Bureau Savamala Belgrade
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978-3-86859-359-4
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<strong>Bureau</strong> <strong>Savamala</strong><br />
<strong>Belgrade</strong><br />
Urban Research and Practice<br />
in a Fast-changing Neighborhood<br />
Jürgen Krusche and Philipp Klaus (Eds.)
FOREWORD 7<br />
Jürgen Krusche<br />
1 Introduction<br />
to <strong>Savamala</strong><br />
<strong>Bureau</strong> <strong>Savamala</strong> <strong>Belgrade</strong> 12<br />
Jürgen Krusche<br />
Kratak pregled istorije i izgradnje Beograda 24<br />
A Brief Overview of <strong>Belgrade</strong>’s History<br />
and Development 25<br />
Vladimir Dulović<br />
Gentrification Research: A Brief introduction 42<br />
Philipp Klaus<br />
2 <strong>Bureau</strong> <strong>Savamala</strong><br />
The Role of Art and Culture in Gentrification<br />
and upgrade of the <strong>Savamala</strong> Neighborhood 50<br />
Philipp Klaus<br />
SAVAMALA‘S CHANGE AND REGENERATION 72<br />
Results of Image-based Research 72<br />
Changes Documented in the Project Area 74<br />
Photo Documentation 77<br />
Jürgen Krusche<br />
LIKE / DISLIKE SAVAMALA 109<br />
Jürgen Krusche
<br />
3 Projects of urban Incubator<br />
<strong>Belgrade</strong><br />
Škola urbane prakse 120<br />
The School of Urban Practices 121<br />
Ivan Kucina<br />
MODEL ZA SAVAMALU 130<br />
A MODEL FOR SAVAMALA 131<br />
Maja Popović Vračar / Boba Stanić<br />
Mikroutopija Treći Beograd 140<br />
The Third <strong>Belgrade</strong> Micro-Utopia 141<br />
Selman Trtovac<br />
Stare kafane Savamale 156<br />
Old Kafanas in <strong>Savamala</strong> 157<br />
Nina Todorović / Predrag Terzić<br />
Camenzind // Kamenzind 164<br />
Leila Peacock / Axel Humpert<br />
4 and savamala’s future?<br />
Beograd na političkoj volji 172<br />
<strong>Belgrade</strong> on Troubled Political Waters 173<br />
Ljubica Slavković<br />
Krv nije voda 186<br />
Blood is Thicker than Water 187<br />
Rastko Novaković<br />
Otvoreno pismo građanima Beograda 194<br />
Open Letter to the People of <strong>Belgrade</strong> 195<br />
Biographies 202<br />
Picture Credits 206<br />
Imprint 207
7<br />
Foreword<br />
FOREWORD<br />
A Small Urban Neighborhood in the Global Spotlight<br />
Jürgen Krusche<br />
In 1999, NATO bombed <strong>Belgrade</strong> and, to this day, debate continues as to whether<br />
this represented a violation of human rights. The remnants of this attack can still<br />
be seen: for example, the bombed and burned-out Ministry of Defense in the city<br />
center. The “White City” has a difficult past to overcome; yet it has still managed to<br />
make progress in moving closer to Europe. A direct train connection with Vienna<br />
was reinstated at the end of 2014 and there are plans to further develop the line to<br />
Budapest, which will immensely benefit the freight transport industry. The People’s<br />
Republic of China, which has strategically invested billions in diverse infrastructure<br />
projects for Southeastern Europe, has great interest in modernizing the railway from<br />
<strong>Belgrade</strong> to Budapest—and later extending it as far as the port of Piraeus. In the<br />
future, Chinese goods will be transported quickly and safely via this new route to<br />
Central Europe. 1 Serbia looks set to benefit from Beijing’s global investment strategy,<br />
in which the country is seen as part of western Eurasia. 2<br />
This Chinese investment strategy benefits not only Serbia in general, but <strong>Savamala</strong><br />
in particular. The Chinese play a significant role in improving the quality of life in<br />
<strong>Savamala</strong>—the neighborhood that this publication focuses on. For decades, heavy<br />
trucks have thundered down Karadjordjeva in the middle of the otherwise tranquil<br />
quarter. Most national and international north-south freight transport has to pass
11<br />
Introduction to <strong>Savamala</strong><br />
1<br />
Introduction<br />
to <strong>Savamala</strong>
<strong>Bureau</strong> <strong>Savamala</strong><br />
<strong>Belgrade</strong><br />
Jürgen Krusche<br />
Introduction<br />
At the End, the Future<br />
<strong>Bureau</strong> <strong>Savamala</strong>’s research was wrapping up in summer 2014 when an exhibition<br />
designed to inaugurate the future of <strong>Belgrade</strong> opened on <strong>Savamala</strong>’s central square.<br />
Abu Dhabi-based developer, Eagle Hills, presented its multi-billion dollar <strong>Belgrade</strong><br />
Waterfront project. The presentation used a large-scale model and computer-generated<br />
pictures, and took place in one of <strong>Belgrade</strong>’s most beautiful historic buildings,<br />
the Geozavod Building, formerly the <strong>Belgrade</strong> Cooperative Building. 1 This vision for<br />
the future—<strong>Belgrade</strong> Waterfront—is slated to be built on the Sava riverfront, starting<br />
