, which are necessary to satisfy the world,
because that is what the world demands and desires?" (42)
The memorandum was sent to the Congregation of Bishops
and Regulars, whose prefect was Cardinal Tonti. He was called the
"Cardinal Nazareno," because he was the titular pastor of the
church of Nazareth. The Cardinal was a very strong adversary
against the creation of any new religious orders. His opposition
was strengthened by the already existing prohibition promulgated
during Lateran Council IV in 1215. He asked to review the
Constitutions, but he let it be known that he did not want to talk
about the promotion of the Pious Schools to a religious order.
Therefore, Calasanz wrote directly to Cardinal Tonti a very long but
well-reasoned memorandum in defense of the legitimacy and the
need to promote the Pious Schools to a religious order with solemn
vows. It was a masterpiece, an original and splendid document
about the educational work of the school. He presented it as a
novelty in the field of evangelization and reform in the Church.
Calasanz wrote that the interpretation, which the Popes had
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given to the canon of the Lateran Council through the centuries,
had been to prohibit the founding of superfluous and similar orders.
There are "not many others with a different, specific and necessary
mission in the Church of God. The ministry of the Poor of the
Mother of God of the Pious Schools is among the latter. These
schools have an indispensable mission according to everyone,
ecclesiastical and secular authorities, princes and citizens. The
primary mission is to change the corrupt customs of the world. The
mission consists of the good education of the young. The future
happy or unhappy life of man depends upon it. Consequently, there
is no doubt that the Pious Schools will be favored and graced as a
religious order. This is the same title, which has already been
received by others, which are not as useful, necessary or
applauded by everyone. It may even be that requests for these
orders have not been made for a long time. In comparison, in just a
short time, requests for our mission have been persistent. We have
a mission, which is most worthy, noble, meritorious, beneficial,
useful, necessary, natural, reasonable, worthy of thanks and
glorious." (43) We list the superlatives as they are written in the
original Italian, because their rhythmic cadence gives us a degree
of the admiration, enthusiasm, love and interest, which Calasanz
felt for teaching. He went on to describe each superlative, one by
one, by filling them with meaning. He also examined all of the
possible objections and added: "Therefore, we have shown the
usefulness and need for this work, which embraces all individuals,
conditions and places. In order to provide such elementary
instruction and the means to live for our religious, it is not only
necessary but reasonable to constitute the Congregation as a
religious order. Further, the need to expand and to spread it
according to the needs, desires and requests of so many also
naturally follows."
Cardinal Tonti was probably in shock after reading the long
and splendid memorandum. He changed from an adversary to an
enthusiastic patron of the cause of Calasanz. His unconditional
support arrived at an opportune moment. At the end of March
1621, Cardinal Giustiniani, the great benefactor of the Pious
Schools, passed away.
By the end of August, Cardinal Tonti had already obtained
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from the Congregation of Bishops and Regulars, over which he
presided, its approval to raise the Pious Schools to the rank of a
religious order with solemn vows. The Pope accepted the decision
of the Congregation. On November 18, 1621, he signed the brief,
In Supremo Apostolatus, which established the last religious order
with solemn vows in the Church. On January 31, 1622, another
apostolic brief approved the Constitutions.
Three months later, Cardinal Tonti fell grievously ill. In his
will, he left all of his goods to the Pious Schools to open a school in
Rome, with scholarships for the poor and the gifted, as a
foundational nucleus. Other children of the poor or rich, nobility and
plebeians would later attend the school. The school was called
Colegio Nazareno. This school was considered, through the
centuries, as one of the best schools in Rome and the most famous
in the Piarist Order.
On April 20, Cardinal Tonti called Calasanz and his four
Assistants (Peter Casani, Viviano Viviani, Francis Castelli and Paul
Ottonelli) to his death bed to profess their solemn vows. And so
they did. Father Casani wrote: "This morning we made our vows in
front of the dying Cardinal Tonti. After leaving his house, we went
to Saint Mary Major. We them there after a Mass, which was
celebrated by our Father on the altar of our Blessed Mother." (44)
It was a show of filial sensitivity towards the Mother of God.
Like a finishing touch, the whole long process of transformation,
from a secular congregation into the Order of Clerics Regular Poor
of the Mother of God of the Pious Schools, had ended.
Liguria
Chapter 8
EXPANSION
Carcare, which is near Savona in Liguria, was the farthest
house from Rome among the eleven houses, which were founded
before the Pious Schools became a religious order. Fanano in
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Tuscany was the next farthest one. At the beginning of May 1622,
Father Peter Casani was appointed to visit these two houses and
the one in Narni. He was to introduce observance of the
Constitutions, which had recently been approved by the Pope.
After finishing his mission and returning to Rome, Father Casani
found Calasanz perplexed. He had received the request for a
foundation in Savona, but he did not have any personnel, who were
ready. In the end, he gave in and sent none other than the first
Assistants General, Father Peter Casani and Father Francis
Castelli, and Brother Francisco Michelini, who later became a
famous mathematician and a friend of Galileo Galilei. The
foundation opened in September 1622.
As an example of the conditions, which were demanded, and
the commitments, which were made to the Piarists when they
accepted foundations, let us read from the foundation documents of
Savona: "We humbly ask the illustrious city hall of Savona to bind
itself to the payment of 400 lire per year, to provide room and board
for the priests in the Schools, according to their needs. If they
decide to stay in Savona, then they will begin to teach all kinds of
children reading, writing, counting, grammar, humanities and
rhetoric and other things, according to their ministry to all kinds of
children and students of the city, without any tuition. This monetary
amount will be given to them, for the time they spend exercising this
ministry or until they are provided for in some other way. They will
instruct children, especially the poor, not only teaching them the
sciences but also respect for God, which is extremely useful for the
common good. It is expected that the said priests will be a great
spiritual help, by saying Mass, preaching and performing other
exercises.” (1)
At the request of the patrons and founders of the distant
houses in Liguria, Calasanz decided to visit them. He travelled, by
land, as far as Livorno. There, he boarded a ship and, by sail and
oar, went to Savona. Thirty-one years earlier, he had sailed the
same sea from west to east. He later suppressed any hope of ever
crossing it again in the opposite direction. During this second
crossing, which was shorter than the first one, he perhaps, with a
touch of emotion, looked toward the west, knowing that his native
country was in the distant horizon. He landed in Savona on April 7,
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1623. Three days later, he left for Carcare. Its inhabitants knew
and venerated him, without ever having seen him, because of the
good news of the Piarists. The whole town came out in a
procession to meet him. The chroniclers tell us that his gift of
prophecy was demonstrated when he told a young man that he was
going to be a good religious of the Pious Schools. His power over
the possessed allowed him to free a deaf man, who had been
possessed by a demon, who was known all over the countryside.
The chroniclers and Calasanz, himself, told us another story. In a
letter from Carcare, which was dated April 19, 1623, he wrote:
"During this trip, with the help of God, we helped the dignitaries of
the town to make peace. They had hated each other so much, that
they were ready to kill each other. When Governor Peter de
Toledo, who lives in Finale, heard about it, he went to the oratory to
pray the Te Deum. After making peace, I invited them to eat with us
on two different holidays. I hoped to keep them united with great
happiness and satisfaction. They sent beforehand so much food
that we were able to prepare enough for everyone. May the Lord
preserve that peace and unity." (2) He probably recalled other
occasions when he helped make peace in some of the little villages
in the Pyrenees when he was wandering around on his apostolic
endeavors as the visitor of the archpresbyterates of his Diocese of
Urgell.
From Carcare, he travelled to Savona. On April 22, he gave
the Piarist habit to three young noble men: one was the heir of the
Marquis of Monesiglio; another the son of the Marquis of Gorzegno
and the third belonged to a noble family from the Barony of Savona.
These were the first fruits of an abundant crop of vocations cared
for by Father Casani. In the first year, the house of Savona had 18
novices. It was necessary to open another house for them.
Calasanz formed the province of Liguria with Carcare and
Savona. On July 10, 1623, he appointed Father Casani as the
superior. He was the first Provincial in the history of the Order. The
next year, he was transferred to the novitiate in Oregina, which is a
suburb of Genoa. In 1625, a new house was founded in the city of
Genoa. While Calasanz was still alive, another house was opened
in Carmagnola in 1638, but it was closed the next year because of
war.
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Naples
Other individuals, who became is most intimate
collaborators, moved around the central figure of the Founder.
Each had his personal characteristics, talents and defects. They
make up a long gallery of pictures, which is impossible to examine
in its entirety. On the other hand, we must sketch them to at least
better understand the environment in which Calasanz lived and
worked. It will show his vitality and his rare ability to take
advantage of the greatest qualities of each individual.
Father Melchior Alacchi was a Sicilian. He was restless,
stubborn, decisive, indomitable, eccentric, enterprising and a
wanderer. He was the first person to try to found a house in
Naples, Sicily, Sardinia, Venice and Spain. He made one
pilgrimage to Santiago de Compostela and began another one to
the Holy Land, but the plague stopped him in Venice. Calasanz
knew him well and appreciated and admired him deeply. He took
advantage of his undeniably positive talents, charging him with new
foundations. He served as master of novices, superior of several
houses, visitor, general commissioner, president of Local and
Provincial Chapters and Provincial of his beloved Sicily.
In October 1625, Calasanz signed a rare permission: Father
Alacchi could wander throughout Italy, especially Naples and Sicily.
He was authorized to open new houses wherever he believed it to
be advisable; to admit those whom he judged fit into the novitiate;
and to organize Piarist life as he saw fit everywhere unconditionally.
There was only one obligation, and that was to inform the Superior
General. Unfortunately, Cardinal Caraffa of Naples did not want
any new foundations. After hoping in vain for a few days, the
silenced Piarist community silently left Naples and travelled south.
At the beginning of December 1625, they crossed the Strait of
Messina and remained there, because the plague prevented them
from reaching Palermo, which was to be their final destination.
In Messina, Father Alacchi acquired a house and the legal
permits from the civil and ecclesiastical authorities in the city.
Unfortunately, the religious communities in the city, especially the
Jesuits, opposed the opening of a new religious house. The
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consent of all the convents and religious houses, which were
already established in the city, was necessary for any new
foundation. When Calasanz heard about it, he sounded the retreat.
Suspecting that Calasanz had been misinformed, Father Alacchi left
half the group there and went to Rome with the other half. On the
way, he stopped in Naples and learned that Cardinal Caraffa had
died and that the new archbishop, Cardinal Buonocompagni, was
not opposed to the new foundation.
When Alacchi reached Rome, Calasanz was seriously ill and
near death. He received the viaticum and was anointed. He
surprisingly recovered. His confidants have assured us that they
heard him say that the Blessed Mother and Saint Teresa had cured
him. This happened in the spring of 1626.
Father Casani was sent to Messina as rector of the
community. The fortunate situation in Naples allowed for the
foundation of a new house. At the age of seventy-nine, the
Superior General still had enough vigor and stamina to make the
long trip on a stretcher. During the second half of October 1626, in
short intervals, he made the trip accompanied by two or three
priests. Around the same time, Father Alacchi travelled by sea to
Naples with a large group of professed and novices.
The Marquis of Belmonte welcomed them very warmly. At
the time, Calasanz wrote letters, in which he expressed an
extraordinary enthusiasm for everything that was happening. We
find bits of news and illustrations in these letters. On October 25,
he wrote: "We arrived last Thursday. All is well, thanks be to God.
They have offered us three ideal places to open schools and two for
the novitiate, without any expense on our part. Here, where we
dismounted, we found a house with 20 beds, which are suitable to
our style, and all of the necessary utensils. They are so kind and
willing to accept our work. If we had enough personnel, we could
open three or four places for the Pious Schools." (3) A week later,
he wrote: "Here they are asking us every day to take a place in this
or that part of town. They are giving us a house and a church.
There is a lot of competition among the neighborhoods. One can
see how disappointed they were when we chose the neighborhood
of the Duchesse, because it was at one end of the city and has a lot
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of very ordinary and poor people. It was the desire of Regent
Tapia, the Marquis of Belmonte and also the Vicar General to select
the location of the Duchesse as our first site." (4) On November 13,
he said: "If we had one hundred religious, we could open four
places in the best areas of Naples. They have offered us more and
also a place for the novitiate. In less than eight days, we have 400
students coming from the nearest places." (5) On November 21, he
wrote: "In a short time, there will be 500 students and 700, if we had
the room." (6)
Where did they end up? In one of the poorest and most
densely populated neighborhoods of the city. But there was more.
We read: "Here we have opened a school in the neighborhood of
the Duchesse. Because of us, they expelled more than 600
prostitutes, who used to live here. They have also given us a
building for a church, which was used to put on comedies. So now,
where God was once offended so frequently, He is now praised by
more than 600 children." (7)
The atmosphere of Naples rejuvenated him. It was not its
marvelous landscape of land, sea, sky and Mount Vesuvius, which,
once anyone saw it, would make him want to die and go to heaven.
What moved the holy old man was the great number of children,
who lived in the rich and poor neighborhoods of the great
metropolis. They all needed more and more schools. He wrote: "In
Naples, I believe that there are three of four times more children
than in Rome. Three or four of our schools would not be enough to
satisfy the needs of the city. In the Ciaia neighborhood, they are
also offering us another place. There the number of children of the
fishermen is very great." (8)
As had happened in Liguria, it also happened in Naples. He
left a trail of his gifts as a miracle worker. For example, he cured
the sores of one of the benefactors. On the other hand, his greatest
wonders were of a different kind: he helped reform the life of the
benefactor’s nephew, and he converted three individuals, who had
come to him. They complained, because he had taken over the
theater of the Duchesse and forced out the previous tenants. The
proprietor of the theater and two comedians were the protesters,
who had been affected by the eviction.
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The foundation in Messina had to be closed, because of the
unyielding opposition of the new Archbishop. Calasanz transferred
Father Casani and his community, which had been expelled, to
Naples. He appointed Father Casani to serve as the Provincial and
superior of Naples. Calasanz placed all of his hopes on the
unstoppable progress of the Neapolitan foundation and on the large
number of future vocations. He left Naples for Rome at the end of
April 1627. His stay in Naples lasted for six and a half months.
A few months later, another house was opened in Naples, in
the neighborhood of Caravaggio, which is next to the Royal Door.
There they opened the novitiate. Other houses were opened in
Bisignano by the end of 1627, in Campi Salentina in 1628, and in
the little village of Somma in 1630. An eruption by Mount
Vesuvius forced the abandonment of this house in the following
year. In 1631, a house was opened in Cosenza, but it was
abandoned after an earthquake in 1638. In 1633, a third house for
the sick was opened in Naples in the neighborhood of Posilipo. In
1636, a house was opened in Chieti. This was the last house
opened in the Province of Naples, during the lifetime of the
Founder.
His trip to Naples was the last long journey of his life. From
now on, he would ride his donkeys to travel, once in a while, to
villages near Rome, such as Poli, Moricone and Frascati. Frascati
was his favorite. He spent a few days there, during the autumn of
1628, 1634 and 1636. His very advanced age prevented him from
going to open or visit the new houses, which were springing up
throughout Italy and Europe. From his small room in Rome, he
made arrangements for each of the new foundations. He led the
government of the Order, with a firm hand and exaggerated
meticulousness. He communicated by means of letters and
intervened in all of the provincial, local and personal problems,
almost to an unbelievable extreme. He must have written anywhere
from 10,000 to 12,000 letters, based upon the number of those
which were kept and those which his correspondents made
reference to but have since disappeared. Up until now, 4,700
letters have been edited. Such a large number of letters does not
exist in the case of any other historical individual.
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Central Italy
John Francis Fiammelli, who was a collaborator from the
beginning of the century, was with Calasanz for only a few years.
He remained faithful to the ideals of Calasanz throughout his entire
life. He had opened his own charitable school, like those in Rome,
in Bologna in 1616. He opened another one in Florence, his
birthplace, around 1617. Priests and lay people ran the school.
When he reached the age of seventy-six years, he felt incapable of
carrying on his work but wished to still perpetuate it. He got in
touch with the Piarists, with the idea of giving them his schools. In
the deed of transfer, he wrote:
"I, John Francis Fiammelli, prefect of the Pious Schools in
the city of Florence, after considering the fragility of my life and
wishing, at the advanced age of seventy-six years, to perpetuate
after my death my pious schools, realize that there is no one better
than the recently established Institute of the Pious Schools.
According to their Constitutions, they have as their goal to support
themselves by accepting spontaneous alms and by begging, to
personally own nothing, and to educate youth, especially the poor.
They teach respect for God and the elementary subjects, such as
reading, writing, arithmetic, grammar and rhetoric. They do all of
this tuition-free, for the sake of their neighbor. Therefore, I gladly
leave to them my house and the rights of my Pious Schools in
Florence, dated April 30, 1630.” (9)
Calasanz told Father Castelli, who was the Provincial of
Liguria at the time, to handle the matter. When everything was
taken care of, he appointed Father Castelli to serve as superior of
the house in Florence and as the first Provincial of Tuscany.
Calasanz added the house in Fanano, which had been founded in
1621 in the Duchy of Modena, to the Province of Tuscany. Brother
Francis Michelini, who was a brilliant mathematician, was among
the founding members of that community. Father Castelli
transferred him from Genoa. A group of Piarists learned much from
Michelini during this time. They studied math with much success
and later established the only school for algebra, which was open to
the public in Florence.
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These Piarist mathematicians admired and worked with
Galileo Galilei. Some maintained a personal relationship with him,
as both a student and a friend. This was especially true for
Michelini, from the time he had arrived in Florence in 1629. Father
Clemente Settimi was also close to him. Father Settimi became
Galileo's secretary, when he became blind and could not fend for
himself. Calasanz always approved of a close relationship between
his sons and Galileo. He did not change his mind, even when he
became aware of what friendship could bring, after the investigation
and condemnation of Galileo by the Holy Office. The wisdom of
Calasanz was admirable. On April 16, 1639, he wrote to the
superior in Florence. He said: "If Galileo asked that Father Clement
spend the night with him, please allow him to do so. May God help
him to draw from it the due benefits." (10)
In 1638, the "School for the Nobility" was opened in the
Florentine house. It was dedicated explicitly to the students from
high society. Father Castelli, who was the Provincial, and Father
Francis Apa, who was the director and the person responsible for
developing the idea, convinced Calasanz to yield to the demands of
the Florentine nobility. These families had promised to support the
novitiate and the clerics. In the end, nothing in this project went
against the Order’s goal, which was to accept all kinds of students,
rich and poor, noble and plebeian, even though they always
preferred working with the poor.
Because of their admirable spirit of charity, which they
demonstrated during the plague of 1630, the Piarists very soon
enjoyed the appreciation of all social classes in Florence. The
Grand Duke of Tuscany also became one of these admirers.
Several other houses were added to those in Florence and
Fanano. They were: in 1638, a second house in Florence, called
del Pellegrino; in 1641, one in Pieve di Cento, one in Guia (Guglia)
and one in Pisa. The house in Guia was closed in 1646, and the
one in Pisa was closed in 1656.
After the Province of Tuscany was established and the
houses mentioned above were ascribed to it, all of the remaining
houses in the Papal estates formed the Roman Province. In 1626,
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Father Jacob Graziani was appointed as the first Provincial. In
reality, the superior was Calasanz, as long as he lived. By right, the
Roman Province was the first province of the Order. It included:
San Pantaleo, the novitiate, and the Burgo in Rome, as well as
those in Frascati, Narni, Mentana, Moricone, Magliano and Nursia.
The following houses were later opened: Poli and San Salvatore
Maggiore in 1628; Colegio Nazareno (Rome) in 1630 and Ancona
in 1632.
Sicily and Sardinia
In December 1625, Father Alacchi arrived in Messina with a
group of novices. In April 1627, under their superior, Father
Casani, they left the city. The Archbishop had remained unmoved
and did not give them permission to open new schools.
Six years went by. In September 1633, the Superior General
sent Father Melchior Alacchi to Sicily to take care of some very
important matters for the Order. This was one of them: "Try to find
John B. Massimi from Rome, who is wearing our habit and
impersonating our General Procurator. He has fake dimissorial
letters. He is using a false name and is fooling a lot of people. You
must take away those letters, because they are counterfeit. If you
see fit, you may ask the ecclesiastical or civil authorities to stop him
from fraudulently stealing from so many people." (11) This case
was nothing new. Back in 1625, Father Matthew Millini arrived in
Rome. Pretending to have a Piarist vocation, he frequently visited
the novitiate in the Quirinale. He forged the handwriting and
signature of Calasanz and the official seal of the Order. He then
went on a tour of Europe. With fake credentials, he introduced
himself as a representative or a delegate of the Superior General,
who wished to open the Pious Schools. He managed to get money
even from some of the most astute, such as Cardinal Richelieu.
Calasanz wrote about this swindler in many of his letters: "He has
gone throughout Germany, Flanders, France, Lombardy and
Piedmont, and twice to Spain. He has taken a lot of money from
many people and promised to send them the Piarist Fathers." (12)
In 1627, Calasanz wrote: "I intend to write to the regent of the
Supreme Council of Aragon, by the name of Navarro, my fellow
country man, to put a stop to the misdeeds and temptations of that
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poor priest.” (13)
On October 12, Father Melchior Alacchi landed in Messina.
On October 20, he arrived in Palermo. One of his first visits was to
the Viceroy of Sicily, Dr. Ferdinand de Ribera, who was also the
Duke of Alcala and a former Viceroy of Naples. He was a great
benefactor of the Pious Schools and a good friend of Calasanz.
The Viceroy immediately proposed a foundation of the Pious
Schools. Since his first attempt for a foundation had failed, Father
Alacchi was now enormously pleased. He had counted on the help
of the Viceroy, and he conveyed the news to the Superior General.
On December 1, however, the prudent Superior General wrote to
him and tried to dissuade him from taking such a step for the
following reasons: "We have received an order from our Lord and
from the Sacred Congregation of Propaganda Fide through
Cardinal Ginetti. They suggest that we not extend ourselves too
much, until we are firmly built, especially in so far as the novitiate
and a house of studies are concerned. You only think about
opening houses in big cities, such as Palermo. Even if Cardinal
D'Oria and the Viceroy contacted us, we could not honor their
request yet. We have not yet been able to give a house either to
the Duke of Saboya or to the Cardinal, his brother. They have
already written numerous letters arranged meetings for their
ambassador. We have also not been able to satisfy Cardinal
Dietrichstein or Cardinal Colonna, the Archbishop of Bologna.
Therefore, thank the gentlemen and return to Naples." (14)
Father Alacchi not only found excuses for not leaving
Palermo, but he also got the Viceroy to even convince Cardinal to
install the Pious Schools in Palermo. The necessary permission
from the Roman curia was obtained. Therefore, by the end of
December, the Founder realized that the situation in Sicily was
already arranged. In a letter to Father Graziani, he wrote: "The
Viceroy of Sicily has accepted our work. He has not only chosen
the best site in the city but has also paid, from his own pocket,
3,000 gold coins. He has offered to do more. He would like to have
two or three individuals to start the work, and I am thinking about
sending them next March." (15) He was still worried, because he
remembered the opposition of the Jesuits on the occasion of the
first attempted foundation in Messina. Fearing another failure in
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Palermo, he warned Father Alacchi: "You must make them
understand that our Institute will not disturb the Jesuits. The
majority of our students are learning how to read, write and count,
and only a few will study Latin. They will start with us, but then they
will go to their schools." (16)
The impatient Father Alacchi opened the schools, before the
arrival of the group sent by the Superior General. He used lay
people as his collaborators. In a very short time, they were
teaching 1,200 boys. He laid the first stone of the new church and,
during Holy Week, already celebrated the Holy Triduum. Nine
years earlier, the Archbishop of Messina had practically kicked him
out. Now, with the help of the Viceroy, the Archbishop gave his
approval to open the Pious Schools in the city. He was now very
happy with the opening of the house and school in Palermo by the
end of 1633.
Father Alacchi had a right to be happy. In Palermo and
Messina, during the lifetime of the Founder, the only two
foundations, which had a happy ending, were his. It was all thanks
to his efforts.
Before these foundations in Sicily, on his way back from a
penitential pilgrimage to Santiago de Compostela, Father Alacchi
sailed from Barcelona. At the end of 1628 or in the beginning of
1629, he stopped in Cagliari, which was the capital city of Sardinia.
He took advantage of this occasion to visit the Viceroy, Dr. Jerome
Pimentel y Zuniga, who was the Marquis of Bayona, and the
councilors of the city. He praised the virtues of the Pious Schools.
They were pleased and accepted the idea of an immediate
foundation. The councilors wrote a friendly letter to Calasanz in
Spanish: "Father Alacchi of All Saints came to this city and told us
about the good that your Institute does with regard to piety and
letters in the city of Rome and elsewhere in Christendom. These
houses of yours are enormously pleasing to the Lord God. Since
this city is willing to share its great treasure for the good of its
people, it has asked his Excellency, the Viceroy of this Kingdom, to
intercede and to honor this city with the presence of your work.
Given in Cagliari on January 31, 1629. (signed) The Councilors of
Cagliari." (17) The Viceroy also wrote to Calasanz and
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ecommended the request of the city, saying: "I am honestly and
sincerely asking, your reverence, to honor this request. I assure
you that it will be a special favor, since I will be very happy that,
during my time, such a service will be done for both Majesties. May
the Divine One keep you as I wish." (18)
For the time being, it was not possible to please them with a
foundation due to some restrictions imposed by the Holy See. One
year later, in the middle of 1640, the councilors of Cagliari again
asked for a foundation, and they were satisfied. In November of
that year, Father Peter Francis Salazar Maldonado, who was a
Neapolitan of Spanish origin and who spoke perfect Spanish,
arrived with four more Piarists. The councilors of Cagliari asked
him to send "as many Spanish subjects as he could, because the
Spanish language is taught in the schools." (19) We must not
forget that the Kingdoms of Naples, Sicily and Sardinia were an
integral part of the Spanish monarchy.
After the first Piarists arrived in Cagliari, the councilors wrote
once more to the Holy Founder: "The city of Cagliari is eternally
grateful to you and to the Pious Schools for being so generous in
honoring our request to educate and instruct its children." (20)
In 1645, another house for the novitiate was opened near
Cagliari, in what used to be a Franciscan convent. The novitiate,
however, had already been functioning since 1642 in another house
in Cagliari. When the Founder died, there were the only two
houses in Sardinia. It was not established as a province until 1661.
Sicily had become a province in 1637.
Beyond the Alps
In August 1630, the Superior General received a letter, which
began in this way: "You may recall that I wrote to you five years
ago. With the knowledge and approval of the Provincial and rector
of the Jesuits in Vienna, I spoke to the municipal authorities in order
to introduce the priests of your Order to the school of Saint Stephen
in this city. However, although I had reached a mutual agreement
with the municipal authorities, the Jesuit Fathers spoiled everything
by intervening to the imperial authority. Three years ago, more or
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less, a religious, who assured us that he was a member of your
Order even though we later discovered that he was not, came to
meet Cardinal Dietrichstein, who is the local Bishop and the
Governor of this Province. He tried to introduce your priests to the
city of Nikolsburg, which is the location of the Bishop’s residence.
The Bishop gave them a suitable place to live, but, after receiving a
large amount of money, the religious disappeared." (21)
Bishop Juan B. Gramay wrote that letter. In 1625, he had
dealt with the foundation of the Pious Schools in Vienna, according
to the wishes of Cardinal Melchior Klesl. Since 1629 he had been
at the service of Cardinal Francis Dietrichstein of Olmuz, who was a
counselor to the Emperor and captain of the Marquisate of Moravia.
The Cardinal had been born in Madrid, where his father was the
ambassador of the Emperor. His mother, Marguerite Cardona, was
the Spanish daughter of the Viceroy of Sardinia. This bishop-prince
was the one, who introduced the Pious Schools to Central Europe.
He was just another cardinal benefactor, who loved the work of
Calasanz, as did Cardinals Montalto, Torres, Lancellotti, Giustiniani,
Tonti, Ginetti and Cesarini.
In Nikolsburg, which today is called Mikulov, he had
established a high school as well an academy for nobles or a
boarding seminary, which he called Lauretan. In 1629, Bishop
Gramay was the director of these schools. In 1627, Matthew Millini,
who was the globe-trotting swindler and who falsely called himself
John B. Massimi, appeared on the scene. His arrival rekindled the
cardinal's memory of Calasanz and his schools in Rome. However,
he did not immediately make contact with the Piarists to ask them
for a foundation. This happened in June 1630, when returning to
Nikolsburg, he met Father John S. Spinola, who was the Provincial
of Liguria. Bishop Gramay wrote to Calasanz a letter, which was
quoted before, and he offered him everything, including references
to the petitions of the Jesuits. He wrote: "Even if the priests of the
Society of Jesus wanted very much to have a college here,
nevertheless, both the Prince and I, for many important reasons,
would prefer the priests of your Order." (22)
After many unexpected changes and with explicit permission
of Cardinal Marcio Ginetti, the Vicar of the Pope, the first seven
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Piarists arrived in Nikolsburg in the beginning of June 1631. Other
expeditions followed. In 1632, they decided to construct a new
building for the Pious Schools, and the Piarists were placed in
charge of the Lauretan Seminary. Two years later, the Cardinal
opened a new house for the novitiate in Leipnik. He was never
satisfied. He constantly asked Calasanz for more religious.
Calasanz lamented the fact that he did not have enough trained
priests. At the same time, there was another more serious
impediment. In 1633, the Sacred Congregation for the Propagation
of the Faith (Propaganda Fide) prohibited the Superior General to
send any more religious to Central Europe. It "warned that the
religious Order, which had been approved by Pope Gregory XV, did
not have enough suitable religious to extend itself and to spread to
the provinces, in which they ministered daily." (23) Nevertheless,
Cardinal Ginetti, as the Vicar and as a member of the Sacred
Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith, was, in a way,
responsible for the application of those restrictions. He was rather
generous in their interpretation. Thanks to him, the expansion of
the Pious Schools was carried out prudently throughout Central
Europe.
Cardinal Dietrichstein not only supported foundations in his
own Moravian territories, but he also served as a go-between with
other important individuals in Germany. They too wished to obtain
new foundations. Since 1631, Prince Gundaker of Liechtenstein
had asked for a foundation in Kromau. His request was finally
granted in 1644. The house, however, was closed in 1646 due to
the reduction of the Order by Pope Innocent X. In 1633, the Grand
Duke of Wallenstein asked for a house. He wanted to introduce the
Pious Schools to other places in Germany, besides his estates of
Bohemia and Silesia, but his petitions were not honored. In 1634,
the petition from the Bishop of Gurg was also turned down, in spite
of the intervention from Cardinal Dietrichstein.
The petition of Count Francis Magni was honored. In his
letter of recommendation, the Cardinal wrote: "I strongly
recommend it to you, above all the others. I have no doubt that H.
P., who is the Superior General, Founder and a Spaniard will
comply with my petition. After all, I am also a Spaniard too." (24)
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In the beginning of February 1633, the Superior General sent
a group of seven Piarists to open a house in Straznitz, which was
the capital city of the country. In 1641, the first stone was laid for
the foundation of Litomysl, after Baroness Febronia von Pernstein
asked for a foundation. This was the first house in Bohemia.
The requests for foundations were constant, as we can see
in the letters of Calasanz. On April 29, 1633, he wrote: "If I had ten
thousand religious right now, I could assign them, in less than one
month, to all of the places, which are asking me for them. Our work
is not like many others, which try to present themselves in different
ways. Cardinals, prelates, lords and important cities ask about our
work, as I can show you in many letters. I barely have enough
suitable religious to exercise our work in the churches and
convents, which we have been offered in Prague and in more than
ten other places." (25)
The Thirty Years War had begun. In June 1642, after the
defeat of the imperial forces in Schweidnitz, the Swedes invaded
Moravia. The Piarists had to abandon their houses and flee to
Vienna. They had every intention to go to Italy. The Papal Nuncio,
Caspar Mattei, welcomed them and convinced the Provincial,
Father Onofre Conti, to change directions and go towards Warsaw.
The Polish court had asked for a foundation of the Pious Schools
many years ago. In fact, in 1639, Duke George Ossolinski and
Canon Matthew J. Judicki had already begun the necessary
arrangements. In June 1640, King Ladislaus IV personally wrote a
letter to Calasanz. He promised protection and growth throughout
the kingdom. Unfortunately, the same old conditions, a ban by the
Holy See and the lack of personnel, prevented Calasanz from
honoring the royal petitions.
Father Conti listened to Nuncio Mattei and changed his
direction toward Warsaw. It was the right move. The first group of
Piarists was welcomed with great satisfaction in Warsaw. In 1642,
the first Piarist house was founded in Poland. There were only six
religious. When Calasanz told the King about their arrival, he
excused himself for sending so few and finished his letter by saying:
"A small seed can also produce great harvests." (26) The Pious
Schools influenced the cultural history and, above all, the
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educational level of Poland, more than in any other nation. For his
part, King Ladislaus responded to the letter from the Founder. He
wrote: "We have a natural admiration for you and your work. You
will be the beneficiary of great signs of our approval, if you allow
us." (27) That is the way it was. The King of Poland became one of
the most persistent protectors of the Founder and his Order,
especially during the difficult years.
Besides the house in Warsaw, there was also a novitiate in
Podoliniec, largely due to the generosity of Stanislaus Lubomirski in
1642. There were no more foundations during the lifetime of
Calasanz, because things became surprisingly difficult in Rome.
Two Failures: Venice and Spain
Hardly had one year passed since Father Alacchi's
pilgrimage to Santiago de Compostela. On November 29, 1629,
Calasanz signed the permission, which was necessary for Father
Alacchi to go on a pilgrimage to the Holy Land. He wrote about the
possibility of going to the East Indies. The document ended: "If
some lords and communities ask for our Institute, be sure to let us
know immediately by letter so that we may send companions from
among our brothers." (28) With the permission in his pocket and
accompanied by two travelling companions, Father Alacchi began
his adventure. He had to travel to Ancona, in order to sail to
Venice. There he could find a ship sailing for the Orient. His stay in
Ancona, however, lasted a few weeks. Father Alacchi used the
time to meet with the civil authorities. He suggested the possibility
for a foundation of the Pious Schools to them. His proposal was
accepted, but the plans became surprisingly complicated. In 1633,
the school opened.
Finally, in March 1630, Father Alacchi sailed with his
companions and arrived in Venice. Unfortunately, due to the
plague and other difficulties, he could not resume his pilgrimage, as
planned. One month after his arrival, he was already planning the
foundation of a Piarist house in Venice. On April 19, with the
original purpose of the trip notwithstanding, Calasanz wrote to
Father Alacchi: "As far as introducing our Institute there is
concerned, I am telling you that it is impossible. We do not have
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enough people to please such a city. We have to be very careful
about this. We cannot accept anything new, unless we can fulfill our
duty with honor." (29) Nevertheless, Father Alacchi remained. He
hoped to secure a foundation and to convince the Superior General
to accept it.
He spent three long years in Venice. Calasanz was already
filled with expectation, waiting for the foundation to happen.
Unfortunately, recklessness and eccentricities of Father Alacchi and
other grave causes frustrated the undertaking. One of the most
powerful reasons was the political antipathy felt by the Republic of
Venice against Spain and anything Spanish. The Founder of the
Order was a Spaniard. The authorities in Venice mistakenly
thought that the majority of Piarists were also Spaniards.
To dispel such a notion, Calasanz wrote to Father Alacchi:
"Except for me, who is approaching 70 years of age and who spent
40 years in Rome, there is only one other Spaniard. His name is
Father Anthony of the Blessed Sacrament, and he lives in Moravia.
The rest are Italian, French and German. One is about ready to go
to Spain. Once I am gone, there will only be memories of Spaniards
left in our Order." (30) One year later, in August 1632, he again
insisted: "I wrote you to let you know how to obtain an exemption
from postage. I doubt whether we can qualify for it, however, as
long as I live, because I am from Aragon. On the other hand, my
feelings and customs are Roman. After spending more than 40
years in Rome, I have practically forgotten my homeland." (31)
Nothing doing. In the beginning of May 1637, Father Alacchi and
his companions had to leave Venice.
In November 1637, Father Alacchi received permission to go
to Sardinia and Spain "to deal with matters of great importance."
He left with a cleric and, after three months in Sassari, he arrived in
Barcelona on March 10, 1638. This time, it looked like a foundation
in Spain was possible. Bishop Paul Duran of Urgell had requested
one for his Diocese. The Bishop had known and dealt with
Calasanz quite a lot during his long stay in Rome, as an auditor for
the Rota, from 1626 up until he became a bishop in 1634.
The foundation took place in Guissona on land, which
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elonged to the Bishop. He laid the first stone on May 2, 1638.
Father Alacchi, who stayed there for three years, worked in the
school. He regularly asked for reinforcements from Calasanz. The
"War of the Harvesters" broke out. The Bishop supported the
central power. The farmers were against the Bishop. The
expropriation of all episcopal goods brought agony to the relatively
new foundation. To top it all off, Father Alacchi became seriously ill
and moved to Barcelona in August 1641. From Barcelona, he
wrote to Calasanz and told him about the political situation and
about his illness. Calasanz ordered him to immediately return to
Rome.
Father Alacchi locked the doors of the house in Guissona
and took the keys to Calasanz. Calasanz kept them as a relic.
They still can be seen today among his personal effects, which are
kept in Rome. He kept hoping for the day, when the house would
be reopened. Unfortunately, he passed away without ever realizing
his dream of seeing the Pious Schools in his native land. He had
the burning desire of personally returning to reopen the house in
Urgell. He told Father Alacchi so much, just a few days after he
returned: "If I were not 80 years old, I would gladly return to reopen
the house." (32)
In 1614, the Marquis of Ariza had asked for a foundation,
when the Congregation from Lucca took over the Pious Schools. It
was too early to think about such growth. The last request came
from the Supreme Council of Aragon in early 1648. It was then too
late, because of the dramatic situation facing the Order. It was no
longer a religious order. The Founder died in the summer of 1648.
Spain would have to wait a little longer.
In 1646, two years before the death of Calasanz, his Order
had six Provinces, 37 houses and about 500 religious.
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Chapter 9
PIETY AND LETTERS
Let us interrupt the chronological rhythm of our narrative and
stop to examine the educational system used by Calasanz in the
Pious Schools. Our job would be incomplete if, when dealing with
an educator, we did not explicitly speak about his educational ideas
and methods.
A New Order for a New Ministry
From the very beginning, Calasanz had a clear idea that his
Order of the Pious Schools was totally new in the Church of God,
because its specific goal or ministry was absolutely new. All of the
religious orders, throughout history, had the same goal: to pursue
Christian perfection through the practice of the evangelical
counsels, which could be significantly summarized in the three
vows of poverty, chastity and obedience. Each congregation had
established a different way to achieve this evangelical perfection.
Those dedicated to an apostolate did not have any other ministry
but the care for souls, which was usually the work accomplished in
parishes. Others specified their ministry, by dedicating themselves
more to the care for the sick or orphans. Still others dedicated
themselves to preach or to redeem captives. Until then, none of
them had considered as its own and specific goal to instruct and
educate children. Even though some dedicated themselves to this,
it was just one of their many activities. For example, the Jesuits
and Dominicans worked in schools, but it was not their only
ministry.
The long memorandum to Cardinal Tonti was nothing more
than an indisputable proof of the novelty of the specific ministry of
the Pious Schools in the history of the Church. This memorandum
convinced the Cardinal. Calasanz wrote it more precisely in the first
paragraphs of his Constitutions: "In the Church of God, under the
guidance of the Holy Spirit, all religious Orders pursue, as an
ultimate goal, the perfection of love. Likewise, this is what our
Institute is determined to accomplish through our specific
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apostolate, which was approved by the Vicar of Christ, Pope Paul
V, of happy memory. The ecumenical councils, the fathers of the
Church, as well as the best thinking philosophers unanimously
agree that the reform of society begins with the diligent exercise of
this ministry. If boys, from their earliest years, are diligently
instructed in piety and letters, then it must follow that their whole life
will be a happy one." (1)
We must not forget that Calasanz lived in the environment of
the Tridentine reform. That is why he thought that the ministry of
his Order contributed, or must contribute, like no other order to
achieve the reform of Christian society. This ministry was clearly
specified in the foundational document of Pope Paul V. It said that
the Pious Schools were founded for "the instruction and education
of the poor." It went on to say that those entering this Congregation
"must work, try and commit themselves to teaching the three R's
and grammar to children and, above all, the principles of the
Catholic faith without pay, salary or honorarium." (2)
The personal writings of Calasanz, especially his
innumerable letters, tirelessly repeat the dual educational function
of the Pious Schools: to instruct and educate (letters) and to form in
the Christian faith (piety). The saint very explicitly stated that the
most important job of the Pious Schools was the Christian formation
of children. Let us read the following paragraphs, as an example of
those, which we could provide:
In the early years, after the foundation of the Pauline
Congregation, the Saint had already written a Spanish
description of the same: "The Pauline Congregation of the Poor
of the Mother of God of the Pious Schools has, as its mission,
the charitable education and diligent instruction of children. We
teach them tuition free, in a specific order and by subject,
reading, writing, counting, the Latin language, and especially
Christian doctrine and respect for the Lord." (3)
He very clearly included the specific mission of the Order in the
Constitutions. H wrote: "Therefore, It will be the mission of our
Institute to educate boys in the fundamentals of reading, writing,
arithmetic, the Latin language, and especially piety and Christian
doctrine. The goal of our Congregation is the mission of the
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Pious Schools: to teach children catechism and the
fundamentals in letters, so that, once educated, they may attain
eternal life." (4)
He endlessly repeated this concept in his letters. Here are a few
more expressions: "Try diligently to run the schools well in piety
and letters, because this is our mission." "Pay constant
attention to the schools. Make sure that they are well run in
piety and letters, because this is our ministry." "Concentrate on
the schools, on piety and letters, because this is our principal
mission: not only letters but also respect for the Lord." "I wonder
about you, becoming so greedy and negligent with your talent.
Your talents do not consist in celebrating Mass but in teaching
the students letters, piety and respect for the Lord." "I
encourage you and the rest in the house to vigorously teach
piety and respect for the Lord to the boys, because this is our
mission." "I very much desire that all of the priests in the house
instruct, with much diligence and harmony, letters and piety,
especially how often boys must receive the sacraments,
because this is our mission." "Our mission is to teach not only
letters but also respect for the Lord, which is more important."
"Spend all of your energy, by making sure that your students
learn, along with letters, respect for the Lord, because that is the
goal of our Institute." (5)
Besides the three vows of poverty, consecrated celibacy and
obedience, Calasanz wanted his religious to add a fourth one,
teaching under obedience. In this way, the two-fold mission of
teaching, in letters and in Christian formation, would be dignified
and, in a certain manner, hallowed. On many occasions, the
Founder referred to this fourth vow by reminding the Piarists that
they were bound to teach, because of their special vow. "Everyone
must be sure to keep the Constitutions and to pay attention to
teaching, according to the vow, which they professed." "I have read
your opinion about the fourth vow, teaching the children. This vow is
not absolute like the other three, but it is related to the vow of
obedience. Accordingly, if the superior wants a religious to teach,
then he must teach. If the superior does not want a religious to
teach, then he is not bound by the fourth vow." (6)
The teaching ministry not only changed into a sacred
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obligation when it became the fourth vow, but it also became an
authentic way to salvation. Calasanz wrote: "I must remind you in
all of my letters to take care of your teaching, even if it means that
you must leave other things undone. Teaching is our specific
mission. We will fulfill this badly, if we depart from the true way of
our salvation." "I am hoping that the Lord will give all of us a true
feeling for our Institutes’ occupation, which is our way to salvation."
"Encourage everyone in the house to save souls, by exercising our
ministry, which is the true way to heaven." (7) He also believed that
the Church had given him this ministry: "We should have enough
humility to be equal with the students, whom the Church sends us
to teach." (8)
The greatest praise for this ministry, which requires much
humility, is to be found in these words of the aging man: "If those,
who have gone to those regions, consider that what they do to a
child they also do to Christ himself, then I am sure that they would
work more diligently." (9)
Formation of Religious Teachers
According to Calasanz, the Piarist vocation was complex,
from the very beginning. It was made up of three sound and
necessary elements: at the same time, one must be a religious, a
priest and a teacher. As an Order of Clerics Regular, it admitted
two kinds of religious. This was something, which was common
among monks and friars: priests and lay brothers. The latter
usually dedicated themselves to household chores, while the priests
attended to the specific apostolate of each order. In our case, from
the very beginning, Calasanz assigned the more capable brothers
to teach. The General Chapter of 1637 proposed that, in the future,
only priests and clerics would teach. The prelates, who presided
over the Chapter, however, did not accept this proposition. In fact,
up until today, there have always been brothers, who have taught in
the schools.
Calasanz was fully conscious that his congregation was not a
simple cultural association of teachers. It was primarily a religious
order, with all its implications. Consequently, he prescribed and
required everything that was characteristic of religious Iife. These
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included: the vows, prayer, mortification and a community life,
which was fitting to religious life. Constant exhortations to holiness,
religious perfection, observance of the Constitutions, prayer and
mortification were strewn all over his many letters. Even more so,
he affirmed, with crystalline clarity, that personal salvation is the first
and principal goal for a religious. He wrote: "The first goal for a
religious, after God's glory, is his own salvation, and the salvation of
his neighbor is second." "You must know how to steer the little
vessel of your soul, by way of religious perfection, to the harbor of
eternal happiness. This is the first and principal business of each of
us." "Everyone must first pay attention to his soul and then serve
the Order and the poor students." (10) All of these ideas about
perfection must be implanted during the novitiate: "The foundation
of the Institute consists in a well-run novitiate." "Educating the
novices embodies the whole Institute." "Be particularly interested in
educating the novices well. This is the foundation of our Institute."
(11)
Elementary school teachers then did not have an honorable
profession, like they do today. Calasanz knew that. They were
respected even less, if their students were not only very young, but
also very poor. With respect to the poor, the Saint wrote: "The
prefect must receive, with great charity, the poor. It should not
matter if they do not wear shoes, have torn clothes or do not have a
hood." (12) It was a despicable and humiliating profession. Louis
Vives wrote to Erasmus on one occasion: "I felt such nauseous in
the schools. I would rather do anything than return to that filth and
to those kids." (13)
Cardinal Silvio Antoniano, who was a great educator during
the sixteenth century, said that the teachers, who worked in the
neighborhood schools of Rome, were too frequently "drifters and
unstable. They turned the education of children into a vile and
despicable exercise." (14)
Calasanz also knew this. That is why he demanded a lot of
humility from his religious. It was to be a humility, which was
necessary to put up with the job: "Let them learn as much humility
as they can. In this way, they might be disposed for such a
respectable job as teaching children, whom our enemy, the world,
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despises so much." "I hope that, in our Institute, there will be
someone who considers it a great honor to humble himself not only
to teach calligraphy and arithmetic but also to teach the little ones."
"We are required to give a better example than other religious. We
were the last religious order to be approved, and we have the
lowest mission of all. Consequently, we have a greater need for
humility than the others." (15)
Not only was humility a precious condition for those teachers,
but so were simplicity, patience, poverty, chastity, and a spirit of
sacrifice, which only the love of God and neighbor could sustain.
All of these were the qualities and virtues, which were imbued in the
future educators from the novitiate.
The future educators had to be mainly priests. This was
more problematic, because it demanded a special preparation. In
reality, the Council of Trent did not require too many studies for
future priests. It commanded: "They shall study grammar, song,
ecclesiastical computation and other liberal arts. They shall study
Sacred Scripture, ecclesiastical literature, homiletics, administration
of the sacraments, what might be useful to hear confessions, and
various rites and ceremonies." (16) In spite of so few requirements,
they were never really fully carried out. In Rome, the exams for the
priesthood asked for the recitation and understanding of the Divine
Office and the Missal, knowledge of the Roman Catechism, as
edited by Pope Pius V and the requisites for its use, and the rites
and administration of the sacraments. In the case of religious, who
were not dedicated to the care of souls, they were examined only
on their capacity to read and understand the breviary and the
Missal, at least grammatically, and to know the rites and rubrics.
There was a little more, if they wanted to hear confessions.
Calasanz did not demand much more from his own religious,
but he demanded that everyone must understand the moral issues
involving children. On the other hand, in the beginning, based upon
the advice of Cardinal Giustiniani and Father John of Jesus and
Maria, who was a Carmelite, he did not think that his religious
needed to study advanced philosophy and theology. He was too
afraid that they would not be willing to teach the fundamentals to
the little children but instead dedicate themselves to teach in
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colleges. There were many witnesses, however, who testified that
the Saint was not opposed to such studies. On the contrary, he
encouraged such studies by his young clerics, especially those in
Germany.
The mission of teachers demanded great preparation, to
learn not only the sciences but also the methods of education.
Calasanz was bold in this regard. He always wanted his sons to
study under the best experts of the time. We have only to recall his
interest in the young students and priests in Florence, who worked
with Galileo, even during his time of difficulty with the Holy Office.
Three other famous mathematicians and students of Galileo
included: Antonio Santini in Genoa, Camillus Gloriosi in Naples, and
Benedict Castelli in Rome. He sent some to study Latin under
Caspar Scioppio in Milan. He hired Andrew Baiano, a famous
Portuguese grammar teacher, to work in San Pantaleo. He
employed Ventura Sarafellini to teach calligraphy to the children
and young clerics. One summer, he sent his young clerics and
other religious to Frascati to study philosophy under Thomas
Campanella, who was a renowned Dominican, a convert and a
prisoner of the Holy Office for many years.
The few remaining catalogues of the books, which were kept
in Piarists libraries at the time, are an eloquent witness to the
interest felt by everyone for contemporary culture. There are books
on mathematics, philosophy, theology, catechetics, education,
music, etc. Some of these works came from abroad. The variety
and abundance of these books are to be admired more, when we
think of their sparse economic resources and the misery, in which
they lived. The books, which were written or edited by Piarists
during the life of the Founder or just a little later, also indicate the
high level they reached. Without a doubt, they are the results of
their common interest to dignify the ministry of the Institute and of
the efforts made by the Founder.
We must admit, however, that the haste to fill the classrooms
and the houses with religious interrupted the formation of the young
clerics. The constant requests for foundations were also the cause
for not being able to fulfill the Founder's dream: houses of formation
for studies. On the other hand, we do not know how much poor
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Calasanz was the victim of the selfishness of cardinals, bishops,
princes and lords, who forced him to fill their bold requests for new
foundations.
Intellectual Formation of Children (Letters)
Calasanz was the founder of the first free school for children
in Europe. The intellectual, moral and religious formation, the free
instruction, and its accessibility to children, especially the poor,
were indispensable elements of the Pious Schools. Calasanz
confirmed a basic principle of our society today: all children,
especially the poor and marginalized, have a right to education and
culture. This would not be possible without a free elementary
education. Nations waited for centuries before realizing that the
state had the obligation to offer free education to all children.
Calasanz understood that instruction would not be effective
unless attendance were obligatory. He demanded it, and he even
approached the civil authorities to force the children to attend
school, instead of playing and wandering through the streets. If
anyone was absent, repeatedly and without justification, then he
was kicked out of school. Daily attendance was necessary in order
for the methodical and systematic instruction of every subject to be
effective.
When we talk about a popular (for the people) free school,
we might think only about the elementary level. We must
remember that Calasanz was the founder of the first free
elementary and secondary schools for the people. The highest
level belonged to the Jesuits. In some instances, Calasanz tried to
show that the Piarists were not competitors to the Jesuits. The
Piarists accepted the children, who could not yet enter the schools
of the Jesuits. From the beginning, however, he did not give up the
freedom to offer his students the study of humanities, which was
required to attend a university. It was an authentic battle for
freedom of instruction versus the monopoly for secondary schools,
which the Jesuits wanted to keep for themselves, at that time and in
later centuries.
There was no need for schedules, curriculum or student body
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organization in the neighborhood schools. Only a small number of
children attended them, and only one teacher had to teach a few
subjects.
Calasanz, however, had to find solutions for new educational
problems: he had to divide the boys into uniform classes. The size
of the group kept on growing, ranging between 1,200 and 1,500.
He had to arrange the subjects accordingly among the different
classes and sections. He had to develop a master schedule for
each section. He had to set down the norms for promoting students
from kindergarten to rhetoric. He had to find textbooks for each
subject. To accomplish all of this, he logically used not only what
was done in the neighborhood schools of Rome but also the
organization and methods used by the Jesuits in the Colegio
Romano. He had to adapt everything to the elementary and middle
levels.
We must point out his appreciation for mathematics in
education. He saw in math and science some employment
possibilities for the poor, in contrast to the humanistic formation,
which was typical of the Jesuits. He also valued the teaching of the
vernacular language, in contrast to the elite use of Latin in the
classrooms of the Society of Jesus. Social surroundings filled the
educational thinking of Calasanz. He knew that his students were
poor and would have to leave school at an early age. The majority
would have to earn a living to help their parents. They could not
waste time in school. They must learn know the essentials well.
That was where the need for an intuitive method in all of the
schools came into play. Succinctness, simplicity, and clarity were
most important. He was not blind to the progress of science,
education and instruction. Therefore, he applied it in his schools.
He did not like to close himself in with fixed methods.
Here is what he wrote in his Constitutions: "In teaching
grammar and any other subject, the teacher must use a simple,
efficient and, if possible, brief method. This is very helpful to the
student. In teaching a subject, great efforts must be employed to
select the best methods, which are acclaimed by the experts." (17)
Calasanz divided the complete course of studies into nine
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classes, counting in reverse numerical order. The youngest
students were number 9, and the oldest were number 1. The
school began with number 9, which was called "the Holy Cross."
These youngest children were taught how to bless themselves.
They were six years old. They learned the letters and the syllables.
This class was the most tiring. Few people, except for Calasanz,
liked teaching it. He felt a special liking for it. Calasanz very
effectively expressed his love for teaching, his personal vocation
and the charism of the Order, whenever he taught the little ones.
He had founded the Pious Schools for the poor children. Until the
end of his life, he felt a special predilection for the little ones and for
the poorest. His contemporaries declared: "I have seen him teach
with great charity the poor, particularly the poorest and the
youngest." "As the Superior General, he did not let a day go by
without visiting the classes, particularly the younger ones. In those
classes, he used to take the poorest and taught them with great
love, not only letters but also the spiritual life." (18)
The other eight classes were divided into two cycles; each
cycle had four classes. In this way, the first four made up the
elementary school and the other four the secondary.
The four classes of the elementary school were:
Eighth (“the Psalter"): They learned how to read mechanically
and to distinguish syllables. They used the Psalter (Latin
Breviary), which they did not understand.
Seventh: They read in the vernacular.
Sixth: This class was a continuation of the previous one. They
ended up reading and understanding what they read.
Fifth: This class was divided into three sections: writing for
beginners, arithmetic (abacus) and nominatives (grammar).
Everyone had to learn how to write. Those, who had to leave
school for work, studied the four fundamental operations of
arithmetic, fractions and proportions. They also perfected their
reading skills. In the afternoon, they studied calligraphy as a
means for employment. Those, who kept on studying,
progressed to the "nominative" section. They learned the Latin
declensions and the basics of grammar. In the afternoon, they
studied calligraphy. In later years, a class for music was
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established. This was a big help for the employment of children,
because there were so many "musical chapels" in Rome. It was
also well received in Central Europe.
The secondary schools were created to increase the
possibilities of employment for the children, leaving the door open
for them to go to the university. Secondary school had the following
four classes:
Fourth: They studied elementary Latin grammar. They finished
the declensions and began the conjugations and concordances.
Third: They studied middle level grammar: passive verbs,
composition of sentences and Latin conversation. They also
learned by heart the Dialogues of Louis Vives.
Second: They completed their studied of grammar. They also
learned Cicero. When they finished this class, they could
directly enter the Colegio Romano, which was run by the
Jesuits.
First: In order to complete their pre-university studies, Calasanz
added this last class. They studied rhetoric. It was also an
advanced class in Latin.
This was the schedule of classes for San Pantaleo and for
most other schools. On the other hand, some schools with fewer
students had only seven, five or even two classes.
In the beginning, exams were given every quarter. Later on,
they changed to semesters. A normal boy could complete
elementary school in less than two years. He could finish
secondary school in one and a half years.
There were six hours daily. That was the general schedule.
In winter, they began at eight and finished at eleven. In the
afternoon, they went from two to five. In summer, they started
earlier in the morning and finished later in the afternoon to avoid the
heat.
School began on November 2 and ended on October 1 for
the older boys. The length of the holidays decreased from the first
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class to the ninth class. The little ones finished their year on
October 15. Vacation, from year to year, was called "autumn" and
not "summer" vacation. The school year included, more or less,
194 days. There were 55 days with only morning classes and 116
days with no classes, counting Sundays, feast days and vacation
days.
There were only a few textbooks. They used the Psalter for
reading. They used a Latin grammar, which was written by Manuel
Alvarez, who was a Spanish Jesuit. Father Dragonetti, however,
always used the text by Nebrija. There was another famous
grammar, which revolutionized all of the others. It was written by
another Spaniard, Francis Sanchez. That text was followed by still
another, which was written by the well-known author, Caspar
Scioppio. For many years, Calasanz was very interested in the
composition of a brief, simple and clear Latin grammar for the
students. He gave the job to some Piarists. Father Francis Apa
edited the final version. There was a definite novelty to this text; it
was written in Italian and not Latin.
We must acknowledge that the Pious Schools were a
religious order, which was exclusively dedicated to teaching,
especially in elementary and secondary schools. They influenced
the systematic arrangement of public curricula in nations where
they exercised their ministry with undeniable generosity. The
principles and educational ideas came from their Founder, who
was, without a doubt, one of the most relevant educators in the
history of the western world.
Moral and Christian Formation of Children (Piety)
In the educational system of Calasanz, one must distinguish
between three aspects: the methodic and regular catechetical
instruction; the practice of piety or Christian living; the moral, civil
and social education. As for catechetical instruction, the body of
doctrine that the children had to know by heart was: the Our Father,
the Hail Mary, the Creed, the Angelus, the mystery of the Blessed
Trinity, the incarnation, the passion of Christ, the last judgment,
heaven, hell, original and actual sin and methods of prayer. They
were also prepared to receive the sacraments. The question and
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answer method, which is found in all catechisms, was used. They
received seven or eight lines to memorize every day. The
questions were taken from Robert Bellarmine’s catechism in Italy
and from Peter Canisius’ catechism in Central Europe. Calasanz
wrote a catechism, which was appropriate for the little ones. It was
called: Mysteries of the Life and Passion of Christ our Lord to Be
Taught to the Kindergarten Students in the Pious Schools. The
teacher explained the catechism one day a week. The children had
to memorize it. Catechism was studied every day for fifteen
minutes at the end of class in the morning and in the afternoon.
They recited prayers and listened to exhortations every day,
during periods, called the "Perpetual Prayer." On Sundays and holy
days, they recited the catechism, sang hymns, prayed in common
and listened to exhortations, during another period of time, called
the "oratories." The practice of piety was daily, weekly and monthly.
This is a brief description of their daily prayer schedule. In
the beginning, before morning classes, they attended Mass and
said the litanies of the Blessed Mother. They also chanted the
litanies in the afternoon. The Mass was later moved to twelve
noon. It lasted only one half hour. When the time of the Mass was
changed, they recited the Morning Offering and special prayers to
the Holy Spirit and the Blessed Mother. They recited these prayers
in common and in the classroom.
During class time, in the morning and afternoon, there was
"Perpetual Prayer." It consisted in gathering the children in groups
of nine in the oratory. They took turns without interruption. Later
on, the number of children grew to ten or twelve. A priest taught
them how to pray and receive the sacraments for anywhere from 15
to 30 minutes. He also preached to them, and they all prayed
together. Calasanz probably composed the Crown of the Twelve
Stars in honor of the Blessed Virgin for these occasions. The
children chanted the litanies of Our Blessed Mother to break the
monotony. "I wish that our students would recite this devotion to
the Blessed Mother every day." (19) From among the precious
details of this Marian prayer, it is worth remembering the spirit of
ecumenism, which is reflected in the last part. The individual prays
for the "holy Catholic Church, the propagation of the faith, peace
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among Christian princes and the eradication of all heresies." There
is also a reference to the Virgin Mary, "who educated Jesus in his
childhood."
Besides these daily common prayers, there were also others
for waking up in the morning, going to bed at night, a daily
examination of conscience, and acts of faith, hope, charity and
contrition. Calasanz wrote other prayers for recitation on different
occasions.
The weekly practices included Sunday Mass. All of the
students had to attend Mass in the Pious Schools. The students
were divided into two groups: the older ones received a special
exhortation prior to the recitation of the Little Office. The little ones
received another, less difficult exhortation and then prayed the
rosary in the oratory or in a classroom. Afterwards, everyone went
to church for Mass. In the beginning, there was a 30 minute
spiritual talk to both groups on Tuesdays and Saturdays. Later, it
was only given on Saturdays.
Each month, they had to go to confession and receive Holy
Communion. The intention of Calasanz was to increase the
frequency of receiving the sacraments. For this reason, he allowed
the reception of communion every fifteen days and, according to the
disposition and devotion of the children, even once a week.
Calasanz paid special attention to the teachers of
mathematics in the fifth class and to the teachers of rhetoric in the
first class, because they were very important subjects for the
students. Both classes were the last ones, which the students
would attend, before they went to work. The Saint wanted the
teachers for these classes to be the best, so that they might teach
the boys respect for the Lord, piety, and the various religious
practices and give them appropriate exhortations.
The moral education of the students was based on what
would become known as the "preventive method." Calasanz
always insisted on the importance of the sacraments and prayer in
the formation of boys, as a practical means to avoid sin. In his
writings, he frequently mentioned the idea that children, who have
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failed and deserve a punishment, should be sent to confession,
which would be more beneficial than punishment. Let us read: "You
will demand that a teacher may cane a child only twice or give him
no more than five lashes, while he is fully clothed. If anyone
deserves a more severe punishment, then have the child sent to
you so that you might decide on the appropriate punishment. It
must be benign at first. If the boy has a relapse, then increase the
punishment. But above all, use frequent confession, which can
produce much better results. As far as the punishment of the
students is concerned, always try to resort to confession and
forgiveness. The sacraments can produce better results than
lashes. It is better for the students to frequently receive the
sacraments, than to be punished and to be given lashes.” (20)
In order to help prevent temptation and sin, Calasanz felt that
it was very important to give the students examples from the lives of
Christ, his Mother and, in a special way, the children, who are
saints and worthy of imitation and admiration: Saints Justus and
Pastor, who were the martyrs of Alcala de Henares, and Saints
Alfio, Filadelfo and Cirino, who were three Sicilian martyrs. The
latter group was from Lentini (Leontino), which was the birthplace of
the venerable Father Dragonetti. Father John Francis Apa wrote a
book called, One Hundred Notable Examples of Some Children and
Young Men, Divided into Ten Characteristics According to the Ten
Commandments of Divine Law."
We gather from several books, which contained the rules and
norms to be kept by the students of the Pious Schools, that the
boys were taught to honor their parents, teachers and elders and to
appreciate discipline, punctuality, work, order, good manners and
cleanliness. They were forbidden to view public shows, comedies,
charlatans, or games of cards and dice. They could not swim in
rivers, unless they were accompanied by a parent or a teacher.
They had to be home by the time the afternoon bell tolled for the
Ave Maria. All of this implies that education was not confined to the
walls of the schools. It went further by including every time and
place in the life of the boys.
In the beginning, when the Pauline Congregation of the
Pious Schools was officially established, if Calasanz did in fact limit
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the schools to only the poor, then that restriction was not enforced.
Children, who were poor and rich, noble and plebeian, were
accepted, even though a preference for the poor was always
maintained. This blend, which occurred in the classroom, in the
church, in the oratory, on the streets and in every moment of school
life, helped to create in every child an atmosphere of equality and
brotherhood. The consequences for social life must have been
everlasting. In his Rules, Calasanz insisted that there are other
values, which deserve to be respected, more than wealth and
nobility. Let us read: "Nobody must pretend to be unrivaled or
supreme to others in our schools, unless it is a matter of decency or
greater diligence and success in studies." "In the school, no one
may assume honor, importance or rank over any other person, for
any reason other than the value of intelligence and good customs."
(21)
His value system was totally different from the one that was
generally used in baroque Rome. On more than one occasion,
there were terrible riots, not only between the poor and rich,
between the nobles and plebeians, but also between the
ambassadors of the great powers of the time, over something as
trivial as deciding the order of precedence. At the same time that
he tried to raise the cultural level of the poor, he also reminded the
rich and the nobility that neither wealth nor ancestry could be ever
considered superior to intelligence, decency and culture. For
Calasanz, that is what education was all about.
Chapter 10
THE APOSTOLIC VISIT OF 1625
Before and After
In March 1624, Pope Urban VIII ordered a general visitation
of all the churches, convents, monasteries and pious places in
Rome. It began in Saint John Lateran in the middle of 1624 and
ended in May 1632. Three hundred and thirty-three churches,
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monasteries, convents and other pious institutions were visited.
The visitation of San Pantaleo, the house and community of the
Pious Schools, was scheduled for October 27, 1625. There were
28 religious in the community and 28 novices in the novitiate in the
Quirinale. According to the minutes of the visit, the school of San
Pantaleo had 900 students and the house of the Borgo (il Borghi),
which was next to the Vatican, had another 200 students.
It should probably have been a visitation, without either pain
or joy. It should probably have dealt more with the state of the
church and the community, and less with the state of the whole
order and its problems. Such matter usually belonged to the
Congregation of Bishops and Regulars. In this case, however, it
was not to be. Father Paul Ottonelli, who was one of the Assistants
General, was responsible for matters taking a slightly different
course. In the middle of 1625, Father Ottonelli began to feel some
resentment, because the Superior General paid more attention to
Father Alacchi than to him. Father Ottonelli wrote to the Pope and
asked for a secret visit of the community in San Pantaleo and the
novitiate, where Father Alacchi was Master of Novices. He also
asked for only two visitors: Bishop Anthony Seneca and Father
Ferrety, who was a Capuchin. None of the two served as an official
visitor, because their appointment was not made until April 1626.
The Pope appointed Bishop Seneca. Father Ottonelli went to
personally inform Bishop Seneca about the state of the house of
San Pantaleo and the Order. He intended to seek a remedy for
what he thought were abuses. Bishop Seneca asked Father
Ottonelli to put his complaints into writing. Father Ottonelli outlined
a memorandum, dated August 5, 1625. They were an attack on
both the Superior General and Father Alacchi. These were the
complaints:
Total poverty binds one to live exclusively from alms, but the
Superior General is thinking about founding a school using the
inheritance of Cardinal Tonti. He collects rent from some shops.
He received a little house with a field. He sold the fruit, which
was grown in the field. Vestments, which were made out of silk
and gold, are being used in the church. This practice is against
the directives in the Constitutions. They wanted to purchase a
house, which was in run down condition, in Frascati. They were
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forced to pay for it, within a fixed period of time, according to the
bill of sale. Therefore, the religious are under the pain of
excommunication, if they do not pay for it on time.
The Assistants General must live in Rome in order to help and
counsel the Superior General. On the other hand, he keeps
them away. One of them, Father Ottonelli, has come to Rome,
with permission, to gain the indulgence of the HoIy Year. He is
not consulted either in serious or simple matters. The Superior
General wants to do things by himself, as if he were an absolute
tyrant, as if his subjects and assistants were his slaves.
The Superior General lets Father Alacchi from Sicily do
whatever he wants. Some people say that he was expelled from
the novitiate of the Capuchins, because he was possessed.
When he was one of our novices, he never obeyed the
superiors, and he has done "many foolhardy things.” (1)
The accusations were not completely false. On the other
hand, expressed in this way, they amounted to an unworthy
accusation, especially coming from an Assistant General.
Father Ottonelli was later sorry for what he did. On
September 17, Calasanz wrote: "Yesterday evening, Father Paul
Ottonelli knelt to ask for forgiveness, while acknowledging his pride
and past error." In another letter dated September 20, he briefly
wrote: "Father Paul went to la Scala to make a retreat." (2)
The visitors arrived one month later. These included Bishop
Seneca and two companions. On the afternoon of October 27,
Calasanz wrote: "This morning we had the visit of the prelates.
They briefly examined the whole household." (3) The interviews
with each individual must have been very brief. In one morning,
they interviewed all 28 religious. They also made a meticulous visit
to the church and the school. Given the numerous details and
problems, which were written in the minutes and documents of the
visit, one can only suspect that there must have been other
accusations, which were made before and after the visit, besides
those leveled by Father Ottonelli. The accusations created a bad
impression about the Superior General and the Order, because
they were biased and inaccurate. Nevertheless, the impression of
Calasanz was satisfactory, judging by what he wrote four days later:
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"I spoke with Bishop Seneca after the visit. He and his companions
were very satisfied, because they did not find anything wrong with
the Order. Bishop Seneca told me that our Institute could not be
any better than it already is. It is necessary that we keep poverty,
dress properly and care for the little ones. We must preach and
hear confessions as other orders do. He would like to meet again
to discuss the obstacles, which our work might face in the future,
and to have the Institute confirmed with an Apostolic Bull on the
occasion of that visit." (4)
They must have had many more discussions. At the end of
the year, Calasanz wrote to Father Alacchi: "Bishop Seneca
believes that one of the problems, which may hurt the quality of our
Institute, is to accept too many foundations. We would then need to
employ individuals, who are not prepared to teach. He then said to
me that we must not accept any more foundations without their
permission. We must train individuals to be good teachers. He
also informed me about other matters, which might become a cause
for poor quality. He asked me to suggest to him other ideas, which
I might wish to be included in the bull. I gave him five suggestions.
He was very much pleased." (5)
Three Complementary Documents
In both letters, Calasanz says that Bishop Seneca was the one
who proposed the concrete points of observance or dangers of
relaxation and that he "gave him five suggestions, which pleased
him very much.” Naturally, the one who knew the Order well was
Calasanz and not Bishop Seneca. Calasanz was the one who
concretized the points and not Bishop Seneca. He merely
approved them as being very appropriate, after asking Calasanz to
present them in a memorandum. Calasanz did so promptly. In the
two previously mentioned letters, Calasanz identified the five points,
which he humbly attributed to Bishop Seneca. This supports our
explanation. In his memorandum, Calasanz wrote: "This Institute
will be very useful to Christian society, if it is governed by apostolic
individuals. We humbly ask Your ExceIIencies to help it now, by
correcting the difficulties that, in time, may cause us to relax the
rules of the Institute. In this way, the Institute will always maintain
its pristine fervor and mission. The principle points, which might
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cause relaxation in the future, are the following:
to keep poverty negligently;
to be well dressed and wear shoes;
to accept more foundations and not have suitable personnel to
staff them;
to turn away the little ones;
to have religious wishing to dedicate themselves to teach major
sciences, be teachers of philosophy or theology, confessors and
preachers as in other institutes." (6)
The five points, except for the second, which was really related to
the first, were ideas of the Founder, which he repeated persistently
in his letters. Therefore, what he wanted was a new pontifical bull,
which would approve of the Institute and insist particularly on these
five fundamental ideas. Although Calasanz wanted to zealously
spread the Institute throughout the world and was pleased with the
constant requests for new foundations, he understood that he could
not honor all of them. He simply did not have enough trained
personnel. On the other hand, it was hard to say no. In May 1627,
he presented the following petition to the Pope: "For the good of the
Institute of the Pious Schools, which is desired by many cities and
places, it would be extremely helpful if your Holiness would direct
the Superior General of the Pious Schools to not accept any more
foundations for a period of two years. During this time, enough
individuals and professed will be suitably trained to exercise the
ministry of the Institute with the required perfection." The
Congregation of Religious issued a decree on May 21, 1627. It
granted the Founder's wish. (7)
Bishop Seneca and Calasanz talked about a pontifical bull,
which would confirm the Order and include the five fundamental
points, which would be necessary for the preservation of the
Institute. The idea was prevalent among the Piarists. Father Peter
Casani, who was an Assistant General, also wrote a memorandum
to the visitors. He proposed some ideas to be included in the bull.
He probably acted on his own and without the knowledge of
Calasanz. He hoped to make a few changes to the Constitutions of
the Founder. It reminds us of some items which Father Casani
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included in a document, PussiIIi gregis idea. He had written that
preparatory document for the Constitutions, but it was later shelved
when the priests from Lucca did not want to substantially change
their institute.
In this memorandum by Father Casani, there is not one
single criticism or accusation against anybody. He only mentioned
some personal ideas. In summary:
He asked for better philosophical and theological formation,
prohibiting the clerics from being taught outside of the houses of
formation.
The Order should have the power to expel those guilty of heresy
and other special grievous sins.
The care of souls should be confined to children or be declared
a secondary goal of the Institute. It should always be
subordinate to the needs of the students.
He wanted to deny the Order permission to own not only
permanent goods but also houses, churches and other
residences.
He even described some very insignificant details regarding
poverty, including the luster of vestments and sacred vessels.
Books, which were written or edited by a member, should not
mention the name but only the fact that he was a Piarist.
Everyone should sign their names, using the word, "poor".
All of the members of the Order should be clerics, receive the
tonsure and wear a biretta.
Physical contact with money should be forbidden under pain of
excommunication. (8)
None of these points was taken seriously by the visitors. On the
other hand, Calasanz later accepted the last two points and
imposed them on the whole Order. As far as the seventh one is
concerned, until his death, Father Casani signed his name "Peter
poor."
There was another document, which was written by
Calasanz and given to Bishop Seneca. The Saint described the
way of life of a Piarist: They spend most of their time in the schools
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with the students. The profession of the vow of absolute poverty
imposes limits on them. Since they are unable to possess goods,
they must live by begging or receiving alms. They also go out at
harvest time to store up provisions for the whole year. They wear a
cassock, like a diocesan priest, but it is made of coarse cloth. They
wear woolen shirts and sandals but no socks. They sleep on straw
mattresses with enough blankets but no sheets. They may stay in
bed for seven hours. At table, they use napkins but no linen cloth.
They eat enough, "but only what the poor eat in the same locality."
On Sundays, Tuesdays and Thursdays they may eat meat, but they
fast on Wednesdays and Fridays. They exercise discipline on
Mondays, Wednesdays and Fridays. They have the chapter of
faults on Fridays. On Sundays, they plan their mortifications for the
next week. Every morning, they have mental prayer in common for
one hour. They have examination of conscience at noon. After
eating, they recite the Iitanies of the Blessed Mother and the "five
psalms." They recite the litanies of the Saints at night. Before
going to bed, they make an examination of conscience. (9) Indeed,
it was an austere and demanding life, which only time would relax.
Minutes and Decrees of the Visit
The discussions with Bishop Seneca gave Calasanz some
confidence that things would work out. He would not have liked
what was written in the official minutes. They were never read,
because he only received the decrees much later. It is lamentable.
There were 335 places, which were visited in Rome. It appears that
the visitors stuck their noses into the life of the individual Piarists
and the Order with more detail than anywhere else. The minutes
and decrees corresponding to the visit of the church of San
Pantaleo and its schools describe the detail. Unfortunately, they
dealt with uneven rancor.
One can see right away that the visitors listened to the
informers, who distorted the facts and circumstances. Leaving
aside what refers to the church, let us see what they had to say
about the Order:
The majority of teachers are incapable of teaching. They
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include inept novices, who are scorned by the children.
These inept teachers do not have a mentor to prepare them.
There are a large number of lay people and other inept
individuals, who run the schools.
No General, Provincial or Local Chapter has been held since
the foundation of the Order. Everything is decided by the
Superior General.
The sick do not have access to the necessary medicine.
Fifteen priests have died this year. More than forty died during
the past eight years.
The Superior General's unreasonable desire to expand the
Order has placed it in danger of being terminated. There are
not enough personnel to govern it and to care for the houses.
A lay brother is the Superior General's secretary. He could very
well have a priest or a cleric.
Some priests have tried to spend time by studying philosophy,
theology, other sciences or homiletics. The Superior General
would like to accept churches, open new houses and spread
the Institute with inept and unnecessary personnel.
The little ones are not easily accepted. (10)
Father Ottonelli only presented the fourth complaint. The rest
had to have come from other sources. In their discussions, Bishop
Seneca and Calasanz only examined the sixth, eighth and ninth
points.
Months went by, and the decrees from the visit did not yet
arrive. Father Ottonelli passed away on February 18, 1626. Bishop
Seneca also died in August of the same year. By June, after many
delays, the decrees referring to San Pantaleo and to the Pious
Schools were already written. We do not know whether Bishop
Seneca had anything to do with them. He had been sick since
early 1626. There was also a serious mistake. The decrees were
sent to the church of San Pantaleo a Monti, which belonged to the
Basilian monks. Something else must also have happened.
Calasanz did not receive the decrees until September 10, 1628.
Three years had gone by since the time of the visit. Meanwhile,
some things had already changed.
The decree included 17 points. The first 10 referred to the
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church, and the other 7 provisions referred exclusively to the 9
points, which were summarized in the previously described
minutes. Therefore, the discussions between Bishop Seneca and
Calasanz were worth nothing. The points really should have
belonged to the Congregation of Bishops and Regulars and not to
the visit. One of the bitterest provisions referred to number 4 of the
minutes. It mentioned the accusation by Fr. Ottonelli. It decreed
that, within fifteen days, the Superior General had to explain to the
Congregation why he had not convoked a General Chapter during
the first eight years of his administration. Calasanz had to provide
a list of the members, who would be most capable to direct the
Order. The sixth provision was also of special importance. It
prohibited the Superior General and any other superior from
opening new houses "outside of Rome," without permission from
the Pope or the Congregation. (11)
Calasanz' Answer
The decree of the visit was read to the community in the oratory
of San Pantaleo. Father Berro tells us that Calasanz, who
commented on it, said: "If the Pope, after learning my faults, sent
me to the galleys for my penance, then I would accept it as a
special grace from the Lord. I would be happy to suffer in this life,
what I will have to suffer in the next." (12) Of course, he was
sincere and accepted the idea that there was some truth to the
accusations. As the Superior General of the Order, he had to
defend himself and he was obliged to respond to what he was being
asked. He very briefly answered each point in this way:
To 11: No teachers will teach humanities and rhetoric,
without first mastering the two subjects.
To 12: One priest has been already assigned to mentor
those, who will become teachers.
To 13: No one will receive the habit, unless it is in conformity
with the Constitutions.
To 14: The priests of the Pious Schools do not teach the
higher level sciences, because our ministry does not allow it.
To 15: The Superior General had already asked the Pope for
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a decree, which prohibited the creation of the Pious Schools
anywhere for a period of two years. This decision was made
in order to properly prepare teachers.
To 16: The children of the poor are six or seven years old
when they start learning the first letters. They are not any
younger, because they are incapable of learning and will
disturb the others. The sick received everything, which the
doctor prescribed, and also any assistance and service they
needed.
To 17: In accordance with the Constitutions of 1622, the first
General Chapter was held six years after the founding of the
Order in 1627. Three years later, another General Chapter
was convened in 1630. It appears that the Congregation was
not correctly informed about this matter.
The Superior General never had a lay brother, who served as
his secretary." (13)
He added to his formal answer the list of religious, who he
felt were suitable to govern. They were: Fathers Casani,
Castelli, Graziani, Tencani, Pizzardo, Baldi, Busdragni, Bianchi,
Vitali and Galletti. In conclusion, he wrote: "I believe that they
are more capable to govern as Superior General than I am.” (14)
Besides sending the answer to the Congregation, he
personally met with the Vice-Regent of Rome, who had been the
judge and secretary of the visit. He wanted to explain how hard
it would be to strictly adhere to the decree. The Vice-Regent
told him "that the decrees were not precepts but only recommendations."
In reality, whether they were precepts or simply
recommendations, this was the first time that Calasanz was
presented with a list of problems, which needed his attention and
care. During the rest of his life time, such matters would
continue to come up, again and again, during other visits and in
General Chapters. We might lament the unbalanced
interference of the visit in the internal affairs of the Order. There
were also the stern statements in the decrees, the accusations
and the exaggerated claims. On the other hand, all of them
contributed by providing a description of the Order’s problems,
some of which would frequently recur. For this reason, we have
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described in some detail the famous apostolic visit of 1625.
These recurring problems would be: need for a central
house for studies, where the future teachers would have
sufficient time to systematically prepare; selection of vocations;
exclusive dedication to schools; insistent requests for new
foundations; the attitude of Calasanz with respect to governing
the whole Order by himself, where he by-passed his official
collaborators and dictated to his provincials and rectors. We
must not, however, think that he was the only person
responsible for these problems. In many cases, he acted after
being forced to do so by inevitable circumstances. He helplessly
deplored the abuses committed by others, even the superiors.
One cannot deny, on the other hand, that he was an
authoritarian. He was used to directing people and telling them
what to do. He would govern "his work" from its beginnings at
the little school of Saint Dorothy until the time when he would be
relieved as Superior General. He was not able to free himself
from control and responsibility. He lived, at a time, when
ecclesiastical and civil absolutism was the rule. At the time,
leadership in religious orders resembled more a monarchy than
a democracy. Finally, one must admit that he was surrounded by
mediocre people. The few, who stood out because of their talents
for initiative and command, he would switch from province to
province and from house to house. At the same time, he appointed
them as assistants general, provincials, visitors and local superiors.
He placed them in charge of new foundations, because his very old
age did not allow him to get around too much. Those, whom he
trusted and overworked with responsibilities, could not stay put in
Rome. Next to the Superior General, they were forced to act alone.
They accused him of being a dictator, absolute prince, slave driver
and tyrant.
He undauntedly endured retaliations from inside and the
decisions and decrees from the outside, particularly from the Holy
See. During moments of tribulation, on grey days, he went to the
classroom of the little ones, who were his favorites, to teach them
how to bless themselves and perhaps spell a name: M-A-R-I-A.
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General Chapter of 1627
Chapter 11
GENERAL CHAPTERS
According to the Constitutions, the General Chapters should
be held every six years to elect a new Superior General.
In November 1621, the Pious Schools were declared a
religious order. Therefore, six years later, the first General Chapter
should have been celebrated. Calasanz so ordered it and
convoked it for October 1627. The following representatives from
the whole Order attended the Chapter: Father Joseph Calasanz,
Superior General; Father Peter Casani, Provincial of Naples; Father
Francis Castelli, Provincial of Genoa; Father Jacob Graziani,
Provincial of Rome; Father Peregrine Tencani, a professed priest;
Father Glicerio Ceruti, rector of San Pantaleo and Master of
Novices. Father Ceruti was appointed secretary of the General
Chapter, and Father Dominic Ruzola served as the honorary
president, out of deference to all he had done for the Institute.
There were four sessions: October 11, 12 and 27 and
November 4. They discussed several topics, which included: some
matters with regard to poverty, such as the use of money, mutual
help between houses and the renunciation of will bequests; the
inability to appeal to tribunals to defend one's own rights; the
faculties of the Superior General to dismiss delinquent or hopeless
individuals, without asking the Holy See; problems with the cloister
and separation between the religious' residence and schools.
There were also discussions about the special situations and the
problems of some religious. It was proposed to ask the Pope for a
bull, which would confirm the Order and its Constitutions. Such a
request had already been solicited from the visitors in 1625. They
also stressed the requirement to have special permission for travel
to Rome. They also approved a very important document, which
created a third class of religious in the Order. They were called
"brother clerics." We will talk about them in another chapter. This
was the most important matter of the General Chapter.
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On the last day, after discussing all of the topics, the minutes
stated: "After asking all of the priests if they had anything else to
discuss, and the answer being no, the first General Chapter ended
on the feast of Saint Charles, on November 4, 1627." (1) They
were still waiting for the results of the visit of 1625. The decrees
would not arrive until the following year. It is very interesting to note
that, on this occasion and at the request of Calasanz, none of
those, who were representing the provinces of the Order, raised
any complaints about the way the Order was being governed by the
"holy old man." None of the assistants, who were also provincials,
complained about the Superior General sending them far from
Rome or treating them like "slaves." Even more so; no one, not
even the Superior General, referred to any of the serious questions,
which would later be raised in the documents of the apostolic visit.
All of this means that none of those responsible for the Order,
including Calasanz, gave any importance to the problems, which
the visitors or writers of the decrees did. They simply considered
them as normal issues in the life of the Order, which warranted
discussion during the first General Chapter.
General Chapter of 1631
On April 28, 1622, Pope Gregory XV appointed Father
Joseph Calasanz to serve as the Superior General of the
Pious Schools for nine years, instead of for life, as the
Constitutions had decreed. The second General Chapter was
called to elect a successor at the end of April 1631.
Calasanz very much wanted to give up the responsibility.
In the middle of April 1630, he wrote: "I am waiting to leave the
government of this house, which is so close to the Pope and to
so many cardinals, as soon as possible to a suitable individual.
If God gives me health, I want to retire in Naples." "God
knows how much I wanted and still want to return to Naples,
but this will only be possible when I leave the house in Rome
and its government in good hands. Perhaps the Lord will grant
it to us." (2) Indeed, he had left his heart in Naples. He was
also tired of directing people. He wanted to be free from the
worries and problems of his job. In November, he wrote: "On
numerous occasions, I have desired to be a porter or
infirmarian in any house, rather than to hold the job, which I
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have now, as God is my witness. May God, in his mercy,
ignore my faults." (3)
In 1630, the plague broke out in most of Italy. Manzoni
described it in his immortal novel, I Promessi Sposi. In the first
months of 1631, the plague still continued. The prohibition to
move around and travel, in order to avoid infection, was still in
effect. The Holy See granted permission for the term of
Calasanz to be extended for a period of six more months. The
Chapter was postponed until October.
In due time, the Provincial from Naples and Genoa and
his delegates arrived in Rome. Father Stephen Cherubini, who
was the General Visitor, also arrived. However, the Provincial
from Tuscany and his delegates could not yet travel, because
of the plague. On October 31, the Superior General’s
extension to govern had ended. Until the last moment, they did
not want to approach the Pope and ask for another
postponement. They hoped that the representatives from
Florence would arrive on time, and that the election could take
place in the Chapter. But October 31 came and went. The
juridical situation was embarrassing, because the Order did not
have a legitimate head. They went to the Cardinal Vicar, Marcio
Ginetti. They spoke with him about the appointment of the Superior
General and his four Assistants. They delegated Father Casani to
write a petition to the Pope, requesting that Calasanz be confirmed
as Superior General for life, according to the Constitutions.
In the memorandum, Father Casani also asked for the
following: in addition to the Superior General, "four of the best
priests will be elected as assistants, and each one will be
responsible for one of the four provinces that the Order now has.
The Superior General will be required to keep them at his side. In
other words, they will live in Rome, except when there is a need to
personally visit each province. The Superior General must consult
the provincials in every aspect of his job. If he does anything
without the advice of these assistants or without their majority,
then it will be declared invalid, null and with no value. He must
choose one of the assistants to serve as his monitor." (4) The
paragraph, in its rough draft, was a display of disagreement and
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even implicit criticism of the independent leadership style of
Calasanz. On one hand, it imposed a stricter control on every
aspect of government by the Superior General. At the same time,
it would maintain the system, which he already used, to appoint
the provincials as the assistants general. According to the
memorandum, the assistants would live in Rome to control the
Superior General. On the other hand, according to Calasanz, the
provincials would stay in Rome to be controlled by the Superior
General. "As far as government is concerned, in order to remove
authority from the provincials, a request has been made to the
Vicar of the Pope. The three provincials, who are living outside
Rome, will come to the Eternal City with the title of assistants.
Together with the Superior General, they will govern the Order.
Further, one of them may visit the houses, which most need it."
(5)
According to the pontifical brief dated January 12, 1632,
Father Joseph Calasanz was appointed Superior General for the
rest of his life. The brief stated: "who on the other hand, according
to the Pope, has fulfilled admirably the job of Superior General."
Fathers Peter Casani, Francis Castelli, Jacob Graziani and John
Garcia were also appointed assistants or consultors. There was no
allusion to them also being provincials. Further, there was never
any mention about the appointment of assistants for life in this brief
or any other document. (6)
In discussions between Cardinal Ginetti and the chapter
members, they dealt with topics, which they probably would have
addressed in the General Chapter. They were also looking ahead
to the problems, which were presented during by the apostolic visit
of 1625, whose minutes they had received in September 1628.
They had already been discussed during the General Chapter of
1627. Here is how Calasanz summed up his conversation with
Cardinal Ginetti: "In the past month of October, some priests
gathered to discuss the General Chapter. Since some of the
principals could not make it because of the plague, we discussed
the election of the Superior General and his assistants in the
presence of his Excellency, the Vicar. This was done and
confirmed by an apostolic brief. There was also some discussion
about not opening any new houses without the permission of the
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Pope and that there should be only one novitiate in Rome, where
the novices would be formed according to the Constitutions. This
has been and is being observed. Any novice from elsewhere now
comes to Rome. It was also agreed to open a house of studies for
the young men of the Institute, and this has also been
accomplished." (7)
Therefore, the concentration of chapter members was not
useless even though the chapter was never celebrated.
Nevertheless, the prudent Founder took advantage of the occasion
to discuss and decide together in the presence of cardinal
Ginetti the hot issues of the time.
Disappointments and Informers
In his memoirs, Father Berro writes that, when it was
known that Calasanz was about to be confirmed as Superior
General for life, "the priests did not raise any objections and
accepted him as they had always done in the past. We always
considered him as the Superior and Founder. Some were not
pleased when they learned that one of our members, on his
own and against the feelings of the others, told the Cardinal
Vicar that someone other than our venerable Founder would
have been confirmed by a canonical election." (8) In the Order,
there was more than one member, who thought in the same
way. Unhappy with the possibility, they tried to get Calasanz
demoted through inappropriate memoranda, which were
addressed to the Holy See, its congregations and members of
the hierarchy. In these memoranda, they mixed truth with
gossip, exaggerations, distortions and even calumnies, in the
hope of discrediting the poor Superior General and the Order.
One of these memoranda was written in the middle of
1631, prior to the General Chapter. The Saint called it the
Memorandum of Inconveniences. He probably knew who the
author was. In this memorandum, there were complaints about
too many foundations. Most of them were in small insignificant
villages, which were very far from each other, from the
mountains of Genoa to Otranto and Calabria in the extreme
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south. Inept individuals were being admitted to increase the
number of members. Novices and untrained clerics were used
to teach in the schools, irregardless of their formation. The
government of the Order continued without common standards,
and superiors were appointed at whim. Lay brothers were given
excessive authority. Their numbers were equal to or greater
than that of the priests and clerics put together. The informer
proposed appropriate solutions, such as forbidding new
foundations and suppressing the houses outside Rome, Naples
and Genoa. Even in these cities, the number of classrooms
should be decreased. For the time being, the Order should
concentrate on educating and forming novices and clerics. The
Superior General was asked to govern in consultation with his
assistants. The provincials should be more careful in their selection
of candidates. The memorandum ended by asking the Pope for an
apostolic commission to supervise the implementation of these
remedies and to govern the Order for some time, until it was
reformed just as with other Institutes. (9)
The Holy See sent the anonymous memorandum to
Calasanz for a response. He did so very competently. In his
answer, he pointed out the topics, which he discussed during his
meetings with Cardinal Ginetti: new foundations, formation of
novices and clerics, and government of the Order. He indicated
that some of the accusations were false. He explained other
concerns. For example, the absurdity of closing so many houses,
cancelling classes and concentrating so many religious in so few
places. As for the appointment of an apostolic commission, he
claimed that the Order was not so lax and that it needed no such
remedy. He concluded: "It is true that whoever wrote the
memorandum needs a lot of help. He is one of the old timers in the
Institute, but his pride and stubbornness make him unworthy of
being elected Superior," (10)
In the beginning of 1633, cleric John Francis Castiglia began
a campaign of slight and calumny against the superiors and the
Order, which was much worse. The cleric sent several memoranda
to cardinals and to the Pope. He deplored the excessive growth of
the Order and displayed the superiors’ dirty laundry, whether real or
unreal. He asked for an apostolic visit. This irresponsible informer
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later confessed: "Because I was deeply hurt and after being advised
by a prudent individual, I decided to write this memorandum." He
also mentioned that his personal honor was worth "more than his
life." (11)
Calasanz considered this matter to be very important.
He viewed it as malignant and infamous. He feared the
reaction of the members of the Roman Curia, who had
received the memoranda and who would be ready to
investigate the veracity of the accusations.
On January 26, 1633, Calasanz wrote that cleric Castiglia:
"had defamed our Institute before Cardinal Anthony
Barberini, Cardinal Ginetti and the Pope. The "Vice-regent"
has been appointed to examine the contents of the
memorandum. Further, this miserable one is looking for
witnesses to prove his calumnies." (12)
In another letter dated January 29, he added: "This harmful
individual, who does not give up his pretext, is willing to
supply proof with several witnesses. The superiors of the
Roman Curia believe him. They say that one can find out
what is wrong in a religious order, by listening to the
complainers. Therefore, it was necessary to have the
superiors see that the calumny against the Institute is not
true. We shall see what happens and will try to defend the
honor of the Institute." (13)
On February 29, he wrote: "These lax individuals do not
cease to write memoranda. With the help of God, we will
defend the Institute. These miserable individuals say that
they want to destroy it, so that they may return to the world.
Meanwhile I ask people to pray for this matter, which
consists of the greatest infamy ever suffered by our
Institute.” (14)
A few days later, cleric Castiglia began to retreat, sorry for
his accusations and calumnies. Calasanz recalled: "This
unhappy man, who is sorry for his mistake, has withdrawn his
accusations before the "Vice-regent." I hope that there will be
an end to all of this very soon, without having to prove
anything." (15) Unfortunately, it was not over. The Curia
demanded proof that everything had been only calumnies.
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Calasanz stated: "I will have to satisfy the superiors with the
truth and prove that everything the unhappy individual wrote
was a calumny. He has since admitted his mistake of
publishing the memorandum, which he signed in public. He
recanted everything, which he wrote. I don't intend to leave any
bad impression about our work in the minds of the superiors."
(16)
Because of the shabby affair, Father Berro tells us the
following scene: "His Eminence, Anthony Cardinal Barberini,
wanted to meet our venerable Founder. When he arrived, there
were several members of the court in the room. In front of all
those people, who were strangers, without any consideration
with regard to the dignity of either a Superior General or the
Founder of an Institute, the Cardinal faced the old man and, in a
rage, spoke words that were not only mortifying but truly
offensive. When our venerable and most patient Father heard
that, he knelt right where he was. With the most humble
demeanor and an angelic face and without saying a word, he
listened to the Cardinal's reproaches. Everyone was displeased
with the Cardinal's behavior towards our venerable Father.
After the scolding, Calasanz asked the Cardinal for a private
talk. Cardinal Barberini helped the Saint to get up and took him
to another room. The Saint told the Cardinal the truth. His
Eminence was not only baffled but satisfied. He was also
inspired by his patience and humility. At the same time, he
admired the prudence of our venerable Founder." (17)
The informer withdrew. On the other hand, the Cardinal
was disillusioned, and the consequences were negative. In the
end, the informers had been heard. Once again, there were
repercussions. Not only were new foundations prohibited, but
the transfer of religious to some houses was also forbidden.
This occurred at the same time when Cardinal Dietrichstein was
asking for more religious. With regard to the foundation, which
had already been started in Ancona, Calasanz said: "I have
done everything in my power to obtain pontifical permission to
send the promised priests to Ancona. They have been ready
now for quite some time. I just don't know what to do. This
difficulty arose because of the memorandum written by that
brother, who said that we accepted and opened so many new
Pious Schools, that the old ones could neither supply enough
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individuals of good quality as was necessary nor start new ones.
The superiors are very convinced about it." (18) He told Cardinal
Dietrichstein more bluntly: "Your letter to the Sacred Congregation
for the Propagation of the Faith is for me like the work of the Holy
Spirit. In the hearts of some superiors, an aversion towards our
Institute has arisen. It has been heard that not everyone approves
of our sending people to a foreign land, because we are so few and
do not have as many members to send as other Institutes do. I am
ready, more than ever, to proceed with the work begun, and I am
sure that the furious powers of hell will not prevail against us. Such
powers fear to lose a lot through our poor family in those countries
and others." (19) In spite of these restrictions, in the beginning of
July 1633, it looked like the storm caused by the memoranda had
already abated. Calasanz wrote: "The Lord has set us free from the
bad perception in which the malice and cunning of the devil had
placed us before the major superiors." (20) Unfortunately, it didn't
last long. Remember that the informer and slanderer of the Order
was later kicked out from two houses, because of his scandalous
behavior with women. In 1640, he left the Pious Schools!
General Chapter of 1637
Six years after the convocation of the General Chapter of
1631, which could not be celebrated because of the plague,
Calasanz convoked the next chapter for October 15, 1637. He
observed the Constitutions to the letter. The decree of convocation
explained that anyone, who had anything of interest for the good of
the Order, province, house or individual, "should present his written
and signed proposition to the Provincial or the delegates from the
province. They should be assured that their proposition would be
presented to the Chapter." (21) Everyone had total freedom to
express their wishes and ideas regarding the acceptable reform of
any feature of the Order.
Three prelates from the Congregation for the Propagation of
the Faith presided over the Chapter. Bishop Julius Rospigliosi was
among them. He was thirty-seven years old. He would later
become Pope Clement IX and a special protector of the Pious
Schools. A Capuchin friar also presided. There were 20 members
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for the inaugural session and 24 for the last session. The Pious
Schools had never seen such an assembly in their history. It was
certainly the first General Chapter, which was held with all of the
legal requirements and full representation. It was also very long. It
began on October 15 and ended on November 24.
The Order had six provinces, 27 houses, 326 religious and
70 novices in 1637.
Some recent historians have described this Chapter and the
one following it in 1641 as some kind of frontal assault on the aging
Superior General, especially with regard to the way he governed
and envisioned the Order. Reading calmly the official minutes,
however, one does not get this impression. Naturally, it was the
first important meeting with so many representatives of the Order.
They brought with them all of the propositions from the provinces,
houses and individuals. Therefore, it is not surprising that they had
to deal with so many problems. Some were resolved contrary to
the opinion of Calasanz and his assistants. For example, there
was the thorny question about the brother clerics. We will mention
more about them later. On 11 occasions, Calasanz was in the
minority. Perhaps the live debate was more lively and painful than
previously thought.
They reviewed the minutes of the General Chapters of 1627
and 1631. Once again, they addressed the principal, aging
questions of the time: problems about absolute poverty; prohibition
or limitation of new foundations; formation personnel for the
novitiate; residence of the assistants with the Superior General;
obligation of the Superior General to consult them; obligation of the
provincials to reside in their provinces; dependency of the
provincials on the assistants instead of the Superior General. Once
again, they asked for the confirmation of the Order with an apostolic
brief. They asked the same for the Constitutions. They wanted
each paragraph to be confirmed. This is a solemn recognition of
the wisdom of the legislative code, which was due exclusively to the
Founder.
All of the priests and clerics must dedicate themselves to
schools, with special preference for teaching Christian doctrine.
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Among the numerous decrees, it will be up to the Superior General
and his assistants to rule on any matters brought up for review, to
impose penalties on guilty parties, and to grant necessary
permissions for certain acts. All of these demonstrate a preference
for and not a condemnation of central government. .
Nevertheless, the numerous legislative details and the 11
propositions decided contrary to the opinion of Calasanz or his
closest members must have caused him to suffer a lot. In his
memoirs, Father Berro recalled: "In this Chapter, our venerable
Founder and Superior General gave such signs of perfection,
patience and love, in spite of all the opposition against him, which
was great. The president of the Chapter, Bishop Rospigliosi, who is
now a Cardinal, said: “I don't know when you will have another
Father with such perfection and holiness as this one." (22)
The failure to duly examine the declarations on the
Constitutions, which he had presented to the Chapter, must have
hurt him. (23)
General Chapter of 1641
The General Chapter of 1637 had decreed that, for one time
only, the next Chapter would be celebrated in 1641, after only 4
years instead of 6 years. In August 1641, thinking about the
Chapter, Calasanz deliberately stated his intention to resign his job
and to appoint a substitute. He was thinking about Father Casani,
who was then visiting Moravia. Calasanz said to Father Conti, the
Provincial of Germany: "If Father Peter (Casani) is willing to come, I
have every intention to appoint him as Vicar General and to retire to
a solitary place to prepare myself to appear before the tribunal of
God." (24)
In a month, Father Conti answered: "Father Casani is very
reluctant to accept the job of Vicar General, as you mentioned to
me. Due to his illness, it would be very difficult to convince him to
abandon this Province." (25) In fact, Father Casani had decided to
return to Italy, because he could not find a remedy for his physical
illness in Germany. At the same time, he was totally reluctant to
accept the appointment. In the middle of October 1640, he wrote to
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Calasanz: "I am grateful to you, with all of my heart and with all
possible affection, for the great trust that you declare to have in me
in a letter to Father Onofre (Conti). You must completely get rid of
these thoughts, because you won't be able to carry them out any
way. Bound by obedience to you, I will not hesitate to appeal to the
Cardinal Protector and from him to the Pope. I am sure that there
will be no need to arrive at these repugnant measures, because you
will find overwhelming opposition from many places." (26) The
"holy old man" was already eighty-three years old, and the worst
years of his life were still to come. Father Casani was only 68.
On April 15, they started the General Chapter. Cardinal
Alexander Cesarini was the president. He had been Protector of
the Order since July 1639. There were 24 chapter members, just
like the previous chapter. Besides any new special questions, they
reviewed the minutes from the Chapter of 1637. They ratified,
approved or abolished the decrees from that Chapter, after a
meticulous examination of everything. The observations on the
Constitutions were examined. This was done by the Superior
General of the Conventuals, John B. Berardicelli de Larino, at the
request of the Cardinal Protector. The revisions were approved by
the Chapter, but they did not suggest any interesting changes. In
fact, the corrections never entered the text of the Constitutions.
The minutes of the Provincial Chapters were read and approved.
The propositions of individuals were left up to the Superior General
and his assistants to do with them as they saw fit. The composition
of the Rules, common rites and penitential canons were also left up
to the Superior General and his assistants. On April 30, 1641, the
Chapter ended. The last session was again presided over by
Cardinal Cesarini. The working sessions had been presided over
by Bishop Sebastian Gentili, who was the vice-president.
The two General Chapters of 1637 and 1641 were the only
authentic Chapters, which were celebrated during the lifetime of the
Founder.
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Chapter 12
BEGINNING OF THE GREAT TRIBULATION
The Brother Clerics
On October 27, the General Chapter of 1627 decreed: "Every
lay brother, who is eligible to receive the tonsure, will be allowed to
wear a biretta and, from now on, will be called a brother cleric. He
may not attempt to teach anything other than reading, writing and
arithmetic. The Provincial will determine those who can do this. If
any brother cleric openly or scandalously refuses to do the manual
chores, which were imposed on him by obedience, then he instantly
will be denied this concession." (1) This decree created a third kind
of religious in the Pious Schools, in addition to the priests and lay
brothers. They would be clerics, because of the reception of the
tonsure and the wearing a biretta, but they could not aspire to
receive Holy Orders like the other clerics. They would remain in the
same class as the lay brothers. Therefore, they still would have to
carry out the chores assigned to them.
They would teach only in the elementary schools, which were
the most numerous and characteristic of the Order. They could
study neither Latin nor grammar. These two subjects, which were
taught in the secondary schools, were reserved for the priests and
those clerics, who were aspiring to the priesthood.
The rapid growth in the number of boys, classrooms and
foundations and the relative lack of personnel to care for such
needs were the two principal reasons why the more capable lay
brothers were assigned, from the very beginning, to teach in the
elementary schools. In fact, they did not need much preparation,
because they only taught reading, writing and arithmetic. Next to
the brother clerics were the clerics, who were generally younger.
Since they had the tonsure and were wearing a biretta, the boys
generally paid them more respect than the lay brothers. These
insignificant matters caused trouble, envy and complaints in the
ranks of the lay brothers. Fort this reason, Father Casani and
Father Castelli, who were, respectively, the Provincials of Naples
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and Genoa, began to give the lay brothers permission to wear a
biretta and receive the tonsure. In a letter dated January 7, 1628,
Calasanz wrote: "As for the lay brothers wearing a biretta, it seems
convenient that all, who are eligible to receive the tonsure, do so
and also wear a biretta. They will be called minor clerics. They
may not be ordained. They can only receive the tonsure, but they
cannot study grammar. In this way, the term cleric will be suitable
for the Clerics, Poor of the Mother of God. This is what they have
introduced in Genoa and Naples." (2) Three months before the
General Chapter in July 1627, the Provincial of Genoa had already
introduced this novelty. In a letter to a lay brother in Savona,
Calasanz wrote: "As far as the permission, which allows lay
brothers to wear a biretta but to not let them go beyond the
reception of first tonsure…" (3) Father Casani created this idea
when he wrote a draft of the Constitutions, which he called Pussilli
gregis idea. In the projected reform of the Congregation from
Lucca, he had described three kinds of religious: a) priests and
clerics, who were aspiring to the priesthood; b) "scholastic
brothers," whose job it will be to teach reading, writing, arithmetic;
singing, painting, sculpture, etc.; c) lay brothers. (4) In those days,
they were not called clerics, and they could neither wear a biretta
and nor receive the tonsure. After the apostolic visit of 1625, Father
Casani addressed a memorandum to the visitors. He asked: "We
have to select teachers from among our own members, even those
who have not been ordained. Therefore, they must become clerics
by receiving the first tonsure and letting them wear a biretta." (5) It
was no wonder that Father Casani in Naples, like Father Castelli in
Liguria (Genoa), introduced this novel idea, which almost seems
like it was a mental fixation for Father Casani. In their capacities as
both Provincials and Assistants General, at the same time, they
convinced Calasanz and the other participants in the General
Chapter October 1627 to issue this "revolutionary" decree.
Turbulence by the Brother Clerics
Although the intention to create brother clerics was good, the
results were absolutely unexpected. What seemed to be a means
toward peace, respect and mutual friendship resulted in a hotbed of
debate, restlessness and hatred. It greatly contributed to bring on
the final storm, which would almost forever sink the Pious Schools.
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With excessive confidence in the good of everyone, Calasanz had
written: "It was never my idea to give the habit to lay people in our
Institute, but only to religious brothers. Some were to assist in the
administration of both temporal and domestic matters, and the
others were to teach in the schools, according to each one’s
personal talents and ability. Everyone planned to welcome them as
brothers and companions, and not as servants and slaves. They
tried, as much as possible, to treat them like priests and clerics,
believing that conformity would help to maintain peace, friendship,
union and fraternal charity." (6)
The decree of 1627 stated that only those brothers, who
were "judged suitable by the Provincial," could receive the tonsure
and wear a biretta. Those who began this practice and would
continue to promote it were the Provincials of Genoa and Naples,
Father Castelli and Father Casani. They must have opened the
doors wide without any restrictions. The Superior General bitterly
deplored their policy, according to Father Berro. He wrote: "One
night, I went to his room and I heard our venerable Founder burst
out with these bitter words: ‘Father N. in Genoa and Father N. in
Naples are destroying my Order.’” Father Berro added: “I do not
mention their names, out of respect, but he mentioned both.
Answering him, I asked: How? He replied: They gave the biretta to
the lay brothers." (7) This permissiveness can also be seen, at
least in Father Casani, because he admitted novices without much
of a selection process. Calasanz frequently complained about it:
"Remind Father Provincial to be very careful when giving the habit
to novices, especially the older ones." "The Provincial should not
have given the habit so quickly to such individuals. He would have
known them better, if he had waited just a few more days." "I have
already written to him about being more cautious in giving the habit,
because I had to kick out some of them, who joined us during the
last few years. They did not have sufficient humility." (8) The
problem, however, was not just that the selection process
depended upon the provincial. The biretta and the tonsure were a
promotion and an honor for the brothers. In practice, they would
normally be handling the pots, pans, brooms and saddle-bags,
which were used for begging, from house to house. They generally
did not work with books and black boards.
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The desire to become brother clerics had begun to escalate
among the lay brothers. In reality, there were few canonical
requirements to receive the tonsure. Therefore, the general attitude
among the lay brothers, who aspired to the tonsure, forced the hand
of Calasanz. In a letter dated May 27, 1632, the Founder wrote:
"As far as wearing a biretta is concerned, I agree to let any brother,
who is eligible to receive the first tonsure, wear it. At the same
time, he must not think about going any further than the first
tonsure. I do not want any one saying that there are more brothers
than clerics. Those eligible to receive the tonsure should be very
few indeed." (9) The storm did not wane here. Some brother
clerics, who now had received the tonsure, began to aspire to the
priesthood. They did not think that it was just, that they were
prohibited from becoming priests like the other clerics. They taught
like them. They made vows like them. Moreover, the formula was
the same for everyone. The fourth vow to teach children was
included in the formula. In every province, the uproar was such that
the Superior General and his assistants carefully examined the
matter. They issued a decree on April 30, 1636. They conceded
"faculties and permission to all of the brother clerics of our Institute
to be promoted to Holy Orders, even the priesthood, provided that
they successfully passed an exam, which was administered by the
inspectors of Rome." (10) To strengthen the weight of their
decision, they requested the approval of Pope Urban VIII, with
regard to this concession. He did so, in a brief dated August 19 of
the same year. On the other hand, the Pope placed a restriction on
this concession: "As long as said brother clerics were not lay
brothers and had not performed the chores of lay brothers." (11)
This brief greatly complicated matters. The majority of them
were lay brothers. Further, the decree of 1627, which created
them, said that they had to carry out the domestic chores of lay
brothers.
The original intention of the Superior General was to permit
only a few of them to seek ordination to the priesthood. The desire
for further studies grew among them, so that they could fulfill their
dreams. The simple lay brothers were in turmoil. They wanted to
be counted among the brother clerics. They did not stop at
studying just grammar and Latin, but they did everything necessary
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to be promoted to the priesthood. In many houses, no one
performed the domestic chores, because there was no time to do
them and, above all, because they hated doing them. Such chores
belonged only to the lay brothers. For this reason, the Superior
General, while still displaying his humility, complained: "I
understand that I have less work than the others. On the other
hand, I am always ready to wash dishes, to beg for bread with
saddle bags on my shoulders through the streets of Rome and to
accompany the children.” (12) The Provincial of Genoa wrote:
"Since Brother Francis, who was a novice, left, one priest must run
the kitchen and another must take care of the dining room. I have
decided to not tell this to any of the brothers. Otherwise, they might
quickly respond that I am doing so, just so that they may not have
time to study." (13) Therefore, the storm must have run deep. The
general statistics, which were presented during the General
Chapter of 1637, show that the Order had 124 priests, 159 brothers,
both lay and clerics, 79 clerics and 70 novices.
We must also mention another cause for disorder. Some
priests and clerics did not appreciate the excessive number of
promotions from among the lay brothers. They now had to cede
precedence, because they became equal to those, who were
recently promoted.
This chaotic situation reached such extremes that the
General Chapter of 1637 proposed to abolish this third class of
brother clerics and to decree that only priests and clerics could
teach. The prelates, who presided at the Chapter, rejected these
proposals, but they did suspend the approval of the papal brief,
which had conceded ordination to the priesthood for the brother
clerics.
Some of the brother clerics complained about this decision.
They stressed the facts that they were true clerics and that no one
could deny them admission to the priesthood. In addition, those,
who had professed before the age of 21, had to be recognized as
clerics or declare their profession null, since that was the age
required for lay brothers to make their profession. To resolve these
complaints by the "protesters," a pontifical commission was created.
In 1638, they decided that all of the professions were valid. Those
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who made their profession before turning twenty-one were clerics,
but the others were not.
Tempers did not calm down. Those, who had professed
after turning twenty-one, said that they were true clerics and that
they had professed the fourth vow of teaching. Another pontifical
commission, presided over by Cardinal Cesarini, proposed a new
formula of profession for the lay brothers. From now on, according
to the formula, the lay brothers would no longer be able to receive
the tonsure and wear the biretta. The new formula mentioned
nothing about teaching. The commission declared that all of those,
who had received the tonsure, were clerics, even if they made their
profession after twenty-one.
Prior to these events, the Founder, his assistants and the
General Chapters had made repeated requests to the Pope. They
wanted to give the Superior General the authority to expel from the
Order any delinquents and troublemakers, as previously stated in
the Constitutions. Pope Urban VIII finally agreed that such
individuals could be forced out of the Order and enter another one,
even if it were more lax.
In spite of such last minute measures, the "protesters"
continued to disturb and muddy the waters. The apostolic visit was
scheduled to begin in 1643. There would be some deadly
repercussions.
A New Player: Father Mario Sozzi
In the life of Saint Joseph Calasanz, Father Mario Sozzi is
like the "bad guy in the movies." As fate would have it, in the life of
the saints, there was always someone, who helped them to become
holy, while dragging them through the Via Dolorosa. Later, he
would be hated and condemned by posterity. In the life of
Calasanz, this happened with at least four individuals. There were
two Piarists, Sozzi and Cherubini, one Jesuit, Pietrasanta, and one
bishop, Albizzi. Father Sozzi stands out among them. For this
reason, his whole life would later be presented by historians in a
diabolical light. Until he arrived for the second time in Florence in
November 1639, he did not seem to be like a religious worthy of a
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eprimand.
At twenty-two, Sozzi was admitted into the novitiate in
Naples. He was ordained a priest, before he received the Piarist
habit. He ministered in several houses, such as Naples, Rome,
Palermo, Poli and Frascati. He was always dedicated to pastoral
work in our churches. He never taught.
The Founder showed his appreciation for him, when he was
appointed as secretary of the preparatory commission for the
Chapter of 1637. He was also the secretary for the Provincial
Chapters celebrated in Naples, Genoa, Narni, and Messina. No
one complained about him.
When he arrived in Florence, in November 1639, he
continued his usual job of pastoral work and confessor in our own
church. He learned in confession, for better or worse, about a
bawdy affair, that he himself would later describe as "the
wickedness of Faustina." Here is the story: A rich Florentine widow,
Faustina Mainardi, had gathered a small group of girls in her house
to educate them and to give them room and board at her own
expense. Father Pandolfo Ricasoli, who was a canon of the
cathedral, was the confessor and spiritual director of the household.
Unfortunately, what had begun as an admirable work of charity had
turned into prostitution. The principal beneficiaries were Faustina
and Pandolfo. Father Mario managed to convince the penitent to
tell him again about the affair outside the confessional. Witnesses,
who could not be seen, were listening. Father Mario, with the help
of the witnesses, described the details to Father John Muzzarelli,
who was a Conventual friar and also the Inquisitor of Florence.
Father Muzzarelli notified Bishop Francis Albizzi, who was an
assessor for the Holy Office in Rome. A formal process against the
accused was ordered.
Overnight, Father Mario changed into some kind of a hero.
He became a defender of public morality and orthodoxy before the
Holy Office in Florence and Rome. In his own Piarist community,
he began to boast about his fast-paced rise. His attitude, which
was somewhat threatening, prompted a few uncomplimentary
reactions from among the religious. He seemed to find cases,
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which were worthy of denunciation, everywhere. In fact, he made
an accusation against his own rector. Muzzarelli, the Inquisitor
General, unexpectedly appeared in the church of the Piarists.
Without any considerations, he told the rector to leave the
confessional and forbade him to ever hear confessions again. The
rector, who had suspected that Father Mario had turned room into a
pantry, instructed him to share the sweets and pastries with
everyone in the house. Father Mario went straight to the Inquisitor
with his complaints.
The craziest story happened during the time for the carnival
in 1640. Some young priests convinced an old and naive priest to
believe that he had been appointed as the provincial, through the
intercession of the Grand Duke of Tuscany. Before the official
notice arrived, they wanted to celebrate the appointment. The old
man obtained some money for the party. The jokesters composed
a solemn proclamation in Latin "inviting everyone with great
appetite to the dining room, under pain of excommunication." In no
time, after participating in the party, as a joke, Father Mario
denounced the matter to the Holy Office. He made references to
the term, excommunication. The unfortunate thing is that the
inquisitor took the matter so seriously, that he opened a canonical
process for all of the jokesters, who were guilty of disrespect. Of
course, this prank ended up embarrassing the whole community,
which now found itself guilty of heresy before the Holy Office.
The air became too heavy to breathe in the house. The
complaint reached the Superior General, who told Father Mario to
move to Narni. Instead of going where he was told by the Superior
General, Father Mario went to Rome with a letter of
recommendation from Muzzarelli to Bishop Albizzi. The letter
exonerated Father Mario from any of the grievances made against
him. It also stated that his presence was necessary in Florence for
the process, which had already begun against Faustina. Bishop
Albizzi swallowed the bait and ordered Father Mario to return to
Florence, as a protege of the Holy Office. Bishop Albizzi notified
the Superior General and told him to leave Father Mario alone.
The hot tempered Father Mario went to Florence. He was
filled with such insolence, and he made so many threats, that he
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ecame even less tolerable. Another storm broke out. It also
happened during the carnival time. One day, the rector was absent
during dinner. Another priest said the blessing of the table and the
thanksgiving prayer. The novelty and tone of his the voice, or
perhaps some other insignificant thing, caused a few smiles during
the prayers. Later, when one priest was asked about the cause of
the hilarity, another one answered: "So what! Is laughing in the
dining room now something for the Holy Office?" Father Mario got
very upset and acted like a cat on a hot grill. Strong words were
exchanged. Father Settimi interceded, hoping to calm Father Mario
down. Father Mario struck him with a blow to the head. Father
Settimi, who had been hit, stood his ground. He crossed his arms
and said: "You are all witnesses. Father Mario is now
excommunicated.” According to Canon Law, this was the penalty,
which was to be imposed on anyone who struck a priest. Father
Mario, who was now faced with excommunication, tried to hit him
again. A lay brother came between the two of them and beat the
daylights out of him. Father Mario said the following: "To save my
life, I had to flee alone at noon and to take refuge in the house of
the Inquisitor in Florence. They left his face in such a mess that he
had to stay inside for eight days because of the injuries to his face."
(14) The Inquisitor, Muzzarelli, initiated a process against the
suspects and sent it to Rome. Cardinal Barberini met with them.
On March 2, 1641, Cardinal Barberini wrote to the Florentine
Inquisitor and demanded no less than a "new community so that
Father Mario could return home unmolested." (15) Three weeks
later, however, he wrote again to the Inquisitor and instructed him:
"Tell Father Mario to behave and to control his bad temper, so that
this Sacred Congregation of the Holy Office will not have to
complain about him." (16)
One of those called to Rome was Father Clement Settimi.
The General Chapter was going to be held that month. Without any
fear, Calasanz appointed Father Settimi as "Provincial of Tuscany
for the duration of the Chapter." Calasanz was honoring him, in
spite of the fact that he had been called before the Holy Office. On
May 11, Father Settimi wrote to Prince Leopold de Medici: "Our
cause has finished with great satisfaction and the Lords of the
Sacred Congregation have realized that it was a matter of monkish
persecution more than the zeal of the Holy Office." (17) This was
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the second process initiated in Rome against the adversaries of
Father Mario. For the second time, they were absolved. Father
Mario must have been furious with this second failure. Eager to
avenge himself, he came up with another very serious accusation.
The members of the Florentine community were the best of
the Pious Schools. There were students of Galileo such as Settimi,
Morelli, Michelini, Ambrosi and Conti. Father Mario, who was full of
animosity, wrote a memorandum accusing them all, especially
Michelini and Settimi. He claimed that, among other theses, they
believed that:
"Everything is made up of atoms and not matter and form as
Aristotle says and everybody else maintains.”
“The earth moves around the sun and other theses of Mr.
Galileo, who judges all the others false."
He further accused Michelini, who while defending this doctrine "as
true even though it has been condemned as false, in a slip of his
tongue, said that his Holiness committed an injustice against Mr.
Galileo by condemning it." (18)
Cardinal Barberini, who was the Secretary of State, ordered
the Florentine Inquisitor to demand that the disciples of Galileo go
to Rome. Only Father Settimi showed up. Father Michelini lived in
Court and was defended by the Grand Duke, who was against the
transfer. Father Ambrosi was in Naples, and the rest had fled
Florence. Cardinal Barberini also asked Muzzarelli to discern the
truth about the accusations, which had been leveled against the
Galileans by Father Mario.
It has never been known either what the Florentine Inquisitor
thought or did about this matter or what those in Rome in the Holy
Office thought. We do know about the interest that the Grand Duke
of Tuscany and his brother, Prince Leopold, with regard to the fate
of Father Settimi. After all, they looked for ways to use their
influence to get him out of trouble.
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Fr. Mario: Provincial of Tuscany
On October 20, 1641, Father Jacob Tocco, the newly
appointed Provincial of Tuscany, had taken over his job.
Unfortunately, within a few days, he had to resign and leave
Florence because of illness. He retired to Carcare and died in June
of the following year. There was then a vacancy. On November
28, 1641, the process against Faustina and her partners finished.
They publicly rejected their evil ways. They were condemned to
prison for the rest of their lives.
It was time to compensate Father Mario for his good services
to the Holy Office. Accordingly, at the end of November or in the
beginning of December, Bishop Albizzi ordered Calasanz to appoint
Father Mario as the new Provincial of Tuscany. The Founder
objected vehemently. Cardinal Cesarini, the Protector and a
member of the Holy Tribunal, also objected. Bishop Albizzi
prevailed. Furthermore, it seemed useless to hold Father Settimi in
Rome any longer. He was the only disciple of Galileo, who was still
being prosecuted. In the end, he was found guilty of nothing. He
was set free.
On December 14, Father Settimi sent a letter to Prince
Leopold from Rome. He wrote: "I told Your Excellency that the
Sacred Congregation of the Holy Office appointed Father Mario of
Saint Francis as the Provincial of Tuscany as a reward for accusing
Faustina. It was done with the desire of demonstrating thanks to
those who reveal the indignity of man to the Tribunal. They did not
pay any attention to the Cardinal Protector. He tried very hard to
block such an honor. He alleged reasons that not only should have
stopped him from becoming Provincial but were enough to throw
him into jail. The people from the Holy Office responded that they
knew Father Mario and his talents very well, but right now they
could not do otherwise. It was very important for the Sacred
Congregation to honor and reward that man. Bishop Albizzi tells
me that I have nothing to do with the Holy Office. To prove it, he is
going to give me a clean bill of health, testifying that I have not been
investigated. This document will protect me against those who
suspect me." (19)
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Calasanz wrote to Father Apa in Naples on the same day.
He told him the news and added other interesting details: "You must
know that the Sacred Congregation of the Holy Office, which
usually does not give orders without the knowledge of the Pope,
has ordered that Father Mario return to Florence as the Provincial
and that he can select his own religious as he pleases. I have
obeyed gladly and have ordered those on his list to go to Florence,
as soon as possible, to fulfill what the Sacred Congregation has
ordered." (20) The new Provincial, Father Mario, was then thirtythree
years old. The religious of the Pious Schools were stunned
when they received this news. Even today, we cannot find any
justification for the intrusion of the Holy Office by demanding that
Calasanz make this appointment, which would be so fatal for the
Order and the Superior General. Once the first step was taken,
everything else just followed. It was a necessary act, in order for
the Sacred Congregation to save face.
Strengthened by the Holy Office, Father Mario began to act
atrociously in his Province. He asked, without any explanation, for
the authority to send him all the personnel he deemed necessary
for his own plans, without considering the harm that he might cause
to the other houses and provinces. The poor Founder had to
constantly excuse himself to his own religious, whenever he asked
them to go to Florence and to obey Father Mario. For example, let
us read this letter to a priest in Ancona: "Since Father Mario's
authority with the Holy Office is so great, I do not think that I can
contradict him in anything, especially matters pertaining to the
Province of Tuscany.” “I have been told, in private, that I better not
object to send the individuals requested by Father Mario. You know
very well that we must immediately obey the Sacred Tribunal.” (21)
In a letter to Father Mario, he wrote: "I will try to satisfy your wishes,
since that is what the Sacred Congregation of the Holy Office
wants. Cooperation with the Tribunal is not a mistake but rather a
reason for deserving something. I leave the outcome in the hands
of God." (22) "I beg you to consider the harm that you may cause in
some houses, when you take away the individuals necessary in that
community. But I will obey everything His Excellency the Assessor
wants." (23) This letter is full of moving details: "With regard to
Father Dominic Antonio. At the expense of losing the music school
for the poor children, who earn their daily bread through their music,
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I am sending him to you. Although he expressed a great desire to
go to Naples to see his Mother, who is poor and old, I did not let
him. I told him to report to you in Florence, as soon as possible.
Unfortunately, because of a decree of the General Chapter, we
cannot have a school for music in any house other than Rome."
(24)
There were numerous changes in personnel. Therefore,
opposition in the Province toward Father Mario became
widespread. An environment of revulsion and insubordination grew.
The house of Pisa was founded in 1641 by the Grand Duke. All of
the necessary arrangements were made directly with the Superior
General. In fact, not only the religious in Pisa but also the Grand
Duke refused to accept the jurisdiction of Father Mario. They
pretended to depend directly upon the Superior General. The
houses of Fanano, Pieve di Cento and Guglia welcomed the visit of
Father Mario with repugnance. In an act of rebellion, they declared
themselves to be the "Province of Lombardy." They appointed their
own provincial and designated three attorneys to defend them. One
of them had to travel to Rome to discuss it with the Superior
General and the Cardinal Protector. The Holy Founder tried to stop
any opposition in that subversive environment. He wrote to them
encouraged them all to obedience, resignation and deference to
Father Mario and the Holy Office. The Cardinal Protector also
intervened with the court of Tuscany to force the rebels to obey.
The ambassador of Rome reminded the Grand Duke: "Feeling sorry
for these poor discalced (Piarists), I ask you once again, with
customary piety, to look out for their good and to command them to
obey." (25) The Founder's attitude must have been heroic and
encouraging obedience to Father Mario and to the Holy Office.
There were, however, those who sided with the hated and disputed
Provincial. They began to spread malicious calumnies, by saying
that the whole rebellion in Tuscany had been inflamed by the
Superior General. Indeed, Father Mario probably did the same.
The Founder resisted this campaign of defamation. This fact
can be confirmed by this paragraph, which was one of the sternest
of all his letters: "Some abominable tongue has devised a most
fraudulent and unworthy opinion of my job. Nevertheless, I want
our people to cease trying to prove that Father Mario is no good as
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the Provincial. Let me state that I wish everyone to be of one heart
and one mind in their service of God. Further, I wish that Father
Mario be a minister worthy of his office. This attitude will be useful
and an honor for me; the contrary will be a shame." (26) The
experience of Father Mario’s visits through his Province must have
been very bitter for him, during those few months. The centers of
rebellion in Pisa and the three houses "from Lombardy" infuriated
him. He returned to Rome to correct things his way. He did not see
much hope of gaining anything by staying in Tuscany.
Via Dolorosa
Father Caputi, who was a chronicler, tells us that Cardinal
Cesarini, the Protector of the Order, "had ordered Father Joseph to
remove Father Mario of Saint Francis from Rome because of some
complaints against him. Further, he did not keep the Rules and had
said God knows what against the Cardinal." (27) This dated back to
1639, the year when Father Mario joined the community of the
Florentine disciples of Galileo. A little later, Father Mario instigated
the case against Faustina. Father Settimi told us that Cardinal
Cesarini had opposed the appointment of Father Mario as
Provincial and provided very powerful reasons. Now, upon arriving
in Rome in the middle of July and hoping to stop the rebellion of his
subjects, Father Mario wanted to meet the Cardinal Protector to ask
him for help. Father Bianchi, who was another chronicler, writes:
"that the deceptions of Mario caused great annoyance to a lot of
people, including the Cardinal Protector. Consequently, the
Cardinal did not want to see Father Mario, in spite of the many
requests.” (28)
Feeling rejected and impatient, Father Mario made a few
threatening remarks against the Cardinal and claimed that he
possessed some papers, which could embarrass him. His boasting
reached the ears of the Cardinal, who decided to search the room
of Father Mario in San Pantaleo. Calasanz, who was afraid, feared
fearing the consequences of a search. He tried to dissuade His
Eminence, but the Cardinal stood firm. On August 7, 1642, the
Cardinal told Count Corona to carry on with the search. In the
sacristy of San Pantaleo, in front of seven religious, the Count
ordered Father Mario, in the name of Cardinal Cesarini, to give him
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any documents, which he had in his possession. Then, he went to
his room and very carefully searched it. He did not find anything of
interest. The only document, which was related to the Holy Office,
involved the matter of the rebellious house in Pisa. It was signed by
the local Inquisitor. Cardinal Cesarini was also a member of the
Holy Office. Count Corona ordered Father Mario to not leave the
house, under the pain of excommunication.
These events took place in the afternoon. Two of Father
Mario’s friends, Father Stephen Cherubini and Father Glicerio
Ceruti, suggested that Father Mario inform Bishop Albizzi, as soon
as possible. Father Mario wrote a note, in which he told the
Assessor that the Superior General and his assistants had ordered
a search of his room and that they had taken some documents,
which belonged to the Holy Office. The calumny was very grave.
Bishop Albizzi believed the accusation, without a doubt. The
following morning, Bishop Albizzi told Cardinal Francis Barberini,
who became furious at such disrespect for the Holy Office. In turn,
he informed Pope Urban VIII. The Pope’s wrath fell upon those,
who were presumed guilty. The Pope, who shouted rudely, ordered
Bishop Albizzi to apprehend them, throw them into prison and
punish them accordingly. After all, they were guilty of an offence
and unforgivable audacity against the feared Tribunal of the Roman
Inquisition.
Bishop Albizzi ordered the police to encircle the house and
church of San Pantaleo. He later arrived in a carriage. He got out
in front of the door of the church and went into the sacristy. With a
voice of authority, he asked where the Superior General was. The
"holy old man" was there, sitting in a chair. When Calasanz heard
that they were asking for him, he got up and reverently introduced
himself to Bishop Albizzi. He immediately pronounced the formula
from the ritual: "You are a prisoner of the Holy Office." He then
asked about the other members of the General Council. He was
informed that one was sick in bed and that another was in the
novitiate. The secretary was saying Mass. He had just finished
reading the epistle. He was told to come to the sacristy and to take
off his vestments. The assistants arrived. They all had to go to the
palace of the Holy Office. They were: Father Calasanz, the
Superior General; Father Peter Casani and Father John Garda, two
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of the Assistants General; and Father Jacob Bandoni, the secretary.
They were now all prisoners. Fathers Berro, Caputi and Bianchi,
who were chroniclers, and every witness for the beatification
process of the Saint never mentioned that Bishop Albizzi gave any
reason for the arrest. Further, they never mentioned that anyone
was allowed to ask for any explanations.
That year, August 8 was a Friday. It was the most dramatic
Friday in the life of Calasanz, who was then eighty-five years old. It
was like the Friday, when Christ walked the Via Dolorosa and
carried his cross. The "holy old man" was thinking about it, when
he came out with his companions through the door of the church.
Father Jerome of Saint Agnes wrote: "The Servant of God told him
that, in that critical moment, he had meditated on the Via Dolorosa,
which our Lord Jesus Christ had walked during his sacred Passion."
(29) Nothing was prepared to help alleviate the humiliating
embarrassment for that venerable old man, who was known
throughout Rome as the Founder of a religious order. Children filled
the streets every day in never ending lines, while returning from his
schools. They could have waited until dusk to transfer the prisoners
through less frequented streets, or they could have thrown them
into an old carriage to avoid the stares of the curious. It was
nothing like that. The infamous march went straight through
Pasquin Square (Piazza di Pasquino), the Old Government Street
(Palazzo Olivia), the Street of the Banks (Palazzo del Banco di S.
Spirito), Bridge of Castel St. Angelo (Ponte Sant'Angelo), and the
Borgo (il Borghi), which led right up to the palace of the Holy Office
next to Saint Peter's Square. At that time, it was one of the busiest
routes for travel. The Via Papale linked the Vatican with Saint John
Lateran. The time was about high noon, when the Roman sun in
August was beating down. The prisoners walked, with no hats and
surrounded by police. The assessor and his companions followed
them in a carriage.
The procession arrived at the Holy Office. The Bishop retired
to eat and to take a siesta, while the prisoners were left in a hall.
They were still waiting for an explanation for their arrest. The
chroniclers tell us that the "holy old man", who was seated on a
bench, went to sleep as if her were someone, who had a clear
conscience. Father Berro also tells us that Father Mario Sozzi
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watched the procession from one of the windows of a palace.
When referring to this procession, Father Berro wrote this phrase:
"He walked this triumph of holy humility with the admiration and
reverie of those present." (30)
In late afternoon, Bishop Albizzi reappeared and scolded the
accused with these words: "You will not leave this place until the
documents, which were taken from Father Mario's room, are
returned." The prisoners excused themselves and said that they
did not know anything about it. Their words were not enough. In a
note to Cardinal Cesarini, they said: "The Superior General of the
Pious Schools and his assistants were forced to go to the Holy
Office. We were detained for many hours because of a lie by
Father Mario. He has passionately insisted that documents were
taken. We cannot prove to the Sacred Congregation lack of truth in
his claims, without the testimony of Your Eminence. We are
humbly asking that you declare what we have said is true.” His
Eminence wrote on the same paper: "The petitioners, either by
themselves or through others, have never done anything to
confiscate the documents. Cardinal Cesarini." (31)
When Bishop Albizzi read the note from Cardinal Cesarini,
he must have panicked. Everything was now a big mess, for
himself, for Cardinal Barberini and for the Pope. For the sake of
justice, humility and evangelical charity, one would have thought
that the omnipotent Bishop would ask for pardon from the innocent,
humiliated and defamed prisoners and unleash his wrath against
the lying and evil Father Mario Sozzi. It was like hoping against
hope. Father Mario was not bothered at all. On the contrary, he
was promoted. Unbelievable! The one who reacted like a
gentleman was Cardinal Cesarini. He sent his personal carriage to
the Holy Office. The former prisoners returned to San Pantaleo,
going through the same streets they had previously travelled over
while surrounded by police. The chroniclers added that Calasanz
had asked to change the itinerary and to lower the curtains, but no
one listened to him. It was time to rectify the injustice.
The reaction of Bishop Albizzi was immediate. This man felt
the weight of the Holy Office upon his shoulders. He had to defend
its honor even though, in reality, he was defending his personal
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honor. This time, he was humiliated by his own error and offended
by the grand gesture of Cardinal Cesarini. Bishop Albizzi was still
mean enough to condemn his victims to house arrest for fifteen
days in San Pantaleo.
Chapter 13
THE GREAT TRIBULATION
Suspension of the Superior General
As soon as Calasanz arrived home, he wrote to Cardinal Caesar
Barberini: “The Superior General of the Pious Schools humbly and
truly reveals to Your Eminence the matter concerning the
documents, which were taken from Father Mario of Saint Francis.
Neither the Superior General nor his assistants are guilty of
anything. This was the Cardinal Protector's idea. We are all,
however, ready to perform with punctuality whatever you or a
minister from the Sacred Tribunal of the Holy Office says." (1)
Neither this declaration nor the one before pacified Bishop Albizzi,
the Pope or Cardinal Barberini. The word of the maligner and
slanderer, Father Mario, or the hurt pride of Bishop Albizzi carried
more weight. In fact, on Thursday, August 14, the Holy Office met
in the Quirinale. Pope Urban VIII presided. The matter of Father
Mario's stolen documents was discussed, as was the arrest of the
Superior General and his assistants. In spite of the declaration by
Calasanz and Cardinal Cesarini, the following decree was issued:
The Pope approved everything, which Bishop Albizzi did to the
Superior General and his assistants.
2. He conveyed to the Superior General and his assistants that
Father Mario of Saint Francis, the Provincial of Tuscany, was
under the protection and jurisdiction of the Sacred
Congregation. Neither the Superior General nor any other
officials or ministers of the Institute could have any jurisdiction
over him, until His Holiness or the Sacred Congregation
declared otherwise. As far as it is necessary, His Holiness
exempts him totally from the jurisdiction of the Superior General.
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If the Superior General carries out any processes against Father
Mario, the Pope orders the Superior General and his assistants
to hand them over to the Congregation or it assessor.
His Holiness also ordered, under obedience and the pain of
indignation to his Holiness and to the Sacred Congregation, that
the superiors and religious of the houses of the Province of
Tuscany will welcome and obey the commands of Father Mario.
Otherwise, the Sacred Congregation will begin a process
against those who disobeyed.
His Holiness ordered that, in the future, no one be admitted and
no new houses be opened anywhere, without the permission of
His Holiness and the Sacred Congregation.
His Holiness releases the Superior General and his assistants
from house arrest." (2)
This is what every historian has known up until now. They could
not explain the following: Neither in this session of the Holy Office
nor during the ordeals that awaited Calasanz and his Order, why
did Cardinal Cesarini not exercise his attributes and
responsibilities? His last intervention was to lend his carriage to
return the Superior General and his assistants from the Holy Office
to San Pantaleo. After this reckless action, which publicized the
mistake of Bishop Albizzi, Cardinal Barberini and the Pope, Cesarini
disappeared from the scene, going into a mysterious silence. We
find the explanation in the original document, which was recently
found and published. The name of Cardinal Cesarini appears to be
crossed out four times. Father Mario was freed from his jurisdiction
as well as from Calasanz' jurisdiction. (3) Cardinal Cesarini was not
present during this session. The first time, when his name was
crossed out, there is a notation: "Let Cardinal Cesarini, the
Protector, know" that he does not have any jurisdiction over Father
Mario. The crossings out must have been done on account of the
document, which was handed to Calasanz. The Cardinal was
personally notified that, in this instance, he did not have any
jurisdiction. The Cardinal, who resigned his position, obeyed. The
Order was left without a Protector during these most critical times,
when it needed one more than ever.
This decree is very strange, if not a disgrace. Without
knowing the truth about the facts, the injustice committed against
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the accused by Bishop Albizzi was verified. Father Mario, the
maligner, was glorified and freed from all jurisdictions of the Order
and his Cardinal Protector. The Superior General was forced to
impose Father Mario's authority in the Province of Tuscany.
On August 30, the Superior General and his assistants, with
heroic obedience, signed a decree to the Province of Tuscany. It
said: "After the Commission of the Holy Office conveyed the
enclosed decree written by the Sacred Congregation, we, by
prompt execution and obedience to the same directive, ask you, in
virtue of holy obedience, to welcome Father Mario of Saint Francis
as the true Provincial of the Province of Tuscany and obey his
orders without complaining. Nothing to the contrary, withstanding."
(4) Calasanz continued to drive home the same message. The
Grand Duke of Tuscany, however, demanded the opposite. The
commissioner of Pisa wrote to the court of Florence: "I have told the
priests of the Pious Schools what Your Excellency has told me by
order of S. A. S. They must not obey any orders coming from
Rome and not welcome the superiors without previously informing
S.A.S. through me. They have responded that they are ready to
obey." (5)
In this entire tedious matter, the royal attitude of the court of
Tuscany appears clear. It ruled on ecclesiastical matters, and it
wanted everybody to obey it, including the Florentine Inquisition. It
must be noted that the Faustina matter was handled behind the
Duke's back.
The situation of the Piarists in Pisa was critical. There were
opposing orders from the Grand Duke on the one hand and from
the Superior General and the Holy Office in Rome on the other. In
the middle of September, the Grand Duke "leaves them alone to
accept or reject the orders received, as long as they notify him
about what is going on." (6) They were not ready to accept the
presence of Father Mario in Tuscany. In the beginning of
November, counting on the protection of Bishop Albizzi and of the
Holy Office, the arrogant Provincial showed up in Florence.
The Grand Duke immediately exiled him from his estates.
Later, Father Mario said: "This was done under the pretext that I
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was an unfaithful vassal and a spy, that I was cunning and
mutinous. I allege that Your Highness wants to be master and lord
of all religious, who live in his estate." He then added a slanderous
accusation:" Father Mario, who was compelled to obey, left
ridiculed, embarrassed and disgraced. The Cardinal Protector, the
Superior General and his assistants allowed this to happen." (7)
Bishop Albizzi had done everything in his power to have
Father Mario welcomed and obeyed in Tuscany. On November 8,
the ambassador of the Grand Duke in Rome wrote to the court of
Florence that Bishop Albizzi had asked that His Highness instruct
the priests in the house of Pisa to welcome Father Mario. He was
asking this, not only because he had orders from the Holy Office but
also "because Father Mario was a special friend of his and he
wanted to please him." (8) The Grand Duke would not back down,
and Father Mario went into exile.
Bishop Albizzi still tried to have his friend's exile lifted. On
November 17, the Florentine ambassador communicated to His
Highness what amounted to the first threat: "Bishop Albizzi, who is
the assessor of the Holy Office, tells me again that, because of the
exile of Father Mario of the Pious Schools, one can foresee the total
ruin of the Pious Schools. He was responsible for revealing the
abominable act of Faustina to the Congregation of the Holy Office.
Later, the Congregation had to transfer him so that he would no
longer be the object of envy. The Congregation is set on
supporting and sustaining him, based on its own dignity and
reputation. If the Congregation cannot achieve it by restoring him to
Your Highness' grace and returning him to your happy estates, then
it will accomplish it by the destruction of the Order." (9) The
omnipotent Bishop would change this fatal threat into a reality.
Father Mario, who was irritated and humiliated, returned to
Rome and met with Bishop Albizzi. He wanted his help so that he
could return to Florence. Despite the threats of the Bishop, who
was also hurt, nothing happened. Father Mario, who was vengeful
and disillusioned, looked for some compensation by immediately
attacking Calasanz. He accused Calasanz of maintaining frequent
correspondence with the enemies of the Barberini family that is the
Medici family of Florence. The Barberini’s and the Medici’s were
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faced with the "War of Castro." He insisted that the advanced age
of Calasanz incapacitated him to continue governing the Order.
Fooled once again, Bishop Albizzi persuaded Pope Urban VIII to
issue a brief on December 30, 1642. He appointed Father Mario as
the Vicar General of the Order. The appointment was supposed to
be kept secret for some time. The news, however, leaked out
quickly. On January 10, 1643, in a letter to one of the houses in
Florence, Calasanz wrote: "I suppose that others will write with
more details about the brief, which Father Mario has obtained as
Vicar General of the Institute. When he calls us in, we will welcome
and obey him right away." (10) The appointment, though secret,
was interpreted by many as an honorary title. Father Mario
received letters addressed to him as "Very Reverend" and "Vicar
General" before the publication of the brief. He took it as if people
were having a laugh at his expense and that of the Holy Office. He
accused the Superior General of being the ring leader of this
campaign. He plainly said: "This has happened, because the
Superior General wrote a letter and send it to the whole Institute,
with the intention of exasperating everybody. It said that the Pope
appointed Father Mario as the Vicar General." (11) Stung by this
new humiliation, Father Mario wrote the so-called "Defamation
Memorandum." He presented himself as an innocent victim, who
was unjustly persecuted and defamed from the time he discovered
the affair of Faustina. He accused, without shame or timidity, the
Superior General, Cardinal Cesarini and all of his adversaries. He
made it seem as if the affront was not only to himself but also to
Bishop Albizzi and the Holy Office.” (12) This document was
presented to the Congregation of the Holy Office. It was read and
discussed in the session of January 15, 1643. Pope Urban VIII was
present for the discussion. Its truth was not questioned. A most
tragic decree was issued. The following are the essential points:
To appoint an apostolic visitor, as soon as possible.
To give Father Mario ultimate responsibility for the government
of the Order and to appoint him as first Assistant General. The
other three assistants would also be appointed.
To stop opening new houses and admitting any more novices,
without permission of the Supreme Pontiff and the Holy Office.
To suspend Calasanz from the office of Superior General and
also his assistants. (13)
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With this decree, Father Mario achieved much more than
with his appointment as Vicar General. He reached the apex of
power and the zenith of his ambitions, thanks to the support and
machinations his friend, Bishop Albizzi, who was the assessor of
the Holy Office. Once again, the innocent Calasanz was
condemned, without having the opportunity to defend himself.
The Apostolic Visit
On March 4, 1643, Bishop Amyl Altieri, the Vice-Regent of
Rome, went to San Pantaleo to officially inform the General Curia
about the directives of the decree of the Holy Office dated January
15, 1643. He also announced the name of the Apostolic Visitor,
Father Augustine Ubaldini, who was a Somascan. The brief
appointing him was signed on March 7. The early chroniclers
highlight the serenity shown by the old Founder, when he received
this news. He displayed charm, when dealing with the Vice-Regent.
Further, he immediately directed the assistants and the procurator
general to abstain from any interference with the new government.
The new assistants, except for Father Mario, resided outside
of Rome. The apostolic visitor had to wait for them to arrive and to
officially assume their new responsibilities. They did so on March
22. Father Bau, summing up the memoirs of Father Berro and
Father Caputi, writes that the visitor "having fulfilled the required
formalities, asked surprisingly for the keys to the room of Father
Mario. With his secretary, Father Caracciolo, who was also a
Somascan, he entered the room and examined what was kept in it
by Father Mario. He was scandalized to see the amount of money,
pastries, marmalades, sweets and drinks. They also found gloves,
needles, combs, wigs, embroidery, lace, exquisite rosaries and
expensive devotional novelties. They made an inventory of
everything and felt sorry for the Superior General and Father
Casani. Everything was relayed to the assessor. The personal
visits began with the Holy Founder. His interview lasted for about
four hours. Father Ubaldini was amazed at the clear head, memory
and logic of the Founder. It was very superior to what was
expected, from a man of more than eighty years. He was even
more impressed with the prudence and holiness of his answers."
(14)
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The unexpected visit and search of Father Mario's room was
a daring act. The detailed report of the various items must not have
gone over well with Bishop Albizzi. It was like exposing, once more,
the true face of his favorite friend. There was not, however, any
retaliation or appropriate penalties leveled against the already
recidivist and whimsical favorite son of the Holy Office. The
reprisals against the reckless visitor would soon appear.
Everyone knew that there were serious problems to solve in
the Order. Since the appointment of Father Mario, it had become
much worse. Calasanz believed that the work of the visitor would
consist in fixing the disorder caused by Father Mario. He wrote: "To
calm down some disturbances born in these parts of our Institute,
His Holiness has sent us an apostolic visitor from the Institute of the
Somascan Fathers. He is a religious with many good talents. I
hope that he will calm everything down." "Perhaps you heard that
the Pope has given us an apostolic visitor to calm down the
disturbances down, which Father Mario caused in our Institute."
(15) On the other hand, Father Mario saw himself as being some
kind of reformer in the Order. In a letter, he told Father Berro the
following: "For a long time now I have desired that our Institute be
free from so many concerns, which blocked service to God, the
Institute and the neighbor. What really tore my heart was the lack
of Spirit, individually and collectively. It was agreed that it was
necessary to remove our Institute from this world, because it was
not serving the Holy Church. In spite of the fact that the Institute
has been and is holy and healthy, it was not well governed. Now
with a lot of work on my part, my wishes will be fulfilled: to reform
our Institute, which has never been done and to gain what we could
not in the twenty years of this Pontificate, that is the confirmation of
our Institute. On the occasion of this visit, everything will be
improved and rectified through the intercession of God's Mercy."
(16)
Father Ubaldini conducted the visit of San Pantaleo with
precision. He signed the two decrees of directives for that
Community on April 13. He probably prepared an itemized
document for the Holy Office and reported his impressions as
visitor. He then continued his visit to the other houses in Rome and
to the Order. Neither Bishop Albizzi nor Father Mario was satisfied
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with his attitude, respect and consideration for the old Superior
General and his former assistants. The early search of Father
Mario's room did not please them either. They were not satisfied by
the way he conducted the visit in general. Traditional biographers
said that the visitor from the Somascans understood that he had not
been called to be an impartial judge but rather to be a toy in the
hand of Bishop Albizzi and Father Sozzi, sort of like a hangman of
innocents. After writing his report, he tendered his resignation,
which was instantly accepted. Documents force us to believe a
more serious version: Father Mario and Bishop Albizzi fired Father
Ubaldini and had Father Sylvester Pietrasanta, who was a Jesuit,
appointed in his place. (17) Father Ubaldini’s work was finished.
On May 9, 1643, the Pope signed a brief appointing the new
visitor. On the same day, with unusual speed, Father Pietrasanta
arrived at San Pantaleo to assume his new responsibilities with the
four assistants. Another character now entered the scene. Though
he was an outstanding member of the Society of Jesus and gifted
with good qualities and talents, he lacked the necessary
clairvoyance to discover the intrigues and hostilities of Father Sozzi
and Bishop Albizzi. He became their inflexible and pleasing
instrument. We do not want, however, to diminish his responsibility
and conscious collaboration in the final destruction.
Father Pietrasanta’s first job was a noble one: to visit the
Order and to govern it with his four assistants. The first general
impressions with the appointment of the Jesuit in the whole Order
were favorable and full of hope. Nevertheless, there were those
who, from the beginning, said that the new visitor had every
intention of destroying the Institute.
Father Pietrasanta personally visited the houses in Rome.
He interviewed only thirty religious out of one hundred. The
majority of religious hated to make, under oath, any declarations in
front of Father Mario and Father John A. Ridolfi, who was the
secretary for the visit. He was also an intimate friend of Father
Mario. He was a sinister and cunning individual. His evil influence,
on the apostolic visit and on the tragic events of the times,
transformed him into one of the individuals, who was most
responsible for those events.
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Father Ceruti, Father Gavotti and the Provincial of Naples
were appointed to visit the rest of the houses in Italy. They were
directly chosen by Father Mario, because they were his faithful
friends. Everyone ended up hating them, because of their personal
eccentricities. The houses of central Europe were not officially
visited.
In the middle of September, Father Pietrasanta already had
sufficient information to present the first official report of the visit to
a "Special Congregation" of Cardinals. In the middle of August,
they had been chosen to discuss the affairs of the Pious Schools.
Their guiding light was Bishop Albizzi.
As far as government was concerned, during the first month,
everything was normal. There were regularly scheduled meetings
to make appointments and to find solutions for current problems.
By the beginning of June, however, Father Mario began to act like a
dictator. His three assistants protested and tried to resign. Father
Pietrasanta managed to control the situation.
A month later, new interference by Father Mario provoked
another angry reaction. He had appointed two of his friends as
Provincial of Rome and rector of San Pantaleo. He did it before
discussing the appointments with the other assistants. Father
Pietrasanta denounced them as "rebels and stubborn to the Holy
Office." The three assistants orally tendered their resignations,
which were also verbally accepted. Therefore, the supreme
government of the Order now fell into the hands of Father Mario
and Father Pietrasanta.
Government under Fathers Mario and Cherubini
What has been said up until now, summarily because of the
demands of this publication, should be enough to denounce the
memory of Father Mario, who was unworthy of so many favors,
which were granted to him by the Holy Office and the scheming
assessor. There is more. After ending the participation of the other
three assistants in the government of the Order and after leaving
the reins of government to him and his co-conspirator, Father
Pietrasanta, Father Mario revealed how low he could really sink.
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His attitude towards the old and venerable Founder became
tyrannical. He was very pleased that the "old man" asked him for
his blessing, while kneeling down, every time he went out of the
house. He intercepted, opened, took away and stopped the letters,
which the Founder wrote to and received from the outside. He later
told him about it jokingly. Father Mario released the Saint's
secretary, who had become indispensable to him because of the
constant correspondence. He took the public and private books of
the Order and removed pages, which contained the written
professions since the foundation of the Institute. He took the
reliquary, which contained the heart of Glicerio Landriani. He
forbade religious to go to their room, and he disciplined the
stubborn one, by exiling them from Rome.
Let us add two more scenes to the drama. The first was
written by Father Berro. The second comes to us from Brother
Lawrence Ferrari, a faithful servant of the old Founder. Father
Berro wrote: "A prince sent him about one hundred gold coins to
defend himself and offered to send more if he needed it. Our
venerable Founder and Superior General thanked His Excellency
for the donation and his offer. He then gave all of the money to
Father Mario, who greedily took it. He did not offer the Founder a
cent. The old man, humbling himself, said: ‘Some priests from
outside of Rome have asked me for holy cards. Could you give me
some money to buy them some?’ Father Mario answered him
generously: 'Here, take it.' Father Mario let some coins fall, one by
one, into the Saint's hands. He counted them: 'One, two, three,
four…' After counting 25 coins, the noble beggar said: 'Enough.'
Father Mario dismissed him without giving him one more penny.”
(18)
This is the scene described under oath by Brother Lawrence:
"I remember that, on one occasion, two letters from rectors outside
of Rome arrived, and he became very annoyed. Father Mario went
after the Superior General and began to shout at him: 'Hi, you
doddering old fool! They do not want to obey me, and you have no
power over them. I have brought the Order to ruin, and I shall not
rest until I tear it up by the roots.' He even said more irascible
words. The Superior General then patiently answered him: 'You
have appointed these superiors. Not I. Watch out for God's
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punishment, because of the destruction you are causing to the
Institute. Fear his wrath, because it will catch up with you soon.'
Father Mario left him. This conversation took place in the oratory
beside the Superior General's room. I heard it, because they were
talking very loudly. This happened two months before Father
Mario's death. The Superior General went into his room and said:
'May God forgive him. He will be the only one to save us.’ Within
fifteen days, Father Mario's famous leprosy started.” (19)
On April 7, 1643, Father Mario was thirty-five years old. Who
was to know that, fifteen days after that conversation with the Saint,
he would be facing such a horrible death! And so it was. He fell ill
at the end of the summer. The shame of that humiliating illness
more than the pain itself forced him into absolute reclusion. He
asked to be moved to the Colegio Nazareno. People said it was the
"fire of Saint Anthony" or leprosy, which included the full biblical
meaning of God's wrath. Others called it the "French malady" or
syphilis. The remedies were all useless, but, in their rawness, they
give us one more hint of the unforeseen tragedy. He was given
viperato wine, which is wine seasoned with snake’s meat. He was
exposed to vapors of burning sulfur. He was placed in a portable
sauna, with only his head exposed. His whole body was exposed
to the scathing effects of sulfur, in order to dry up the pustules and
tumors. His body was placed inside the cavity of a recently
slaughtered cow. The cow was sewn up right away, until the chill of
death could lower his body temperature. All was useless. Father
Mario was dying.
Calasanz tried to visit the sick man twice, but they did not
allow him to do so. Worried more for his soul than his body,
Calasanz sent Father Casani to attend to him. No one knows what
happened. Some said that the dying Father Mario told Father
Casani to give this message to Calasanz: "Tell the Superior
General that, if I have offended him, then please forgive me."
Fathers Cherubini and Ridolfi, his faithful friends, were on guard
those days. They told Bishop Albizzi and Father Pietrasanta that
Father Mario very much wanted to speak with them. He asked
them to appoint Father Cherubini as his successor to govern the
Order. They promised him that they would do so. Father Mario
passed away on November 10, 1643. His body was secretly
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transferred to the church of San Pantaleo, without it being exposed
to the public. He ordered that it be done so. Father Pietrasanta
hastened to have a letter from Bishop Albizzi read in San Pantaleo.
The letter officially informed everyone that the cardinals of the
special commission for the Pious Schools had appointed Father
Stephen Cherubini "to govern the said Institute." It explained that
"until (there is) another provision by the Eminences, they give
Father Stephen full authority and absolute power to govern said
Institute together with you and without any intervention by the
Superior General, whose authority continues to be suspended at
the good pleasure of His Holiness and without any intervention from
the old or new assistants." (20) The pontifical brief for this
appointment, which confirmed the decision of the cardinals, did not
arrive until April 1644. It was dated November 11, 1643. This leads
to the suspicion that Bishop Albizzi and Father Pietrasanta were
responsible for the mess.
The visitor did not waste any time in communicating the
news to all of the houses. On the same day, November 11, he
wrote a circular letter notifying the members of the death of Father
Mario and of the appointment of Father Cherubini. The indignation
at this last event was widespread. The imposition of Father
Cherubini as the Superior General was a shameless insult to the
whole Order. His indignity was well known by everyone. In 1630,
when he was rector of the Neapolitan school of the Duchesse, he
gave into his frightful inclinations as a child molester. There was
danger of grave scandal and of discredit of the school. When
Calasanz found out about it, he immediately removed him from
Naples and gave him an office of honor to cover up his dishonor.
Later, Calasanz candidly said that he did it "out of respect to the
whole family," given the appreciation enjoyed by his father, Laercio,
and his brother, Flavio, in the Roman Curia. He ordered the
Provincial to secretly gather official information about the event and
to send it to him. Unfortunately, the report fell into Cherubini's
hands. He showed it to his brother, Flavio. Calasanz said: "Seeing
the case unraveled and to avoid any major inconveniences if news
about such a matter spread, I wrote a document, out of respect for
his family, saying to not bother Father Stephen about this matter. I
never said, in any way, that the contents of the process were false."
(21)
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This was the last insulting act by Albizzi! To avoid the
confirmation of the hasty and shameful appointment by the
pontifical brief, memoranda began to rain down upon the cardinals
of the special commission. They clearly protested the unworthiness
manifested by Father Cherubini and asked for the restoration of the
innocent Superior General. The memoranda were signed by entire
communities, including San Pantaleo. That one had 43 signatures
with the Founder's on the top. It requested that "Father Stephen of
the Angels not be allowed to be chosen or confirmed, unless a
report about his life and habits was prepared, as they assure us
they will swear that this priest is unworthy of his office." (22) The
Founder, on this occasion, made a deposition that we have partly
quoted before, describing the whole sordid incident. Unbelievable
as it was, everything was in vain. Bishop Albizzi, Father
Pietrasanta and the special commission allowed the appointment to
be confirmed by pontifical brief. The official protection for Father
Mario was deplorable while he lived. What sense did protection
make for the new comer, Cherubini, against the unanimous consent
of the whole Order, which was aware of his personal unworthiness?
A year later, during the carnival of 1645, in spite of the
expressed prohibition for religious to watch the parades, Father
Cherubini, Father Ridolfi, Father Gavotti and three other cronies
rented a carriage. While wearing masks, they participated in the
shindig. Bad luck, however, intervened. Two carriages collided
and the axle of Cherubini's carriage broke. Amid the chaos and the
noise from the curious onlookers, they took off their masks. They
were left ashamed. When Calasanz found out, to save face, he did
everything he could to stop the news from reaching the ears of the
cardinals on the special commission. There were also some grave
suspicions that, during his reign as Superior General, Father
Cherubini squandered thousands of gold coins. Worse yet, after his
responsibilities as Superior General concluded, he went to the
Colegio Nazareno. From there, he was transferred to Frascati,
because he had molested another boy.
Albizzi and Pietrasanta appointed this man to be the worthy
successor of Father Mario as the Supreme Moderator of the Order.
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The Commission of Cardinals: The First Two
Sessions
In the middle of August or the beginning of September 1643,
Pope Urban VIII set up a special commission to solve the problems
of the Pious Schools. It referred to the results of the apostolic visit,
which was still in progress. These following cardinals were the
members of the commission: Julius Roma, Bernardino Spada, Lelio
Falconieri, Marcio Ginetti and John B. Pamfili. Bishop Francis
Albizzi and Francis Paolucci were also members. Cardinals Roma
and Spada were against the notion of teaching the poor. They were
convinced that education would do away with the popular class.
The poor controlled the trades, arts and services to society.
Further, Cardinal Roma was an open adversary of religious orders,
whose existence he thought was harmful to the Church. Ginetti,
Falconieri and Paolucci were staunch defenders of the Pious
Schools in every session. Pamfili, for unknown reasons, did not
attend any of the sessions. Later, when he was elected Pope
(Innocent X), he imposed his will on the commission, which decided
the drastic and fatal solution. Bishop Albizzi was appointed
secretary of the commission and not Paolucci, as it was believed
until recently. It was probably Albizzi, who proposed the creation of
this commission. In this way, the business of the Pious Schools
was no longer connected to the Holy Office. On the other hand, the
matter was still in the scheming hands of the assessor.
Before the pontifical commission held its first meeting,
Calasanz learned that they would consider only the extinction of the
Order or convenient cures to save it. He wrote a long
memorandum to prevent the blow. As far as extinction is
concerned, he said that, without knowing it, by the mercy of God,
there are some faults that deserve such a grave solution. He asked
the commission to interview himself, the new and old assistants and
the provincials. He wrote: "Not finding any relevant matter, the
Order may be absolved from any indictment, which deserved such
a punishment." (23) As for the remedies, the Founder wrote down
twelve adequate provisions. (24) This memorandum by Calasanz
was sent, along with another one, which was composed by the old
assistants.
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There was yet one other. It was a deplorable memorandum,
which was written by Father Cherubini, who was the Procurator
General at the time. This memorandum was full of malicious
accusations of disorder and slurs against the Institute. One would
have to conclude "that things have reached such a state that it is
necessary to use adequate solutions or destroy it to prevent it from
damaging the Church." (25)
The most important document, however, was the official
report of the visitor, Father Pietrasanta. He acknowledged that
there were "many sound members. The Superior General, like
other religious, was notably very virtuous and extraordinarily good.
There were others, however, who kept on disturbing the Order with
their never ending requests for the dispensation from vows or for
the right to become a cleric and priest. These disturbances arose
due to the lack of a good selection process and adequate formation
of the novices. To this we should add, the austerity of life and
fatigue, which was caused by the exercise of the ministry of the
Institute. Because of this, he said: "I don't see any other solution
than to open the doors and let flow out the bad blood, which is
rotten and infected. Give those, who are unhappy, the freedom to
leave and keep the good ones and those, who are willing to
remain." This could easily be done, if one remembers that the
Order, according to the common opinion of some theologians, is not
a true canonical Institute. In fact, all of the professions are null,
because the brief of Pope Gregory XV, which confirmed the
Institute and approved the Constitutions, is null. (26).
On October 1, 1643, the commission of cardinals met. They
read the memoranda but voted on only one of them. Is there
sufficient reason to disband the Order? Cardinals Falconieri and
Ginetti and Bishop Albizzi and Paolucci voted no. Cardinals Roma
and Spada voted yes. Bishop Albizzi explained that he was in favor
of reducing the Order to a Congregation. Since the vote was not
unanimous, they decided to continue the discussion. They reached
a practical conclusion. They would examine the briefs of Pope
Gregory XV and similar ones, in order to verify the true existence of
the Order of the Pious Schools. (27)
The appointment of Father Cherubini as the Superior
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General of the Order, after the death of Father Mario, unleashed a
storm of criticism and memoranda to the Roman Curia. They not
only revealed the indignities of the newly elected leader, but they
also explicitly accused Father Pietrasanta of trying to destroy the
Order, preventing the restoration of the old Superior General and
attempting to acquire a pontifical brief to confirm Father Cherubini
as Vicar General. The environment of resistance and protests
irritated the visitor. On February 7, 1644, he wrote a circular letter
to the whole Order. He tried to defend himself and Father
Cherubini. Due to the threats and accusations, he left the office of
the Superior General untouched: "He is a very good religious with
the best intentions and most upstanding habits."(28) This circular
letter was easily disproved, especially by two now famous
responses. One came from the house of San Pantaleo and the
other from Nikolsburg. It was not unexpected then that Father
Pietrasanta, who was profoundly stirred by so many attacks, wrote
his second report to the pontifical commission, which met on March
10, 1644. This report has been called a "sinister document." It truly
deserves this adjective. Forgetting what he had said in his first
report, Father Pietrasanta laid it on thick against the Order and the
Superior General. Without any scruples, he accused them of
disobedience and stubbornness toward the Holy See and its
tribunals and congregations. With regard to the Order, he said that
Cardinal Barberini was right when he affirmed that "this Institute has
grown and spread by always being disobedient to the Holy See."
With regard to the Superior General, he said that "in spite of being
an excellent religious and with good intentions, he did not refrain
from exercising his office during his suspension and that he did so
even on matters, which had been forbidden by the Sacred
Congregation of the Holy Office." (29)
We doubt very much that Father Pietrasanta wrote this
"sinister document," as biographers and historians have claimed
until recently. We believe that Bishop Albizzi wrote it.
This "sinister document" was filled with calumny, malicious
suggestions, half-truths and sarcasm. Therefore, it is deplorable
that the solutions, which were suggested in it, were ultimately those,
which were adopted. For example: The reduction of the Order to a
Congregation, like that of Saint Philip Neri. No Solemn vows. No
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Superior General. No provincials. No visitors. Independent
houses under the authority of the local ordinary.
On October 1, the commission had decided that it was
necessary to investigate the matter of the pontifical briefs. On
March 10, after having clarified their validity, the commission held
another vote. Cardinals Falconieri, Ginetti and Paolucci voted for
the continuity of the Pious Schools as an Institute, under the vow of
poverty. Spada, Rome and Albizzi voted for the reduction from an
order to a congregation with simple vows and subject to the local
bishops. The strange thing is that, near the end of his report,
Father Pietrasanta had recommended the continuity of the Pious
Schools as an Institute. His report was probably discussed and the
recommendations debated. In the end, they probably convinced
him that his advice was not conclusive. Since the vote was a tie,
they asked the Pope to either break the tie or add another member
to the commission.
Third Session: Fleeting Joys and Triumphs
The work of the commission moved quite slowly. This was
probably due, in part, to the fact that the members of the
commission also belonged to other commissions, which also
required their time and efforts. To further complicate matters, on
July 29, 1644, Pope Urban VIII died. Pope Innocent X was elected
on September 15. In November, Calasanz tried a radical tactic. He
asked the Pope to entrust the matter of the Pious Schools to
Cardinal Ginetti and to another bishop, who was his friend, or to, at
least, have it transferred to the Congregation for Bishops and
Religious. He considered the latter to be the logical thing to do.
Cardinal Ginetti was prefect of that Congregation. The Pope
rejected Calasanz’ petition and handed the request to Bishop
Albizzi, who naturally honored the request of Fathers Pietrasanta
and Cherubini. They, in turn, asked the Pope to preserve the
commission. Cardinals Falconieri and Pamfili, who was now Pope
Innocent X, were replaced by Cardinals Colonna and Alfonse de la
Cueva. The former never attended any of the meetings.
Everything else remained the same.
In the middle of 1643, the Piarists in Poland, who already
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had the support of King Ladislaus IV, now gained the additional
help of George Ossolinski, who was the Chancellor of the Kingdom.
These two men, through the assistance of their representatives in
the Roman court, sent requests and letters to the Pope and to some
influential cardinals. The court of the Grand Duke of Tuscany did
the same. These diplomatic interventions became urgent,
especially after the election of the new Pope. In addition, the three
memoranda from San Pantaleo, which were particularly valuable to
the cause, were sent directly to Cardinals Roma and Spada and to
an anonymous one, probably Cardinal Ponziroli, who was the
Secretary of State. Unfortunately, he was very hostile to the Pious
Schools. Father Berro wrote: "This man, who held such an
important position for the Pope, was quite politically motivated. He
was an alumnus of the Jesuits, and he held a great grudge against
our Institute. He thought that the Piarists were useless, because
the Jesuits were already teaching. Besides, it was bad, because
they taught the poor." (30)
In his last memorandum, Calasanz wrote: "The poor must not
be abandoned, because they also have been redeemed with the
blood of Christ. They are well liked by his Divine Majesty, who said
that he was sent to the world by his eternal Father to teach them.
Evangelizare pauperibus misit me. One may conclude: How far
must politics go for some to teach that it is dangerous to instruct the
poor, in order to prevent them from learning a trade? How far they
are from the feelings of Christ and Christian piety!" (31) This
paragraph and many letters by Calasanz show us that, even in the
midst of these troubles, the fight to save the Pious Schools was
also a fight to preserve the right of the poor to an education and
tuition-free teaching, in spite of the monopoly held by the Jesuits.
On December 28, 1644, Calasanz had an audience with the
Pope. He called it very pleasant, adding that the Pontiff said to him:
"There is nothing against your Reverence." (32)
On July 18, 1645, the commission met for the third time. The
second session had been held on March 10, 1644. Meanwhile, the
diplomatic wheels were again turning in Poland and Tuscany. In
addition, other valuable interventions helped to alter the situation
drastically. For instance, Bishop Bernardine Panicola of Ravello,
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who was an old collaborator and a member of the curia, also
helped.
The most spectacular transformation occurred with Father
Pietrasanta. In the official report, his name appeared as a defense
attorney for the Order and its Founder. There is neither a single
complaint nor an accusation in it. He believed that the problems of
the complainers and pretenders had been juridically resolved: "By
the singular mercy of God, there is not one case of defiance or
public disorder. I have not heard of any acts of notable
immoderation, either against the ideal of charity or against the three
essential vows of the Institute." (33) He believed that reducing the
Order to a congregation with simple vows would cause its
destruction. “The Piarists have a right to teach humanities and
rhetoric and to not limit themselves to teach reading, writing and
arithmetic. Teaching the poor is a great service for society.” He
recommended the foundation of new houses wherever they are
needed and the admission of novices, setting aside the prohibitions
from the Holy Office. He also suggested that the Superior General
be restored, and that he also be given a vicar, in deference to his
"eighty- eight years." He wanted to mitigate the rigor of the
Constitutions and to have them confirmed afterwards by the Holy
See.
In spite of the public reading of the splendid report by the
Jesuit visitor, Cardinals Roma and Spada continued to ask for the
total dissolution of the Order. Cardinals Ginetti and Cueva were
opposed. Bishop Paolucci, leaning on his relationship with
Pietrasanta, made a magnificent speech against the dissolution of
the Order. He defended the restoration of the Superior General and
urged reform of its government and moderation in the Constitutions.
These proposals "were approved by the Most Reverend Albizzi and
then by the rest. The resolution passed.” (34) The unanimity of the
vote was an absolute triumph, a solemn declaration of the complete
innocence of Calasanz and his Order.
The great news rapidly spread. On the following day, Bishop
Panicola informed Father Berro, who was in Naples. Calasanz did
the same, in letters written to different places. What was going to
happen happened: Everybody rejoiced with great happiness
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everywhere. They sang songs, including the Te Deum. Bells
pealed, and even skyrockets were fired.
The Last Two Sessions: Destruction
The early biographers tell us that, while Calasanz was
getting ready to travel to Cardinal Roma's palace to officially accept
the news of his restoration to the office of Superior General and
other instructions, a messenger from Cardinal Roma arrived at San
Pantaleo. He told him to not go to the meeting until further notice.
That notice never arrived. What happened?
The demonstrations of satisfaction and justified joy also
overflowed in the community of San Pantaleo. It was perfectly
normal. Someone took the good news to the News from Rome,
which was something like a daily newspaper. Unfortunately, there
were some imprudent words in the article, which attacked or
taunted all of those implicated in this long tribulation, which had
been suffered by the Order and its Founder. The remarks were read
publicly in the community.
Father Berro recalled this commentary in the mouth of the
imprudent Brother Fillip Loggi: "Praised be to God. Now we will
discover who persecuted our Superior General. We will ask for an
account of all the abuses, which he and his assistants have
suffered. I don't know if Bishop Albizzi can take it anymore." (35)
Judas Iscariot left the cenacle. In no time, Father John A. Ridolfi
went to Bishop Albizzi. He accused his brethren of the so-called
indiscretions, which they had committed. In no time, with words
unknown to us, the impetuous Bishop went to the Pope and
complained about the unforgivable disrespect of being offended, by
those who had barely escaped annihilation. It seemed that the
entire Holy Roman Church was a victim of violent denunciations by
an indiscreet lay brother of the Pious Schools. Without any sense
of justice, fairness and much less mercy, instead of finding the
guilty party or parties, and overlooking with unbelievable blindness
the final verdict from the commission of cardinals during their third
session, the fatal and vengeful blow was struck against the Order
and its innocent Founder.
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Pope Innocent X consulted with Bishop Albizzi, Cardinal
Roma, who was president of the special commission and probably
with Cardinal Panziroli, the Secretary of State. The final decision,
however, belonged exclusively and personally to the Pope. On
September 8, 1645, the special commission held its fourth session
in the palace of Cardinal Roma. The Pope imposed his own
solution upon the special commission. Cardinals Roma, Cueva,
Spada and Ginetti and Bishops Paolucci and Albizzi were present.
There is no mention of Father Pietrasanta, who did not attend the
meeting. His Eminence Cardinal Roma said that, at the expressed
direction of the Pope, the Order of the Pious Schools would be
reduced to a Congregation. The only thing left was to decide how
to carry out this change. A fifth session would be called to decide
the specifics of the change. Some generalities were already given
at the time.
Neither Calasanz nor anyone else had any inkling about the
fourth session. They waited with infinite patience for the restoration
of the old Superior General to his office. Weeks and months went
by. The members of the commission were inaccessible and silent.
The wait caused a sense of hopelessness, and nerves became
tense. People began to suspect and fear the worst. Business was
going on as usual in San Pantaleo under the authority of Fathers
Cherubini and Pietrasanta. On the first day of the year in 1646,
both superiors issued some directives under holy obedience and
under excommunication with regard to the business of alms and
possession of money. The widespread protests forced Father
Cherubini to revoke his directive. As expected, he asked Bishop
Albizzi to have the commission ratify his directives, as it
unquestionably did. Punishment, which included jail and the
galleys, would result for any trespassers.
Infuriated by these lopsided threats and by the constant
tension in which they lived, they decided to personally appeal to the
Pope. They wrote two memoranda. Twenty-five religious signed
the first, and thirty-two the second. In the first, they discussed the
most recent case. In the second, they deplored the fact that "in
three years, an apostolic visit had not done anything worthwhile.
For this reason, they were asking for justice and solutions. They
also accused, as suspects, Bishop Albizzi and the priests referred
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to above (Cherubini and Pietrasanta).” (36) On the eve of the
Epiphany, a group of twenty religious, both brothers and priests,
went to the Vatican. Brother Luke Anfosso, who was a declared
enemy of Father Cherubini, led them. When the Pope arrived for
Vespers, they managed to gather in one of the corridors. Against
any ceremonial rules and Palatine etiquette, they confronted the
Pope and asked him to hear them. Cardinals, bishops and others
in the retinue were astonished. The master of ceremonies opposed
the improvised audience, but the Pope agreed to meet with four of
the bold religious in a nearby hall. Brother Luke, without any
euphemisms or extenuating words, said to the Pope: “We have
been afflicted for the past three years by the superiors. We cannot
take it anymore. Therefore, we are asking for justice and a solution
to our problems." The Pope responded: "Go, you will be welcomed
as soon as possible." (37) Naturally, the Impression left on the
Pontiff must have been atrocious. The solution would be no less.
To top it all off, at the beginning of the year, Father Cherubini
was accused of being under canonical censures: he never
published the brief of his appointment, and he illegally alienated
permanent goods, which belonged to the Order. The Cardinal Vicar
announced that the Pope demanded an explanation. During this
short break, the accusers and adversaries of Father Cherubini
refused to obey the superior of the house of San Pantaleo, who had
been appointed by Father Cherubini. Instead, they elected
someone else. This situation aroused the wrath of Father
Pietrasanta, who wrote a stern circular to the community. He
reminded them of the old statement "that their Institute would have
grown, had it not been for disobedience to the Holy See." (38)
Someone said that the "holy old man" was spreading the rebellion.
What was the oppressive atmosphere like? The Saint himself,
though denying the accusation, justified it, in a way, with these
words: "As far as what has been said, that I provoked the priests in
Rome to rebel, don't you believe it. Everyone was and is fed up, as
they have said, with the government of the past three years, with no
results and with a lot of harm." (39)
In the meantime, since the fourth session in September, the
commission studied the intricate problems, which would be brought
up either by the reduction of the Order to a congregation or by total
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dissolution. After long and subtle discussions and long before the
final session, Bishop Albizzi gave the members of the commission a
draft of the future brief: The Order will be reduced to a congregation
with simple vows. The Congregation will be subject to the local
ordinaries. The solemn vows, which were previously professed, will
remain valid. It was a very benevolent and positive solution
compared to what would be proposed in the end.
On February 3, 1646, the fifth and last meeting of the
commission was held in the palace of Cardinal Roma. Cueva,
Ginetti, Paolucci, Albizzi and Pietrasanta were also present. A little
before the meeting began, a personal communique from Pope
Innocent X arrived. It imposed his wiII: "changing the Institute to a
congregation like the Oratorians of Saint Philip Neri (Santa Maria in
Valicella) in Rome, without pronouncing vows and with total
dependence on the local ordinaries." (40) After the secretary
finished reading the communique from the Pope, Father Pietrasanta
spoke. We don't know what he said. The following conclusions
were unanimously reached:
Permission will be given to any religious to enter another order,
if it generously accepts him.
The decree, which denies admission to the novitiate and simple
profession without permission of the Holy See, will not be
renewed.
Religious, houses and schools will be subject to the local
ordinaries. Father Joseph Calasanz, who was previously the
Superior General, as well as the other superiors and apostolic
visitors will be divested of their authority and jurisdiction. Such
authority and jurisdiction will be in the hands of the ordinaries,
who can delegate it. There would be neither a Superior General
nor a provincial, but only a local superior.
The Institute would be changed to a congregation without vows,
like that of Saint Philip Neri.
New Constitutions will be written. Bishop Albizzi, Paolucci,
Fagnano and Pietrasanta will write them, along with a priest
from the Oratory of Saint Philip.
Fathers Cherubini and Pietrasanta will govern the Colegio
Nazareno. (41)
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These conclusions were presented to the Pope. He
approved them all, except for the sixth point. He ordered that the
auditors for the Rota be responsible for running Colegio Nazareno.
This was probably done at the suggestion of Cardinal Ginetti, who
took credit for it several times. The results of the commission
brought upon the Order extremely serious changes. We do not
know who was responsible: Albizzi, Pope Innocent X, Cardinal
Roma or Panziroli. It was like a coup de grace. The phrase "with
permission of the Holy See," with regard to the admission of
novices or the profession of those already admitted, was omitted.
In other words, the prohibition in both instances was absolute. That
closed the last chance for new life for the Institute. All the doors to
let people go were now wide open, and those to let people in were
hermetically shut. It was not a simple "change" for the Order to a
congregation without vows, but rather a camouflaged suppression,
a sentence to a slow but relentless death.
On March 16, 1646, Pope Innocent X signed the brief. On
the following afternoon, the secretary of the Cardinal Vicar read it to
the community in the domestic oratory of San Pantaleo. After the
reading of the brief, there was an embarrassing silence. In a
dramatic moment, the voice of the former Superior General was
heard. Father Joseph Calasanz kept repeating the words of Job:
"The Lord has given it. The Lord has taken it away. Blessed be the
name of the Lord." It was the end. The destruction.
This man put up with the collapse of his life’s work, with
superhuman fortitude, like another Job. On two occasions, he
referred to a mysterious fountain, which supplied him with so much
energy. We don't know the actual date of the mystical experience.
Calasanz revealed it to his confidant, Father Berro. He did so with
prophetic words, which echoed those of Saint Paul, while talking
about his ecstasies to the third heaven. Father Berro writes that
Calasanz said: "I know an individual, who with a lot of joy and
patience, survived fifteen years of great toil and persecution, with
only one word spoken in his heart by the Lord.” (42)
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Heroic Hope
Chapter 14
DEATH AND GLORIFICATION
In April I, 1646, Dr. Michael Jimenez Barber, who was a
friend and faithful collaborator, wrote to Calasanz from Venice.
"Bad news travels fast. All of Venice has heard about the bad
decision, which was made with regard to your holy Institute. All of
the newspapers mention it. The Pope directed that you can no
longer give the habit to anyone and that you are subject to the
ordinary. The newspaper also claims that everything happened,
because the priests of the Society of Jesus asked for it. There is
much talk about their ambitions here." (1)
There were no Piarists in Venice, but the news also travelled
there. It confirmed the accusations made against the Jesuits, which
the Founder in Rome also explicitly echoed in his letters: "This
insight came to light three years after Father Pietrasanta began his
visit. The desire of many Jesuits was fulfilled in Germany and
Poland, where they wrote that our Institute would be destroyed very
soon. Your Reverence, please encourage all of the professed.
Assure them that, while there have been no religious professions
from the time of the dissolution until now, our Institute will not be
terminated. In a short time, I hope that it will rise to a better state
than before. There will always be someone, who will try to make it
better than before. In the meantime, Your Reverence, tell the
priests to pray together to God for the Jesuits, who have caused for
us this calamity and bad reputation." (2) What greatness did this
man possess! After receiving a complaint and an accusation, he
was still able to say the evangelical prayers for his persecutors.
"Pray for those, who persecute you (MT 5:44)." "Here (in Rome,
where he wrote this next letter), it is publicly said that it was all the
doing of the Jesuits. For a long time, some of them have predicted
the early ruin of the Pious Schools. May the Lord give to them His
grace and to us His patience and conformity to His holy will." (3)
The Holy See tried hard, however, to dispel these pretty
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unanimous accusations, especially in places where the Piarists
lived. This can be seen in a letter from the Secretary of State to the
nuncio in Poland: "It is great folly to believe that the matter of the
Pious Schools was the doing of Bishop Albizzi or the sinister
accusations by the Jesuits. It is also true that the Jesuits, neither in
thought nor in deed, did anything against the Piarists." (4)
The poor Founder explicitly lamented the fact that the
unfortunate decision hurt, above all people, the poor. He still could
not understand how they could destroy his work, which was so well
loved throughout Europe: "Pray to the Lord and ask him to help the
cause of the poor." "By keeping the Institute alive, the Lord will
provide necessary help for the people." "Let us pray that
everything will turn out for the glory of God and the greater benefit
of the neighbor, especially the poor." "I cannot understand how
human malice may so easily destroy an Institute, which is so useful.
It is demanded throughout Europe and praised, even by the
heretics. While I am still alive, I hope to see it restored to its pristine
state." “Meanwhile, we pray to the Lord to supply what is lacking in
men. We truly hope that God will not allow and will not permit the
disappearance of the Institute, which is so much wanted throughout
Europe." "Even though the enemies are great and powerful, we
must hope, nevertheless, that divine kindness will not permit the
total destruction of the Institute, which was approved by three
supreme Pontiffs and praised and wanted throughout Europe, even
by heretics. God knows what they will say, when they see the brief
published. Here in Rome, everybody feels so bad for us, but no
one wants to be the first to talk to the Pope about it." (5)
Before the publication of the brief, Calasanz' hope was
unbreakable. The Order would not be destroyed. After reading it,
his hope was really heroic, hoping against hope, that the Institute
would come alive anew and attain a higher glory. In the long two
years that the anguish lasted, while the pontifical commission was
trying to decide what to do, Calasanz trusted blindly that, in the end,
the Order would stand. He maintained this attitude up until the
moment when the brief was publicly read. In January 1646, he
wrote: "Some say that, under the guidelines of a brief, the Order will
be changed to a congregation with simple vows and subject to the
ordinary and that we will not teach Latin. Some, who wish for the
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destruction of the Order, are saying this. The truth is that the
Institute has the greatest and most potent adversaries. However,
let us not lose hope that the Institute will stand." (6) In February, he
insisted: "We are certain that the Institute will not be destroyed, as
some adversaries would like and have been trying to do."
"Although some have been predicting bad forecasts, I trust in God
that the Institute will stand and will grow even more for the benefit of
our neighbor." (7)
On March 3, he wrote: "I trust that, with everything our
enemies have done and will do, everything will turn around, with the
help of God, and that truth will prevail over envy. Your Reverence
must be cheerful, like all who love the Institute. Without any doubt,
it will be more glorious than ever." (8) On March 18, he
communicated the fatal news with these hope-filled words: "The
brief, which directed the destruction of our Institute, has finally
arrived. I hope that, the more men humble it, the more God will
exalt it." (9)
Not all of the words were ones of consolation and hope. In
addition, we cannot even say that there was a sense of passive
compliance, before the Pope’s decision. Once it was made, it was
accepted with heroic obedience and the innermost conviction that it
was an injustice. Everything humanly possible had been done to
change the belief, which contained the decision of the Pope. Every
diplomatic means was used to help. Letter after letter came pouring
down from the courts of Poland, Tuscany, Sicily and Sardinia. The
Viceroy of Naples, and Empress Eleonora, from the imperial
magnates of Moravia and Bohemia, also tried to assist. They were
all asking for the same thing: the restoration of the Pious Schools to
its pristine state. The King of Poland personally intervened. The
Chancellor, George Ossolinski, the entire Diet (legislature), nobles
and every bishop of Poland signed petitions. Unfortunately, the
attitude of Pope Innocent X was unchangeable. On August 7,
1647, before receiving the obstinate petitions from the King of
Poland, the Pope sent him a letter saying: "Therefore, having dealt
with and very fairly resolved the matter, there is no room for any
deliberations." (10) Bishop Roncalli, who was the ambassador of
the King in Rome, continued to insist on discussing the matter. The
Pope was now really bothered by the matter. Consequently, in July
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1648, Cardinal Panziroli, who was the Secretary of State, once
again reminded the ambassador from Warsaw: "Having dealt with
and finished the matter, there is no reason to talk about it." (11)
During the remainder of the papacy of Pope Innocent X, any hope
for restoration vanished.
On the other hand, two very serious problems were solved.
The first one was to block the writing of the new Constitutions.
Bishop Albizzi assigned the task to none other than Father
Cherubini. In June 1646, Calasanz had already complained about
it. Father Stephen "brags about having been directed by His
Holiness to write the Constitutions of our Institute. It is understood
that Bishop Albizzi asked him to do it. Imagine what kind of
Constitutions can come from such a source. It is said that they will
be published with a brief, perhaps before the end of July." (12)
On September 8, the Constitutions were finished but,
according to Calasanz, they were not signed by the commission:
"We are waiting for the new Constitutions, and we expect to find
many mistakes, which will be contrary to the good of our Institute.
Some prelates have edited them, but on one wants to approve,
much less sign them, except for Father Pietrasanta." (13) In his
memoirs, however, Father Caputi wrote that every member of the
commission signed the Constitutions, except for Cardinal Ginetti.
Father Caputi went on to say that Cardinal Ginetti retained in his
desk the signed copy of the Constitutions. He promised that they
would not be released, be published or be seen by anyone, as
Calasanz had requested. (14)
The second problem was the admission of novices. In the
beginning of January 1648, Bishop Albizzi introduced a benevolent
interpretation with regard to the brief, which had reduced the Order
to a congregation. According to a letter written by Calasanz, the
Bishop permitted more investitures. "On two previous occasions, I
delayed writing, while I waited to learn the will of the assessor. On
the day before yesterday, he told two of our fathers that we are not
forbidden to give the habit and that we can dress like we do today.
On the other hand, we cannot admit anyone to profession without
further instructions from His Holiness." (15) The destiny of the
Pious Schools continued to remain in the powerful hands of the
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assessor of the Holy Office. This concession or sign of
benevolence was the last ray of sunshine, which brightened the
heroic hope of the Founder.
In the meantime, the adversaries of the afflicted Saint died.
The drama, which surrounded them in their final days, stood in stark
contrast to the beatific peace, in which the Saint died. One cannot
help but spontaneously recall Lactancio's Death of the Persecutors.
It dealt with the death of the Roman emperors and martyrs in the
early Church. In November 1643, Mario Sozzi passed away. He
was covered with leprosy. The concoctions, which they gave him to
cure him, had burned his body, inside and out. A few months
earlier, Muzzarelli, who was the Florentine inquisitor, died from
cancer. In May 1647, Father Pietrasanta was operated on for gall
stones. The surgery was a success, but he could not sleep
because of the pain. They gave him opium, and he never woke up.
They found him dead in bed. Finally, at the end of 1647, Father
Cherubini became ill with leprosy, just like Father Mario. He died in
Colegio Nazareno on January 9. He was forty-eight. He begged
for forgiveness. Calasanz, who was deeply moved, forgave him.
He received the viaticum and the last anointing afterwards.
Between the deaths of Pietrasanta and Cherubini there was
a precious interlude for God and men: the death of Father Peter
Casani. It happened on October 17, 1647. Communicating the
news, Calasanz wrote: "During his life, he lived very devoutly. So it
pleased God that he would die like a saint. Once his body was
brought to the church, there was an unending procession of people,
who came to view the body. I won't say anything now about the
favors received by some, except to say that it was necessary to
bring the body into the house to stop the flow of people." (16) It
was a dress rehearsal for the funeral of the Founder.
Death of a Just Man
In the middle of July 1648, "the holy old man" went to gain
the plenary indulgence and visited the now non-existent church of
San Salvatore, which was near the church of Saint Louis of France.
On his way back, he tripped and hurt his discalced foot. Propped
up by two companions, he arrived home. He never went out again.
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On August 1, he celebrated his last Mass. Afterwards, he felt sick
and went to bed. On Sunday, which was the following day, he did
not celebrate Mass. He went to the children's Mass. He received
Holy Communion from the hand of Father Berro during that Mass.
It was his last public appearance, and it has been immortalized by
Goya with his famous painting.
He had a bad Sunday. They called in three doctors at
different times. The doctors said that it was old age. The patient
insisted that the doctors did not know anything about his illness. It
was his liver. He had suffered from it throughout his life. To ease
the pain, he would apply a marble stone, which was wet with cold
water, where it hurt. He said: "The doctors do not know my illness.
When the Lord wants to take someone to heaven, he takes the
knowledge away from the doctors so as to prevent them from
applying the opportune remedies. I am burning with fever. I am
very thirsty, but I abstain from water, when I can, out of love for
God. Pray for me that I may accept God's will." (17)
His illness got worse. On August 11, the doctors bled him,
but the chills, which he felt afterwards, foretold the worst. On the
following day, early in the morning, he asked for communion.
Father John Garda del Castillo brought it to him. He was
accompanied by Fathers Berro, Caputi and Morelli. When the Lord
arrived, Father Caputi said that the Saint could not restrain himself
and exclaimed: "This is the tribunal of Truth." Two years earlier, a
flyer, which was full of incrimination and calumnies against him, was
published. It contained ten points. The first began like this:
"Calasanz has been the cause of our total destruction." He said to
the individual, who sent him the flyer: "I answer everything with one
word. We will soon see each other before the tribunal of Christ,
where we will see and know the truth and where each one will be
judged according to his deeds." (18) Now on his death bed, he
remembered the tribunal that was going to judge him. Father
Caputi went on: "He asked for forgiveness from those he might
have offended. He elaborated with a very moving exhortation,
which was full of memories and advice. He spoke about holy
humility, patience and charity. He blessed his most beloved sons,
those present and absent, those in Rome and in other houses. He
forgave those, who had offended him. He called them most
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eloved. He possessed such tenderness. The love, which we felt
for him, caused us to tear up and to cry. He also broke down and
cried freely, as if all of his feelings were coming out, through his
eyes and in his words, beloved sons” (19)
On August 15, which is the feast of the Assumption of Mary,
he again wanted communion. After the call for morning prayer, they
took him communion. The whole community attended. "With his
eyes lowered and with the greatest humility, he gave another
beautiful speech. It was different from the former. He
recommended the virtues and exhorted us, in particular, to teach
and to love the Institute. We must be united like brothers, and even
if hell shakes all over, we must not fear anyone." (20)
Among the very many scenes and anecdotes, which his
faithful biographers, Fathers Berro and Caputi, tell us, there are two
that are very moving. They show us the unbreakable fidelity of the
dying old man to the Catholic faith. A lot of friends came to visit him
in those final days. One of them was an Englishman, Thomas
Crochetti. Calasanz treasured this friendship very much. One of
Mr. Crochet's sons died as a Piarist. The Englishman had been the
chamberlain of King James I of England. He told his sick friend
about a remedy to cure mucus. Calasanz could hardly breathe
because of it. When Crochet told him that the prescription had
been discovered by King James I, Calasanz vigorously refused to
try it. He protests that he did not want any relief from the discovery
of a heretic. The other anecdote is more human and more
symbolic. It happened three days before he died. He called in two
of his religious, Fathers Berro and Fedele. He asked them: "Out of
love for me, please go to the Vatican and gain for me a plenary
indulgence. Kiss the foot of the statue of Saint Peter. Ask for his
blessing and forgiveness for my sins, and add any other devotion
you want. Go then to the chamberlain, Cardinal Cecchini, and ask
him to grant me a plenary Indulgence and a blessing for one at the
point of death (in articulo mortis) from the Pope. (21)
In spite of the tribulations and humiliations, which he
received from the Holy See, he did not hold any grudge. He wanted
to die as a faithful son of the Holy Roman Church and to be
consoled by the apostolic blessing of the Pope.
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He had great devotion to Saint Charles Borromeo and Saint
Philip Neri. That is why he asked to wear, for just a moment, the
sash of the former and the biretta of the latter. In the morning of
Sunday, August 23, he asked for the viaticum and, at dusk, for the
anointing. Father Garda, who was the superior, administered both
to him in front of the whole community.
Two supernatural visions, which occurred on the walls of his
meager room, were certainly the greatest things that occurred
during his final nights. Fathers Francis Castelli and Camillus
Scassellati testified, under oath, about the first one. They said that
they heard the Saint describe it. Fathers Berro and Caputi
confirmed it.
Father Castelli said: "I believe that this may be referred to as
the virtue of hope in the Blessed Mother. I heard it from his own
lips during the last few days before his death. I went to visit him
and told him: ‘Father, I believe that you want to play a dirty trick on
us. You want to leave us. I am very afraid.’ He answered me: ‘I
am in the hands of God. May his Divine Majesty do as he pleases!’
I then replied: ‘In any case, you may not fall but instead land on
your feet.’ He confidently answered me in a very soft voice: ‘Yes,
the Blessed Mother has told me to be happy and to not doubt
anything.’ I was surprised by his response. In order to get him to
repeat it, I said: ‘How is that Father?’ He answered: Our Lady of
the Hills (Madonna dei Monti) has told me to be happy and to not
doubt anything.’ I did this to have Father Scassellati there with me
to hear it. I later learned that the Servant of God had a great
devotion to Our Lady of the Hills.” (22) There is a church dedicated
to this virgin. It is behind the forum of Augustus in the ai Monti
neighborhood of Rome.
Father Berro described the second vision. Every Piarist, who
had previously died, visited the Founder. Father Constantine
Palamolla, who was a Barnabite and a good friend of the Saint,
came to visit him. The ailing Saint told him about the vision and
asked him about the difference between standing and sitting.
Father Palamolla asked him whether Glicerio Landriani was
standing or sitting. Calasanz said that he was sitting down. They
then concluded that those, who were sitting, were already in
207

