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Mercedes Botto Andrea Carla Bianculli - Flacso

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4. IMPACT EVALUATION: AN INITIAL COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS<br />

Along this section we will present a brief comparative analysis of both episodes in order to identify<br />

their similarities and differences in terms of the agenda-setting process, the production of<br />

knowledge, and its articulation with the policy-making process and utilization.<br />

When thinking in terms of the agenda-setting process, both episodes share a similar paradigm,<br />

which is clearly based on the idea promoted by international financial institutions – especially the<br />

World Bank – that portray trade liberalization policies undertaken as a change of paradigm, as being<br />

the unique possible solution to financial and economic crisis, and to growth problems as well.<br />

Promoted by the global epistemic community, this vision would find support at the domestic level:<br />

the economic and political elites were deeply convinced of the need of reform. However, the<br />

strategies designed and implemented by the first two democratic governments – the Radical<br />

administration, and the one led by the Peronist Party – would show important differences.<br />

The administration headed by Raúl Alfonsín followed the reform path proposed by the World<br />

Bank, but only partially. This government’s innovation was evident in the promotion of a trade<br />

liberalization process based on bilateral negotiations and tariff preferences, precisely when at the<br />

global level unilateral liberalization was actively promoted in order to deepen multilateralism. Thus,<br />

the negotiations initiated with Brazil would be structured around a set of sectoral agreements,<br />

which followed a clear logic of productive complementarity.<br />

On the contrary, the following administration strictly and unquestionably followed the policy<br />

recommendations of the so-called Washington Consensus, which mainly consisted of an<br />

indiscriminate opening of the economy at all levels – unilateral, regional, and multilateral – together<br />

with the establishment of high exchange rates. At the regional level, the logic of the integration<br />

process with Brazil changed dramatically. Negotiations with Brazil, and with Paraguay and Uruguay<br />

in order to create Mercosur, were only aimed at attaining a free trade zone and a zero tariff within a<br />

period of five years. The proposal of creating a customs union would be brought about by the<br />

larger partners – Argentina and Brazil – that clearly needed to establish a lock-in mechanism for the<br />

trade liberalization already achieved, and to resist the pressures of protectionist sectors interested in<br />

reversing the process.<br />

When analyzing the academic production that influenced on the design of these strategies, both<br />

experiences exhibit great similarities. In both cases, governments were faced with new challenges,<br />

but they also lacked the basic expertise and information required to effectively implement these<br />

transformations. This would not be the case with the private sector, where a reduced group<br />

comprising the most concentrated industries that were in need of wider markets, had undergone a<br />

“regional” learning process since the negotiations within LAIA. Unlike governments, these<br />

companies had constructed continuity in time and had developed an increasing professionalization<br />

of their staff members.<br />

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