in 2015, with the support of the government and municipality. A 180-meter tower<br />
is planned as its central landmark and “will put the site at the top of the rankings<br />
of the must-see spots of the world”, as the project’s website proclaims. 2 The whole<br />
development—which will house the largest shopping mall in the Balkans—plans to<br />
create an image of what the future could look like, not only for <strong>Belgrade</strong> but Serbia<br />
as a whole. (> 1) “We are changing <strong>Belgrade</strong>. We are changing the face of Serbia. The<br />
whole country will shine like this high-rise!” said Prime Minister Aleksandar Vučić at<br />
the exhibition’s grand opening. 3<br />
This vision of a new <strong>Belgrade</strong> marks the conclusion (for now) of a decades-long<br />
discussion about an area that has also been known as the “Sava Amphitheater”.
13<br />
Introduction to <strong>Savamala</strong><br />
Today, the central train and bus stations are located here, in a southern part of <strong>Savamala</strong><br />
that was once a swamp known as the Gypsy Pond. Next to the huge shopping<br />
mall and numerous offices, developers also plan to build over 5,000 new apartments<br />
in the area over the next few years. With the goal of making this area presentable for<br />
such an ambitious project, the 1907 Geozavod Building was renovated. The streets<br />
and sidewalks were also redesigned, and the surrounding area was decorated with<br />
hundreds of banners. (> 2) This summer of renovation gave one a sense of the effects<br />
that large, well-funded development projects can have on an area. Even during the<br />
initial stages, that is even before anything has been built, large developments projects<br />
begin to change an area in a way that is at once both symbolic and superficial.<br />
This vision for the future represents an admirable and surprising conclusion to the<br />
project <strong>Bureau</strong> <strong>Savamala</strong>, for we at the project were able to follow the development<br />
of the quarter in depth, from its initial small changes, to the expansion of the design<br />
and club scenes, finally to this forward-looking vision. This project’s task and goal<br />
were to observe, document, and analyse the transformations taking place in <strong>Savamala</strong><br />
until fall 2014 and these two years turned out to be a pivotal period in the quarter’s<br />
development.<br />
1 The <strong>Belgrade</strong> Waterfront project, computer rendering, 2014
methods should supplement these analyses. In contrast to gentrification processes,<br />
upgrading is well suited to image-based research methods. Because upgrades can be<br />
seen as forerunners to gentrification—or, at least, there exists a causal relationship<br />
between the two—analyzing upgrades can contribute to a better understanding not<br />
only of gentrification but also of a quarter’s whole development path. Therefore, both<br />
upgrading scenarios and gentrification processes played an important role in <strong>Bureau</strong><br />
<strong>Savamala</strong>’s work.<br />
Six Research Areas<br />
The following six research areas were established in order to identify and capture the<br />
neighborhood’s changes on as many levels as possible:<br />
1. Urban Incubator Projects<br />
The Urban Incubator projects were evaluated via interviews and surveys of the project<br />
leaders and participants about their goals, methods, and impact. In addition to verbal<br />
surveys, a PDF questionnaire was sent to all project leaders.<br />
2. <strong>Savamala</strong> Residents<br />
Interviews: Standardized interviews were conducted with <strong>Savamala</strong> residents and<br />
visitors, as well as with those who work in the area. A series of surveys were conducted<br />
in May and October 2013, as well as in July and August 2014. The 2013 surveys<br />
were carried out as interviews while the concluding surveys in 2014 were printed out<br />
and distributed in <strong>Savamala</strong> in the form of questionnaires.<br />
Appeal Profile: The surveys included a so-called appeal profile that gauged the appeal<br />
the area held for respondents by asking them to express their feelings about<br />
the quarter with a list of adjectives.<br />
Substitutional Photo Inquiry: A substitutional photo inquiry of <strong>Savamala</strong> residents<br />
accompanied the interviews and surveys. The results were presented as a<br />
street exhibit in front of <strong>Bureau</strong> <strong>Savamala</strong> on 19 July 2013; they were also published<br />
in the magazine Kamenzind. 8<br />
Nightwatch: On 19 June 2013, a so-called nightwatch took place; assessing the<br />
area’s expanding nightlife scene, changes were tracked from the afternoon long<br />
into the night.<br />
3. Experts<br />
The specialists who made their expertise available to project members included city<br />
planners and architects, as well as the head of the Savski Venac district administration.