heaven. Fathers Berro and Garda were also in the room. Father
Berro added: "I then left and heard nothing else." He later told
Father Constantine that only one person was missing. When he
asked him who was absent, he did not reply." (23)
The end finally came. Fathers Vincent Berro and Angel
Morelli were keeping watch during the night between August 25 and
25. Sometime after midnight, they let it be known that Calasanz
was dying. Father Berro described the scene. While he began the
commendation of the dying, Father Morelli rang the bell and the
whole community came. "I handed the stole and the ritual to Father
Castelli, the superior of the house. We continued with the
commendation of the dying. We all joined him and heard the
venerable old man answer the prayers in a clear voice. He raised
his right arm to bless us. At that moment, without any motion,
without any anguish and without any movement of the lips, he flew
to heaven. Three times he said: ‘Jesus, Jesus, Jesus.’ It was 5:30
A.M.
His body remained as beautiful and as good looking, as if he
were still alive. He had color in his face and a gentle smile on his
lips. We were all taken by a singular and powerful joy, which lifted
us out of our senses. We were so consoled, in some way, that it
seemed for us to be a holiday instead of a day of mourning.
Instead of feeling depressed because of the sorrow at hand, we felt
a common and universal joy. We were in this state when the clock
Sapienza University struck 5:45 (1:45 A.M. according to today's
calculations). (24)
He would have been ninety-one years old in just a few days.
First Glorification: Funerals
August 25, which was feast day of Saint Bartholomew, was a
vacation day. The children did not come to the Pious Schools that
day. In the early hours of the morning, the body was properly
prepared and laid in state in the domestic oratory. The Office for
the Dead was recited and a funeral Mass was sung with the doors
closed. When they finished the rites, the death mask was made. It
was the mask, which has contributed so much to Calasanzian
208