19<br />
Introduction to <strong>Savamala</strong><br />
4. Buildings AND Public Spaces<br />
Changes to the visible structure of <strong>Savamala</strong>’s public spaces—such as changes to<br />
street spaces, façades, businesses, workshops, sidewalks, and parks—were captured<br />
through comparative photo documentation from 2013 and 2014. In addition, maps<br />
were used to document and record commercial changes, such as new stores, bars, and<br />
restaurants.<br />
5. Media<br />
The project team also regularly perused various daily newspapers and online magazines<br />
in order to document discussion around Urban Incubator and the media’s developing<br />
perception of <strong>Savamala</strong>. Two tag clouds from 2013 and 2014 visually present<br />
these results.<br />
6. Statistics<br />
The Savski Venac Statistics <strong>Bureau</strong> made census data available to the team, specifically<br />
2002 and 2012 data concerning <strong>Savamala</strong>’s demographic changes. The team<br />
supplemented and improved this data by studying real estate and rental fluctuations<br />
in <strong>Savamala</strong>.
Publication Contents<br />
This publication provides insight into the work and outcomes of <strong>Bureau</strong> <strong>Savamala</strong>,<br />
as well as selected Urban Incubator projects. It opens with an introduction to the<br />
development of <strong>Belgrade</strong> and concludes with a discussion of the city’s future with<br />
reference to the controversial <strong>Belgrade</strong> Waterfront mega-project.<br />
Introduction<br />
Vladimir Dulović introduces the vicissitudes of <strong>Belgrade</strong>’s urban history—a city<br />
caught between the power struggles of the Habsburg and Ottoman Empires, a city<br />
that was repeatedly destroyed and created anew. He demonstrates that <strong>Savamala</strong>—<br />
with its central location on the Sava and its flourishing harbor—was once the heart<br />
of the city and the residential seat of <strong>Belgrade</strong> high society; this sheds new light on<br />
recent interest in this small neighborhood.<br />
Gentrification has become a worldwide phenomenon. Cities wishing to improve<br />
their economic situation must increasingly think and act in a global and neo-liberal<br />
manner. Upgrading is a legitimate means of making a city more attractive and partaking<br />
in global competition. The associated phenomenon, gentrification, seems to<br />
be practically unavoidable. Philipp Klaus’ text gives insight into the term’s origins, its<br />
development, and the various ways gentrification manifests itself today.<br />
<strong>Bureau</strong> <strong>Savamala</strong>’s Outcomes<br />
The book’s second part establishes <strong>Bureau</strong> <strong>Savamala</strong>’s outcomes. Jürgen Krusche’s<br />
photographic documentation demonstrates the visible changes that took place between<br />
2013 and 2014. This extensive image section depicts <strong>Savamala</strong> visually and<br />
gives the reader a sense of the quarter’s atmosphere. Simultaneously, the juxtaposition<br />
of the photographs—which originated in two different years—makes evident<br />
the changes that took place. The accompanying captions are short; apart from these,<br />
the images show clearly enough without explanation what forms of upgrading have<br />
taken place in the city: from small repairs and subtle changes to large-scale renovations<br />
and new construction projects.<br />
The photo survey “Like/Dislike <strong>Savamala</strong>” is an additional attempt to integrate images<br />
into the research process, and it serves not as an illustration of discursive data<br />
but as its own data set that “shows” what the texts cannot “say”. The substitutional<br />
photo inquiry can express respondents’ subjective feelings through imagery. The<br />
photographs and the accompanying commentary represent the voices of <strong>Savamala</strong><br />
residents.
21<br />
Introduction to <strong>Savamala</strong><br />
Philipp Klaus’ text, “The Role of Art and Culture in Gentrification and Upgrade of<br />
the <strong>Savamala</strong> Neighborhood” conveys the main outcomes of <strong>Bureau</strong> <strong>Savamala</strong>’s explorations.<br />
The many interview series and appeal profiles, as well as data on real estate<br />
purchase prices and rental prices, form a detailed picture of the transformation that<br />
has taken place. These analyses are supplemented by two maps that illustrate changes<br />
in businesses, bars, restaurants, and workshops since fall 2012.<br />
Urban Incubator Projects<br />
The book’s third chapter depicts five selected Urban Incubator projects that are representative<br />
of many <strong>Savamala</strong> activities from 2013. They approach a shared goal with<br />
heterogeneous methods.<br />
<strong>Belgrade</strong> architect, Ivan Kucina, introduces his project, C5. With students of <strong>Belgrade</strong>’s<br />
architectural school, he began a participatory project with the goal of collaborating<br />
with the inhabitants of No. 5 Crnogorska to repurpose the rental property’s inner<br />
courtyard and transform it into a communal space. Kucina describes the project<br />
span, including the inhabitants’ resistance and the project’s ultimate failure, and he<br />
lists possible reasons for this failure.<br />
Selman Trtovac, a co-founder of <strong>Belgrade</strong> artist group Treći Beograd/Third <strong>Belgrade</strong>,<br />
details the project We Also Love the Art of Others and its background. According to his<br />
concept of a micro-utopia, <strong>Savamala</strong> was declared a utopian space; through exhibitions,<br />
workshops, talks, and other events, this action aimed to change its residents’<br />
consciousness and enable them to take their fate into their own hands. In particular,<br />
one of these exhibition projects, Old Kafanas in <strong>Savamala</strong>, is described in detail at the<br />
conclusion of this chapter.<br />
Old Kafanas in <strong>Savamala</strong> is a project by <strong>Belgrade</strong> artists, Nina Todorović and Predrag<br />
Terzić. It is a research and exhibition project on the kafana, a typical <strong>Belgrade</strong> phenomenon.<br />
The two artists identified these traditional coffeehouses in over 90 locations<br />
in <strong>Savamala</strong> and documented them using dated photos. They juxtaposed this<br />
image of old <strong>Belgrade</strong>, which could be easily romanticized, with today’s reality. Their<br />
contribution portrays selected kafanas then and now.<br />
Architects, Maja Popović and Boba Stanić, present their project Model for <strong>Savamala</strong>.<br />
With careful and painstaking attention to detail, they gathered a large quantity<br />
of data, assisted by students and other helpers, and generated a 3D model that<br />
portrays the historical, sociological, economic, and political reality of <strong>Savamala</strong>. In<br />
subsequent workshops, different groups—from residents to business owners—were<br />
introduced to the model and became familiar with it so that they could use it for<br />
various tasks and projects; it aims to be a 3D model for <strong>Savamala</strong>, not just of it.
Kratak pregled<br />
istorije i izgradnje<br />
Beograda<br />
Vladimir Dulović<br />
Iako vrlo star grad, Beograd je imao tu nesreću da su mu istoriju obeležili brojni<br />
diskontinuiteti. Rimski Singidunum nestao je u naletu Huna, srednjovekovni<br />
Beograd je „preobraćen“ u osmansko uporište da bi vek i po kasnije islamski<br />
šeher do temelja uništili katolički Habzburzi. Nakon što je između 1688. i<br />
1791. tri puta prelazio iz ruku Osmanlija u ruke Habzburga i obratno, Beograd<br />
je početak XIX veka dočekao kao mala, zapuštena varoš od tek nekoliko hiljada<br />
duša u senci velike tvrđave na granici dvaju zaraćenih carstava i dveju civilizacija.<br />
U prethodnim krvavim i razornim sukobima nestalo je skoro sve iz njegove<br />
prošlosti. Taj težak trenutak njegove istorije, kada je pao niže no u mnogim<br />
stolećima pre toga, ujedno je i polazna tačka njegovog modernog razvoja.<br />
Istorija savremenog Beograda neraskidivo je povezana sa istorijom samostalne srpske<br />
države. Seme njene samostalnosti posejano je 1804. Prvim srpskim ustankom a<br />
utvrđeno sultanovom potvrdom autonomije 1830. Suprotno očekivanjima Srba i<br />
njihovog predvodnika kneza Miloša, Porta je tim fermanom u beogradskoj tvrđavi<br />
zadržala turske vojnike a u varoši muslimansko stanovništvo. Beograd je ostao<br />
podeljen grad sa dve uprave koje su zajedničke probleme teško rešavale. No dok se<br />