iconography over the centuries. Early in the afternoon, three
doctors, who were close friends of the Piarists, and a medical
assistant were called on to perform an autopsy and a rudimentary
embalming. They placed the tongue, liver and spleen into glass
bottles, and the heart was placed into a crystal cup. Everything was
then placed into a walnut chest, which was locked with three keys
and put in the room of the Saint, which no one else would use. A
century later, on August 2, 1748, they opened the small walnut
chest. It had to be forced open, because the keys were lost. All of
the organs were incorrupt. In 1752, they were enclosed in a
reliquary. They may be seen and venerated today in the
Generalate in Rome.
When they finished with the butchery, they again dressed the
body. It lay in state in the private oratory. They did not want to
make the news public until the following day. At first, they only
informed the Cardinal Vicar and the superiors of the houses in
Rome.
At 8:00 A.M. on August 26, the body was moved from the
domestic oratory to the church. In extraordinary silence, the funeral
cortege went through the Piazza dei Massimi. They entered the
church through the door, which faced the square. When he saw the
body, a five year old child spontaneously shouted: "The Saint! The
Saint! The Saint!" It was like a mourning trumpet. Bells did not toll,
because some said that the Duke of Bracciano was very sick and
that the mourning might disturb him. The bier was placed on top of
a humble catafalque in the middle of the church, and the funeral
Mass began. The church was almost empty.
The children did not know what happened. When they
arrived at San Pantaleo, they were told that there was no school,
because Father Joseph had died. The school had more than 1,000
children. Once they returned home, news of the death of the
Founder of the Pious Schools spread all over Rome.
There was also a poor lady with a crippled arm. Trusting in
the holiness of Father Joseph and leaning over with her healthy
arm, she managed to touch his body with her bad arm and felt
movement. She could open and close her hand. She began to
209