muslimanski Beograd polako mirio sa sudbinom i propadao, srpski (koji je prilično<br />
neopaženo 1841. postao prestonica Srbije) je sa nadom gledao u novo doba i shodno
25<br />
Introduction to <strong>Savamala</strong><br />
A Brief Overview of<br />
<strong>Belgrade</strong>’s History and<br />
Development<br />
Vladimir Dulović<br />
Although it is a very old city, <strong>Belgrade</strong> has the misfortune of having a history of numerous<br />
discontinuities. Singidunum, <strong>Belgrade</strong>’s Roman predecessor, vanished from<br />
the map in the face of advancing Huns. Medieval <strong>Belgrade</strong> was “remodeled” as an<br />
Ottoman stronghold and, a century and a half later, the Catholic Habsburgs razed<br />
the Islamic town to the ground. Having changed hands between the Habsburgs and<br />
Ottomans three times between 1688 and 1791, <strong>Belgrade</strong> entered the nineteenth<br />
century as an all but deserted small town of a few thousand souls in the shadows of a<br />
great fortress on the boundary between two warring kingdoms; indeed, between two<br />
civilizations. Almost everything from its past had disappeared in bloody and destructive<br />
conflicts. This difficult period of the city’s history, harder perhaps than any in the<br />
preceding centuries, was also the starting point for its modern development.<br />
The modern history of <strong>Belgrade</strong> is inexorably linked with the history of an independent<br />
Serbian state. The seeds of Serbia’s independence were sown in 1804 with the<br />
First Serbian Uprising, later to be reaffirmed with the granting of autonomy in 1830.<br />
By the same decree that granted Serbian autonomy—and contrary to the expectations<br />
of the Serbs and their leader, Prince Miloš—the Sublime Porte also retained a<br />
Turkish garrison in the <strong>Belgrade</strong> Fortress and a Muslim population in the town itself.<br />
<strong>Belgrade</strong> remained a divided city with two administrations struggling to solve com-
Gentrification<br />
Research:<br />
A Brief introduction<br />
Philipp Klaus<br />
The gentrification debate has to date centered around displacement—the matter of<br />
residents being pushed out of their neighborhoods by newcomers with buying power.<br />
It first appeared when Ruth Glass described displacement mechanisms in London’s<br />
working-class neighborhoods and coined the term gentrification. Since its inception<br />
in the 1960s, the gentrification discourse has expanded and many aspects of it have<br />
changed significantly—the way the process plays out, the causes and mechanisms of<br />
displacement, and our understanding of it. On the one hand, this expansion has to<br />
do with the proliferation of research into gentrification; on the other hand, it has to<br />
do with the diverse changes that have occurred in the social, economic, and political<br />
realms. This includes motivators such as the concentration and globalization of the<br />
property market as well as the way it has melded with the financial markets, the privatization<br />
of state-owned properties, and the general withdrawal of local and regional<br />
government from the social housing sphere. Gentrification is increasingly being explained<br />
in connection with and as an expression of the globally pervasive investment<br />
mechanisms of the real estate market, as a result of targeted publicly funded efforts at<br />
upgrading, and finally, as specific urban development strategies. 1<br />
Over the years, two particular topics have opened up new lines of investigation for<br />
the field of gentrification studies: reurbanization and new build gentrification—or
43<br />
Introduction to <strong>Savamala</strong><br />
the back-to-the-city movement as Smith calls it 2 . Reurbanization can be described<br />
as a widespread trend of middle- and upper-class individuals returning to downtown<br />
neighborhoods; new build gentrification is a process of transforming whole city areas<br />
through restructuring. Usually this is carried out in the interests of investors,<br />
who are often globally active real estate firms. Apartments and lofts are built for<br />
high-income households and various facilities are put in place for shopping, culture,<br />
and leisure. 3<br />
Restructuring causes spaces to become available at the same time as a city’s growth incorporates<br />
formerly peripheral areas into its downtown sphere: industrial areas, military<br />
facilities, and harbor installations are some examples. The restructuring of these<br />
areas promises great profits and immense ground rent. Hardly a single city has dared<br />
to use these spaces to build apartments for low-income, underprivileged households.<br />
Former factories and industrial areas were reconstructed and transformed into some<br />
of the cities’s trendiest spots. Multi-functional neighborhoods were built for new<br />
urban middle and upper classes, who once again felt at home in the city, even when<br />
living with children. The restructuring created an urban setting 4 of convenience and<br />
entertainment that offers both everyday and luxury shopping, diverse cultural facilities,<br />
museums, theatres, or sports stadiums. Since the 1990s, public-private partnerships<br />
have facilitated many of these urban settings through official cooperation<br />
between the public and private sectors. Starting at the end of the 1980s, it became<br />
fashionable to sell land belonging to the city to investors and real estate companies in<br />
order to generate income while avoiding the inopportune act of raising taxes. These<br />
mechanisms of neo-liberal city politics are still in play today. Urban settings serve<br />
city development strategies aimed at attracting (highly) qualified employees to the<br />
city, with the idea that they will then form an indispensable resource for powerful<br />
companies with a global presence. These employees, who are often referred to as the<br />
creative class, make up nearly one-third of all employed individuals in the metropolitan<br />
regions of North America and Europe. 5 They are lawyers, engineers, doctors,<br />
bankers, software developers, planners, and to a lesser extent, individuals from the<br />
creative industries (design, media, architecture, advertising, film) and the cultural<br />
sector (performing arts, fine arts, and creative writing).<br />
The Role of Art and Culture in Gentrification Processes<br />
It is almost always a sign that gentrification has begun when the artists start moving<br />
in. They enter former working-class neighborhoods where the rent is affordable<br />
and which usually have a high percentage of residents with migrant backgrounds.
The Role of Art<br />
and Culture in<br />
Gentrification<br />
and upgrade<br />
of the <strong>Savamala</strong><br />
Neighborhood<br />
Philipp Klaus<br />
I see more and more young people here. Especially at night. I haven’t noticed a lot of<br />
change in <strong>Savamala</strong>. I don’t really know if something is changing in <strong>Savamala</strong>. In any<br />
case, there are plenty of problems in this neighborhood…, Olga, 63 years old, Interview<br />
<strong>Bureau</strong> <strong>Savamala</strong> October 2013<br />
Introduction<br />
Many changes—large and small—have taken place in the two years, September 2012<br />
to October 2014, that the research group <strong>Bureau</strong> <strong>Savamala</strong> spent studying the <strong>Savamala</strong><br />
neighborhood. Most recently, in summer 2014 the Serbian prime minister<br />
announced that a new city quarter would be built along the Sava River with the support<br />
of an Abu Dhabi investor. <strong>Bureau</strong> <strong>Savamala</strong> initiated its work with two guiding<br />
questions: first of all, are gentrification processes taking place in <strong>Savamala</strong>? And secondly,<br />
did the efforts of Goethe Institute <strong>Belgrade</strong> to facilitate positive development<br />
through artistic and cultural projects (Urban Incubator <strong>Belgrade</strong>) spark gentrification<br />
processes? A further goal was to encompass research parameters such as the lively<br />
nightlife scene, usage changes, graffiti, and freight transport routes.<br />
<strong>Savamala</strong> belongs to the <strong>Belgrade</strong> district of Savski Venac; other areas in this district<br />
are the wealthy neighborhoods Dedinje, Senjak, and Diplomatska Kolonija.
51<br />
<strong>Bureau</strong> <strong>Savamala</strong><br />
Brankov Bridge<br />
1 Spanish House<br />
2 KC Grad<br />
3 Mikser House<br />
4 <strong>Belgrade</strong> Cooperative<br />
1<br />
2<br />
Braće<br />
Krsmanovića<br />
Karadjordjeva<br />
3<br />
Travnička<br />
4<br />
Svetozara Radića<br />
Kraljevića Marka<br />
Brankova<br />
Jug-Bogdanova<br />
Project Area<br />
Mostarska<br />
Hercegovačka<br />
Bus Station<br />
Zeleznička<br />
Zvornička<br />
Zagrebačka<br />
Gavrila Principa<br />
Old Sava Bridge<br />
Lička<br />
Zemunski Put<br />
Sava River<br />
Bus<br />
Station<br />
Karađjorđeva<br />
Central Station<br />
Map of <strong>Savamala</strong> with Project Area<br />
Train<br />
Project Area<br />
0 50 100 150 m<br />
1 The perimeter of the <strong>Savamala</strong> project
Simple methods and a DIY approach are used when<br />
renovating many of the new cafés or bars, like this<br />
café on Kraljevića Marka.