shout: "A Miracle! A Miracle!" The commotion spread in the
church, in the square, in the adjacent streets and throughout Rome.
As the day progressed, the crowd increased. The church could not
hold so many people. Cardinals and Bishops from the Curia came.
Ambassadors and princes from the Roman nobility came with their
wives. So did religious and many humble people. The two small
squares beside the church were full of people, who were waiting to
see and touch the venerable body. The large number of carriages
from the nobility and the court increased the chaos and confusion.
Inside the church, the avalanche of the multitude knocked down the
benches, which were protecting the catafalque. Soldiers from the
papal guard arrived to impose a little order in the chaos of holy
enthusiasm. They managed to transfer the catafalque to a space
inside the sanctuary. The effort was useless, because the small
walnut railing gave way to the onslaught by the multitude, which
went straight into the sanctuary. A small detail of Swiss guards was
called to protect the body.
During the day, there were eight miraculous cures. Some of
them were extraordinary. The fervor and the desire of the people to
collect relics increased. The biretta, the maniple, pieces of the
chasuble, alb, and cassock, and even hair and nails from the toes
all disappeared. At noon they miraculously managed to move the
body to the oratory and to dress it again. In the afternoon, it was
taken downstairs once more to satisfy the insistent uproar of the
people. In a constant flow, they passed by until night fall. At dusk,
Father Caravita, who was a famous and popular Jesuit, preached
an improvised eulogy. He was moved by the fervor, which had
changed into true glorification.
The spontaneous glorification, which was sealed by the
miraculous cures, sowed a seed of fear in the community. Given
the state of prostration of the Pious Schools and the official discredit
to which the poor Founder was reduced during his lifetime, this
posthumous glorification could have appeared imprudent in the
eyes of the Roman Curia.
The priests decided to bury the body after closing the church.
They did so early on August 27, before the procession would again
start. The procession continued to pass before the sepulcher.
210

Second Glorification: Restoration of the Order
Every effort to restore the Order failed during the pontificate
of Pope Innocent X. There was a glimmer of hope when Bishop
Fabio Chigi was appointed as Secretary of State and was later
named a Cardinal. He was a very good friend of Father Charles
Mazzei, who was an illustrious Latin teacher and a Piarist in San
Pantaleo.
The new Secretary of State made vague promises. On the
other hand, neither he nor any of the other cardinals, who received
appeals with urgent requests from the Polish court, thought it
convenient to pressure the Pope. It was as if they had asked for a
formal retraction from the Pope. No one, in his right mind, could
expect the Pope to grant it.
Pope Innocent X died in 1655. Cardinal Chigi was elected
Pope, and he took the name Pope Alexander VII. The happiness of
the Piarists was enormous, because they believed that he would do
as Pope what he could not do as Secretary of State. So it was. In
the beginning, however, the new Pope had his fears along with his
promises and good will. He did not want to jeopardize the prestige
of the Holy See with any kind of retraction.
The Piarists put in motion, once again, the diplomatic
resources to help the Pope decide. The courts of Poland, Tuscany
and Spain wrote to cardinals, bishops, other powerful people and
even the Pope himself to obtain what was proposed.
Finally, Pope Alexander VII decided to put Bishop Fagnano
in charge. They heard that he had no intention of going against the
basic points in the brief of Pope Innocent X. Therefore, by all
means, they tried to put the matter into the hands of Bishop
Farnese or Bishop Rospigliosi (the future Pope Clement IX). The
entire diplomatic campaign was focused on only one goal. They got
what they wanted. The Pope handed the matter over to Bishop
Farnese. The Bishop presented his project to a commission of
cardinals, which was especially set up for this purpose. The
Piarists became extremely afraid when they read that Bishop
Albizzi, who was now a Cardinal, was among the members of the
211