85<br />
<strong>Bureau</strong> <strong>Savamala</strong><br />
Two additional, less-typical transformations:<br />
on the southern end of Gavrilo Princip Street,<br />
this place now serves Serbian food with grill<br />
specialties instead of Chinese fast food, and in<br />
the heart of <strong>Savamala</strong> one no longer finds the<br />
winery Mala Toskana (which was there until<br />
recently) but instead what appears to be a<br />
nationalist café self-consciously named Kafana<br />
SFRJ (Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia).
Graffiti plays an important role<br />
in every process of upgrading:<br />
on the one hand, it boosts the<br />
impression that those who are<br />
socially disadvantaged are resisting<br />
and protesting (NO GOV REAL<br />
LIVE Ban Partizan or Gravediggers<br />
South), and on the other hand, it<br />
can make a space more attractive.<br />
In the first case, people perceive<br />
graffiti as defacement; it is seen as<br />
a visible sign of a place’s squalor<br />
and is therefore painted over. In<br />
the second case, people even<br />
sometimes specifically commission<br />
graffiti to make a place more<br />
attractive.
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<strong>Bureau</strong> <strong>Savamala</strong>
DISLIKE The Coach Station blocks access to the riverfront<br />
and takes up a lot of space in <strong>Savamala</strong>. (Jelena)<br />
LIKE I like the graffiti in <strong>Savamala</strong>. It makes the neighborhood<br />
prettier. (Nataša)<br />
LIKE The Ghost Project: one of the many arts<br />
projects in <strong>Savamala</strong> (Jelena)<br />
DISLIKE This façade needs to be fixed up for both safety and<br />
aesthetic reasons. (Nataša)
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<strong>Bureau</strong> <strong>Savamala</strong><br />
LIKE Even though this building isn’t pretty, the people who<br />
live there are trying to make it better. (Sara)<br />
DISLIKE<br />
Riverboat graveyard (Jelena)<br />
LIKE<br />
Dear tourists, welcome! (Sanja)<br />
Ivan, 34 years old; Sanja, 29 years old; Nataša, 25 years old; Sara, 8 years old; Jelena, 41 years old
Savamale. Zatekli smo neregularnu bazu podataka, razlicite ambicije aktera i<br />
neresenu vlasnicku strukturu. Svi su znali fragmente celine ali je bilo tesko opisati, i<br />
vizualizovati specificnost Savamale u svoj njenoj kompleksnosti. Izgledala nam je kao<br />
mesto bogato informacijama ali gde niko nije mogao da ovlada kompletnom slikom.<br />
<strong>Savamala</strong> nam je delovala neuhvatljivo.<br />
Model za Savamalu<br />
Pocetkom 2013, na poziv Goethe Instituta iz Beograda da ucestvujemo u projektu<br />
Urban Incubator, prepoznali smo jedinstvenu sansu da se nastanimo u Savamaloj<br />
i izvedemo jedan istrazivacki projekat veceg obima a u sluzbi boljeg razumevanja<br />
I razotkrivanja ove oblasti. Razmisljajuci u kontekstu buducnsti Savamale verovali<br />
smo da je od ključnog značaja da oblast napravimo što transparentnijom. Smatrali<br />
smo da će detaljan pregled situacije biti velika prednost za razvoj ove oblasti i da za<br />
buduće planiranje moramo imati što jasnije ideje o tome šta je zapravo ta oblast, od<br />
čega se sastoji, ko su njeni stanovnici, koje su njene aktivnosti, kakvi su interesi koji<br />
su uključeni i kakvim ambicijama njeni akteri teže.<br />
1, 2 3D model of <strong>Savamala</strong>, presented in November 2013 | Trodimenzionalni model Savamale,<br />
predstavljen u novembru 2013. godine<br />
Ideja da se sa jednim sveobuhvatnim istrazivackim radom stvori presek stanja ove<br />
gradske cetvrti, u startu je distancirala projekat MODEL ZA SAVAMALU od<br />
uobicajenih standardnih idejnih resenja arhitektonske prakse, već je imo za cilj da<br />
područje napravi transparentnim i putem fizičkog 3D modela, prikaže informacije<br />
vezane za istorijske, sociološke, ekonomske i političke činjenice.<br />
Projekat smo programski podelili na dve celine, istrazivacki rad i kasniju produkciju.<br />
U prvoj celini radili smo sa grupom od 25 studenata koji su mapirali oblast i tako<br />
formirali osnovu za kasniju, slozeniju bazu podataka. Projekat je zamisljen tako da<br />
obuhvata celu oblast Savamale koju smo definisali kroz razgovore i intervjue na
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Projects of urban Incubator <strong>Belgrade</strong><br />
people, institutions, and traders to activists involved in the revitalization of <strong>Savamala</strong>.<br />