commission. To get into his good graces, a large group of Piarists
went to visit him. The meeting was friendly. His Eminence recalled
the whole deplorable process, which ended with the reduction from
an order to a congregation. He showed his esteem for the Institute
and the Founder. He added a most eloquent confession: "If the
importune demands of some had not challenged my reputation,
then the brief of Pope Innocent X would have never been issued."
(25) It was a justification and, at the same time, a self-accusation.
His personal honor prevailed over the life of a religious order and
the reputation of its Founder.
The commission held its only session on October 1, 1655.
The Pope had the sensitivity to impede Cardinal Albizzi from
attending the session. The Pope entrusted to him an important
assignment, which prevented him from attending. The project of
Bishop Farnese was approved by the commission. Out of courtesy,
it was also presented to Albizzi, who approved it, as did the
Secretary of State, Bishop Rospigliosi.
New complications delayed the composition and publication
of the brief, which was signed by the Pope on January 26, 1656.
On March 12, 1657, Cardinal Ginetti had it read before the entire
community in the same oratory where, ten years before, the original
brief was read. The new brief restored the Pious Schools to a
congregation with simple vows. There would now be major
superiors, but the members would still be subject to the local
ordinaries in some matters. They would have the privileges
appropriate for mendicant orders, which the Pious Schools
previously enjoyed. Finally, they would again have a Cardinal
Protector, Cardinal Ginetti. The last cardinal to hold that position
was Cardinal Cesarini, who died in January 1644. The Pious
Schools had gone without a Cardinal Protector since August 1642,
when the Holy Office took jurisdiction of the Pious Schools away
from Cesarini. During the difficult years, when the Institute needed
one the most, there was no Cardinal Protector.
The blessing to again officially exist as a congregation with
simple vows was enormous. The brief, however, imposed many
limitations, which hindered the normal rhythm of religious life.
Partial solutions were granted, but Pope Alexander VII did not want
212

to grant total restoration yet, because he believed full abolition of
Pope Innocent’s brief to be too hasty.
When Alexander VII died in May 1667, Cardinal Rospigliosi
succeeded him as Pope Clement IX. The Piarists were very
satisfied. In 1637, he had presided over the General Chapter. He
greatly admired the holiness of the Founder. He had been a friend
ever since. What is more: during the previous pontificate, he had
shown his will and support to restore the Order.
The first petition to the new Pope set out to reduce the
limitations of the brief of Pope Alexander VII. The Superior
General, Father Cosmas Chiara, who was encouraged by the
Pope’s willingness to please them, presented a formal petition,
which requested the full restoration of the Order. The Pope
accepted the idea and then handed the matter to the Congregation
for Bishops and Regulars. Months went by. Many papers
exchanged hands. It looked as if the cause of the Pious Schools
was forgotten. Once again, the diplomatic wheels were set in
motion to get out of the situation. This time, it was the court of
Tuscany, which put its resources into action. In accord with the
initiatives of the Piarists, the court was able to get Pope Clement IX
to set up a special commission, which was made up of three
prelates from the Curia and three from Tuscany.
This commission, with the subtlety typical of the Roman
Curia, managed to prove that the fatal brief of Pope Innocent X was
invalid, because it lacked juridical formalities. So was the brief of
Pope Alexander VII. The brief, which acknowledged the Pious
Schools as a Congregation with simple vows, was also null
because it was a correction of the other. Consequently, to find a
valid papal document to prove the valid existence of the Institute,
one had to go back as far as the brief of November 18, 1621. By
that brief, Pope Gregory XV elevated the Institute to an order with
solemn vows. “Since the reasons used by Pope Gregory were as
good then as they are today, it should be confirmed again, and the
briefs of Popes Innocent X and Alexander VII should be declared
null.
The proposal by the commission was presented to the
213

Congregation for Bishops and Regulars, with the expressed wishes
of the Pope. It was approved on October 4, 1669. The proper brief
was signed by the Pope on October 21. On the following Saturday,
October 26, the notary for the Cardinal Vicar read it in public in the
historic oratory of San Pantaleo. Father Caputi wrote: Pope
Clement IX was very satisfied "for having resurrected during his
pontificate an Order, which was already dead."
Calasanz must have turned in his grave, because this was
another glorification of his memory and his innocence.
Third Glorification: Beatification and Canonization
To begin the process of beatification and canonization of a
man, who died under the disgrace of the Holy See, was a bold act.
He had been relieved from his position as the Superior General of
an order, which was practically annihilated. To defend his work, he
had fought and faced innumerable difficulties for fifty years. It
looked like he wanted to continue facing adversity even after his
death. His exaltation during the funeral and the numerous miracles
attributed to him drove the community of San Pantaleo to promote
the cause of beatification. Thus began the first of the many
processes, that of non-cult. Cardinal Ginetti approved it, as did
Pope Alexander X. The process lasted just one month. The first
step had been accomplished.
The ordinary informative process with regard to the virtues
and miracles followed. This process gathered the sworn testimony
of those who had personally known Father Joseph Calasanz. The
interviews of 34 witnesses lasted from May 1651 to October 1653.
The ordinary processes were finished during the pontificate of Pope
Innocent X.
Once the regular formalities were completed, the cause was
introduced in the Congregation of Rites in 1667. Thus began the
apostolic processes. The first two, one on virtues in general and
one on virtues in particular, lasted from 1669 until 1692. This
completed the information given in the ordinary processes. The
analysis and discussion of heroic virtues would be based on the
ordinary processes. This step could not begin until fifty years after
214

the death of the Servant of God. And so it was.
Prospero Lambertini intervened in this long process. At
various times, he served as a defense lawyer, as vice-promoter of
the faith and as devil's advocate. Later, he cast his vote as a
cardinal member of the Congregation of Rites. Finally, after being
elected Pope Benedict XIV, he declared the Servant of God as a
Blessed. From the very beginning, Lambertini understood that the
most serious question revolved around the tribulations, which were
suffered by the Founder and his Order. In fact, the directives of the
Holy See against him and his Institute were very serious. They
implied significant culpability on the part of the Founder. Since
there was no official document, which absolved him, restored him
as the Superior General and acknowledged his innocence, it would
be impossible to beatify him. Lambertini said: Faced with these
difficulties, "the postulators of the cause contemplated giving up
many times." (26)
Neither Calasanz' letters nor the affidavits of his contemporaries
helped. The contemporaries affirmed that Calasanz was
restored to his position as Superior General during the third session
of the commission, when in fact he was never restored. A review of
the commission’s minutes would be indispensable. The chroniclers,
Fathers Berro and Caputi, tell us that Bishop Albizzi, once he was
convinced of the innocence of Calasanz, handed over all of the
pertinent documents to the priests in San Pantaleo. The minutes of
the commission were not among those papers. He had been
secretary of the commission. Unfortunately, every valuable
document had been burned.
In spite of so many mishaps, Lambertini went out of his way
to look for the priceless documents in private and public archives.
Finally, at the end of 1717, a copy was found among the papers in
the personal archives of Cardinal Francisco Paolucci who was a
member of the commission, while he was a bishop. The principle
question was settled. Nevertheless, there were other difficulties and
mishaps until 1728, when Pope Benedict XIII approved the heroic
virtues.
During the next twenty years, with despairing slowness, the
215

miracles were examined. The required miracles were approved in
May 1748, just two months short of the first centenary of the death
of the Servant of God. They wanted to celebrate it with his
beatification. On August 18, after the final steps had been
completed, Pope Benedict XIV celebrated the solemn ceremony in
the Vatican basilica. In 1755, with special permission of the Pope,
the statue of the Founder of the Pious Schools was placed in the
basilica of Saint Peter. He was still only a Blessed. Statues of the
other founders, before or after him, were placed in their niches only
after their canonization.
The process of the miracles for the canonization continued.
The canonization took place on July 16, 1767. Pope Clement XIII
celebrated it. The figure of Calasanz appeared in the magnificent
glory of Bernini. Chroniclers tell us that, on that night, the dome, the
facade and the colonnade of the Vatican Basilica were illuminated
with torches. It was the final exaltation, the final glorification.
In 1948, Pope Pius XII solemnly offered him the last crown of
glory during the celebration of the third centenary of his death and
the second centenary of his beatification. He proclaimed him the
“Universal Patron of all Christian popular schools in the world.”
Today (1993), after almost four centuries of existence, the
Pious Schools are present on four continents and in 28 nations.
There are 221 houses and 1,600 religious. They have had their
share of glory and misery, like any other in history. They have been
more esteemed and protected than persecuted. They have had
undeniable influences on the cultural life of the world. They are
always restless and eager to continue the work of their Founder.
Besides the Piarist Order, ten other religious congregations, who
are living his spirit and inspiration, acknowledge and invoke Saint
Joseph Calasanz as a special protector and patron.
What is most important is that every nation of the civilized
world considers it to be the obligation of the state to provide free
schools for the children of the people, without distinction. On
November 20, 1959, the General Assembly of the United Nations
approved the Letter to the U.N. Committee on the Rights of the
Child. It proclaimed that: "considering that humanity owes the child
216

the best it can give it, the child has a right to education that is free
and obligatory at least during the elementary stages."
Adding the word Christian to the word education, Saint
Joseph Calasanz dedicated his work and his life to this idea.
217

N o t e s
CHAPTER 1
1. EGC, VIII, c. 4397
2. EHI, p. 1464.
3. Rev. Cal. 3 (1925) 178
4. Reg. Cal. 13, 6-8
5. Reg. Cal. 30, p. 209
6. Reg. Cal. 30, pp. 213-214
7. EGC, II, c. 132 a
8. EGC, V, c. 1849
9. EHI, pp. 1463-1464
10. S. GINER, El proceso de beatificaci6n de San Jose de
Calasanz (Madrid 1973) p. 114, fnt. 98
11. Reg. Cal. 13,6-8
12. San Francisco de Assisi (BAC, Madrid 1945) p. 526
13. BAU, BC, pp. 11-12
14. Ibid., pp. 82-85; BAU, RV, p. 32
15. BAU, BC, p. 86
16. V. BERRO, Memorie, (ms) Archivo General, Roma, Hist. -
Biblio., I f 4r.
17. EGC, II, c. 4.
18. BAU, RV, p. 11
19. L. PICANYOL, Rassegna di storia e bibliografia scolopica 26-27
(1957) 56
20. BAU, BC, p. 83
21. Anal. Cal. 15 (1966) 197.
CHAPTER 2
1. BAU, RV, p. 11
2. Ibid., p. 36
3. EGC, VII, c. 3071 and 3091
4. BAU, RV, p. 36
5. EGC, VII, c. 3704; VIII, cc. 4075, 4232
6. BAU, Be, p. 104
218

7. Ibid., p. 105
8. V. BERRO, Memorie, f 6r-7v
9. BAU, RV, p. 11
10. Anal. Cal. 20 (1968) 254
11. BAU, RV, p. 11
12. Anal. Cal. 15 (1966) 198-200
13. Ibid., 20 (1968) 306
14. Ibid., 15 (1966) 201-204, 8 (1962) 368-369
CHAPTER 3
1. Anal. Cal. 15 (1966) 210
2. Ibid., p. 211
3. Ibid., p. 192
4. Anal. Cal, 20 (1968) 302 and 296
5. BAU, BC, p. 132; Anal. Cal. 8 (1962) 374
6. Anal. Cal. 20 (1968) 431-433
7. Ibid., 40 (1978) 457-458
8. Ibid., 20 (1968) 189
9. BAU, Be, p. 132
10. Anal. Cal. 8 (1962),433 nt. 91
11. Ibid., p. 406
12. Ibid., p. 405
13. BAU, RV p. 11
14. BAU, BC 132
15. Anal. Cal. 40 (1978) 459-460. 461
16. Ibid., p. 467-468
17. Ibid., p. 471
18. Ibid., p. 468, nt. 27
CHAPTER 4
1. Urge Ilia 2 (1979) 384-385
2. P. PUJOL I TUB AU, Sant Josep de Calassanz; Oficial del
Capitol d'Urgell (1587-1589) (Barcelona 1921) pp. 70-79
3. Ibid., p. 16
4. Ibid., p. 15
5. EGC, VII, c. 3673
6. Const., Part I, c. VIII, n. 66
219

7. De Ritibus Ecclesiae Catholicae libri tres (Tip. Vaticana, 1591)
8. P. PUJOL I TUBAU, o. c., p. 79
9. Ibid., p. 15 and 83
10. Anal. Cal. 4 (1960) 280-281
11. Ibid., p. 337
12. BAU, BC, p. 174
13. Ibid., pp. 176-177
14. Ibid., p. 181
15. Ibid., p. 180
16. Ibid., p. 193
17. Ibid., p. 194
18. Anal. Cal. 4 (1960) 286
19. Ibid., p. 342
20. BAU, BC, p. 198
21. Ibid., p. 196
22. Ibid., p. 174
23. Ibid., p. 182
24. Ibid., EGC, II, c. 16* and 45
CHAPTER 5
1. EGC, II c. 4
2. Ibid.,
3. Ibid., c. 5
4. Ibid., c. 6
5. BAU, Be, p. 278
6. EGC, V, c. 1849
7. EGC, II, c. 3
8. Ibid.,
9. Ibid.,
10. Ibid., c. 4
11. Ibid., c. 7
12. Catalaunia 195 (1977) 38
13. Ibid., p. 37
14. BAU, BC, p. 278
15. EGC, II, p. 186
16. BAU, RV, p.71
17. Ibid., p. 60 and 62
18. EGC, VIII, c. 4185
220

19. A. GARCIA DURAN, Itinerario espiritual de San Jose de
Calasanz
(Barcelona 1967) pp. 85-87, nt. 463
20. BAU, RV, p. 78
21. V. BERRO, Memorie f. 16
22. EGC, II, C. 7
23. A. GARCIA-DURAN, o. c., pp. 82 and 131
24. SANTHA, Ensayos p. 54
25. EGC IV, c. 1331
26. A. GARCIA-DURAN, o. c., pp. 131-132
27. BAU, RV, p. 80
CHAPTER 6
1. BAU, Be, p. 265-266; 268-272; 276-278; A. GARCIA -DURAN, o.
c., pp. 68-70, nt. 409 and 412
2. A. GARCIA-DURAN, o. c., p. 70, nt. 412
3. Ibid., p. 71, nt. 420
4. Ibid., p. 87, nt. 465
5. SANTHA, Ensayos, p. 55
6. EGC, II, C. 132a
7. BAU, BC, pp. 277-278
8. Ibid., p. 268
9. SANTHA, Ensayos, p. 42
10. ECG, VIII, c. 4185
11. EGC, II, c. 132a
12. A. GARCIA-DURAN, o. c., p. 91, nt. 476
13. Eph. Cal. 6 (1958) 159, nt. 18
14. A. GARCIA-DURAN, o. c., p. 98, nt. 497
15. EGe, II, c. 132a
16. EC, p. 1552 (Gellio Gellini)
17. A. GARCIA-DURAN, o. c., p. 110, nt, 559
18. EGe, II, c. 132a
19. Ibid., c. 380a
20. Ibid., c. 132a
21. SANTHA, Ensayos, pp. 136-137
22. EGe, II, c. 132a
23. SANTHA, (BAC) 144, nt. 17
24. SANTHA, Ensayos, p. 257
221

25. A. GARCIA-DURAN, o. c., p. 118, nt. 587
26. SANTHA, Ensayos, p. 263; EGC, VIII, p. 451
CHAPTER 7
1. A. BERNARDINI, Delle chronache della congregatione dei
chierici regolari della Madre di Dio in Positio (pp. 257-284) p. 261
2. Archivum 4 (1978) 280 and 277
3. A. BERNARDINI, 1. c.
4. EGC, II, c. 7b
5. A. BERNARDINI, o. c., P. 264
6. Ibid., p. 263
7. Eph. Cal. 6 (1960) 199, nt. 18
8. Ibid., p. 189, nt. 18 and 23
9. EGC, VI, p. 2716-2717
10. A. BERNARDINI, o. c., p. 265
11. Ibid
12. Ibid., p. 276
13. SANTHA, (BAC) p. N 364, nt. 5
14. Ibid.
15. Const., II, c. 3, n. 116
16. EGC VIII, p. 451
17. EC, VI, p. 2866
18. A. BERNARDINI, o. c.,p. 269
19. Ibid., p. 270
20. Positio, p. 156
21. Ibid., p. 205
22. A. BERNARDINI, o. c., pp. 278-279
23. Positio, pp. 206-207
24. A. BERNARDINI, o. c., p. 281
25. EGe, II, p. 50 •
26. A. BERNARDINI, o. c., p. 281
27. Positio, p. 241
28. EGC, II, c. 8
29. Ibid., p. 50
30. Eph. Cal. 9-10 (1959) 337, nt. 11
31. Eph. Cal. 6 (1960) 203, nt. 40
32. EC, VI, p. 3044-3047
222

33. Eph. Cal. 11 (1959) 377
34. EGC, II, p. 171-172
35. A. GARCIA-DURAN, o. c., p. 158
36. EGC, II, c. 32
37. EGC, IV, c. 1233
38. Const., II, c. 2, n. 108
39. EGC, II, c. 32
40. Ibid., c. 72
41. L. PICANYOL, La Scuole Pie e Galileo Galilei (Roma 1942) p.
60, nt. 2
42. A. GARCIA-DURAN, o. c., pp. 169-170, nt. 750
43. Ibid., pp. 170-172
44. EC, II, p. 504.
CHAPTER 8
1. Positio, p. 432
2. EGC, II, c. 148
3. EGC, III, c. 547
4. Ibid., c. 550
5. Ibid., c. 554
6. Ibid., c. 556
7. Ibid., c. 560
8. Ibid., c. 563
9. BAU, RV, p. 181
10. EGC, VII, c. 3074
11. Eph. Cal. 3 (1943) 71
12. G. L. MONCALLERO, II Codice calasanziano palerrnitano
(Roma
1965) p. 197
13. EGC, III, c. 573
14. G. L. MONCALLERO, o. c., p. 190
15. EGC, V, c. 2164
16. G. L. MONCALLERO, o. c., p. 194
17. EHI, p. 461
18. Ibid., p. 1693
19. Ibid., p. 463
20. Ibid., p. 464
223

21. EEC, p. 481
22. Ibid.,
23. SANTHA, Ensayos, p. 162
24. EEC, p. 362
25. EGC, V, c 2027
26. EGC, VIII, c. 3996*
27. EEC, p. 1219
28. Eph. Cal. 2 (1941) 38
29. EGC, IV, c. 1365
30. Ibid., c. 1662
31. EGC, V, c. 1849
32. EGC, VI, c. 2902
CHAPTER 9
1. Const., n. 1-2
2. EC, VI, pp. 3044-3047
3. EGC, II, pp. 55-56
4. Const. n. 5 and 203
5. D. CUEVA, Calasanz: Mensaje espiritual y pedag6gico (Madrid
1973)n. 1210. 1213. 1231. 1235. 1237. 1254. 1390. 1394
6. Ibid., n. 679. 676
7. Ibid., n. 1207. 1234; EGC, VIII, c. 4318
8. Ibid., n 1236
9. EGC, VI, c. 2441
10. EGC, VIII, 4120. 3858; EGC, VII, c. 3198
11. EGC, VI, c. 2947. 2616; EGC, VII, c. 3087
12. D. CUEVA, o. c., n. 1426
13. ALLEN, Opus epistolarum Des. Erasmis, V, 113
14. SANTHA, (BAC) p. 41
15. EGC, IV, c. 1160; VIII, c. 4276; III, c. 678
16. Con. Trid. session XXIII, canon 18
17. Const. n. 219
18. Anal. Cal. 39 (1978) 208
19. EGC, III, p. 206
20. D. CUEVA, o. c., n. 1340. 1342. 1343
21. SANTHA, (BAC) p. 403, nt. 27
224

CHAPTER 10
1. EC, IV, p. 1977, nt. 2
2. EGC, II, c. 318. 319
3. Ibid., c. 346
4. Ibid., c. 349
5. Ibid., c. 380
6. Ibid., c. 380a
7. Eph. Cal. 4 (1959) 199, nt. 38
8. Ee, VI, pp. 2744-2749
9. Eph. Cal. 1. c., pp. 194-195, nt. 32
10. Ibid., p. 166-169, nt. 24
11. Ibid., pp. 200-201, nt. 41
12. Ibid., p. 202
13. Ibid., p. 201-202
14. Ibid., p. 192
CHAPTER 11
1. Positio pp. 562-565
2. EGe, IV, c. 1359. 1361
3. Ibid., c. 1516
4. Positio, p. 841
5. EGC, V, p. 24
6. EC, VI, p. 3054
7. EGC, VI, p. 23
8. Positio p. 810
9. Ibid., pp. 763-765
10. EGC, V, pp. 23-24
11. EC, pp. 666-667
12. EGC, V, c. 1957
13. Ibid. c. 1959
14. Ibid., c. 1974
15. Ibid., c. 1977
16. Ibid., c. 1984
17. BAU, BC, p. 726
18. EGC, V, c. 2011
19. Ibid., c. 2049
225

20. Ibid., c. 2071
21. Archivum 13 (1954) 36
22. Positio p. 931
23. Anal. Cal. 50 (1983) 570-631
24. EGC, VII, c. 3491
25. EEC, p. 158
26. Ibid., p. 143
CHAPTER 12
1. Positio p. 564
2. EGC, III, c. 762
3. Ibid., c. 649
4. Positio p. 540
5. Ibid., p. 516
6. Ibid., p. 541
7. BAU, OC, p. 717
8. EGC, IV, c. 1315; III, c. 797; IV, c. 1160
9. EGC, V, c. 1793
10. EGC, IX, p. 108
11. Ibid., p. 109
12. EGC, VI, c. 2757
13. BAU, BC, p. 713
14. Eph. Cal. 12 (1963) 401
15. L. PICANYOL, Le Scuole Pie, p. 135
16. Ibid., p. 136
17. Ibid., p. 137
18. Ibid., pp. 141-143
19. Ibid., pp. 147-148
20. EGC, VIII, c. 3824
21. Ibid., c. 3966 22.Ibid. / c. 3969 23.Ibid., c. 3980 24.Ibid., c. 3999
25.L. PICANYOL, O. c./ p. 158 26.EGC, VIII, c. 4028 27.Positio p.
1136
28.Ibid.
29.BAU, BC, p. 921 30.Ibid., p. 915
31.5. GINER, El proceso, p. 211/ nt. 88.
226

CHAPTER 13
1. Positio p. 1170
2. Ibid., pp. 1188-1189
3. Ibid., nts. 278-281; EC, VI, pp. 3070-3071
4. Positio p. 1171
5. L. PICANYOL, O. c./ p. 163
6. Ibid., p. 164
7. Ibid., p. 162
8. Ibid., p. 166
9. Ibid., p. 167
10. EGC, VIII, c. 4082
11. Positio p. 1165
12. Ibid., pp. 1157-1166
13. Ibid., pp. 1189-1190
14. BAU, BC, p. 964
15. EGC, VIII, c. 4096 and 4103
16. EC, p. 2539
17. Archivum 3 (1978) 61-66
18. BAU, BC, pp. 979
19. Ibid., pp. 981-982
20. 5ANTHA, Ensayos p. 226
21. BAU, BC, pp. 998-999
22. EGC, IX, p. 160
23. Positio p. 1235-1236
24. EC, pp. 2110-2113
25. Positio p. 1234
26. EGC, IX, pp. 125-134
27. Ibid., pp. 134-135
28. Ibid., 168
29. Ibid., p. 178-179
30. BAU, BC, p. 1099
31. Positio pp. 1312-1313
32. EGC, VIII, c. 4250 and 4400
33. EGC, IX, p. 207
34. Ibid., p. 211
35. V. BERRO, Memorie (ms. ) f. 350
36. EGC, IX, p. 213
37. Ibid.
227

38. Ibid., p. 215
39. EGC, VIII, c. 4333
40. Eph. Cal. 1 (1961) 28
41. Ibid., p. 29
42. A. GARCIA-DURAN, o. C., p. 109, nt. 556
CHAPTER 14
1. EGC, IX, p. 220
2. EGC, VIII, c. 4337
3. Ibid., c. 4347
4. Eph. Cal. 1 (1959) 11
5. EGC, VIII, c. 4354.4347.4324.4341. 4348. 4366
6. Ibid., c. 4327
7. Ibid., c. 4333. 4335
8. Ibid., c. 4336
9. Ibid., c. 4345
10. Rev. Cal. 12 (1957) 345
11. Eph. Cal. 5-6 (1958) 113
12. EGC, VIII, c. 4386
13. Ibid., c. 4401
14. Eph. Cal. 4-5 (1972) 155-156; Anal. Cal. 50(1983)644-681
15. EGC, VIII, c. 4522
16. EGC, VIII, cc. 4497-4500
17. BAU, Be, p. 1166
18. EGC, VIII, c. 4400
19. BAU, Be, p. 1167
20. Ibid., p. 1168
21. Ibid., p. 1171
22. Ibid., p. 1179
23. Ibid., p. 1190
24. Ibid.
25. Anal. Cal. 40 (1978) 553, nt. 12
26. S. GINER, o. c., p. 248 '"
228

THE AUTHOR
Father Severino Giner-Guerri, Sch.P. was born in Murla,
Alicante in Spain in 1930. He joined the Piarists in 1945. He has
doctoral degrees in Theology and in Church History from the
Pontifical Gregorian University in Rome. He has been a professor
for 17 years in these subjects. He was the director of the
magazine, Comunidad Educativa (1979-1985) and chief editor of
Revlsta de Ciencias de la Educacion (1979-1985), both from ICCE
(Madrid). Since 1985, he has been the official historian of the Order
of Pious Schools, and since 1993 the director of the official
magazine of the Order, Ephemerides Calasanctianae. He wrote
many articles about the history of religious life and the history of
Saint Joseph Calasanz. Besides we can also find: El Proceso de
Beatificacion de San Jose de Calasanz (1973), Alonso Ruiz de
Virues en la Controversla Pretridentina con los Protestantes (1964),
Juan Bautista de Toledo, Segundo Arquitecto de la Basílica
Vaticana, junto a Miguel Angel (1977). Works in collaboration:
Cartas Selectas de San Jose de Calasanz (1977), Dlcclonarlo
Enciclopédico Escolapio (1983). More recent works are: San Jose
de Calasanz, Maestro Fundador. New Critical Biographies: BAC
Major (1992). Sigulendo las Huellas de San Jose de Calasanz por
España e Ítala (1992).
229