We encountered incomplete databases, stakeholders with varying goals, and cases<br />
of unresolved of ownership. All those working on the project had become familiar<br />
with fragments of the whole, but it was difficult to describe or visualize the unique<br />
characteristics of <strong>Savamala</strong> in all its complexity. The area seemed to be rich in information,<br />
but no one was able to master the complete image. For us, <strong>Savamala</strong> seemed<br />
to remain elusive.<br />
A Model for <strong>Savamala</strong><br />
In early 2013, at the invitation of the Goethe Institute in <strong>Belgrade</strong> to participate in<br />
the Urban Incubator project, we recognized a unique opportunity to settle in <strong>Savamala</strong><br />
and conduct a research project on a larger scale with the aim of improving our<br />
understanding and ability to unpack the area. With the future of the area in mind,<br />
we believe it is crucial that <strong>Savamala</strong> becomes more transparent. We felt that a detailed<br />
review of the situation would be a great advantage for the development of the<br />
quarter. In order to plan for the future we needed to have a clearer idea of what the<br />
quarter is, what it consists of, who its inhabitants are, what its core activities are, what<br />
interests are involved, and what the ambitions of local stakeholders are.<br />
The idea to create an overview of this quarter through a single comprehensive research<br />
project had already displaced A Model for <strong>Savamala</strong> from standard practice in<br />
architectural concept design. Instead, we aimed to make the area transparent through<br />
a physical 3D model that would display information on the historical, sociological,<br />
economic, and political realities of the quarter.<br />
The project was divided into two parts, research and production. The first part involved<br />
work with a group of 25 students who mapped the area, forming a basis for<br />
the compilation of a complex database. The project was designed to cover all of<br />
<strong>Savamala</strong> as defined through interviews and discussions with locals. Four thematic<br />
workshops were conducted with the aim of defining the concept of A Model for <strong>Savamala</strong><br />
(these were held in KC Grad, at the Mikser Festival Master Class workshop with<br />
architect, Kaita Shinagawa, at the Camenzind offices and a presentation at Nova<br />
Iskra). With this stage completed, the project could, having moved to the pavilion<br />
in the Spanish House in July, progress to the second stage. At this point our team was<br />
boosted by the addition of four co-creators—Ana Ugrinić, Daša Spasojević, Predrag<br />
Milić, and Miloš Kašul Nikolić—young, local architects who had participated in<br />
the project workshops.<br />
The research portion of the project consisted of gathering information both in the<br />
field and from relevant institutions (the Institute for the Protection of Cultural
Mikroutopija Treći<br />
Beograd<br />
za vreme i nakon projekta Urban Incubator<br />
Selman Trtovac<br />
Šta je bio Treći Beograd?<br />
Struktura / Umetnička strategija / Politički i društveni kontekst u kome je<br />
nastao Treći Beograd<br />
Slobodna umetnička zadruga Treći Beograd 1 je nastala 2009. godine kao ideja o<br />
jednom naročitom mestu, o privatnom ali istovremeno i javnom prostoru umetnosti.<br />
Naknadno je ta ideja dopunjena kolektivnom strategijom grupe umetnika, sa željom<br />
da se definiše mogući model mikroutopije. Ideja mikroutopije je u svojoj suštini<br />
predstavljala umetnički rad, društvenu plastiku i otpor opštoj društvenoj hipokriziji,<br />
vulgarnom obliku liberalnog kapitalizma i dekadentnoj paradigmi pozne postmoderne.<br />
Zadruga, kao pojam i kao organizacioni model preuzet je od nekadašnjih<br />
socijalističkih, seljačkih zadruga u kojima su seljaci udruživali lične resurse zarad<br />
veće efikasnosti. Struktura Slobodne umetničke zadruge Treći Beograd je bila<br />
nehijararhijska, odnosno rizomatska. Takva struktura je bila neophodna iz dva<br />
razloga: prvo, zato što je zadruga bila sastavljena od izrazitih individualaca koji ne bi<br />
pristali na hijararhijsku strukturu, drugo, što je postojala želja da se u praksi oproba<br />
rizomatski oblik umetničkog organizovanja. Takva organizacija je sa jedne strane bila<br />
utopijska, a sa druge strane najveća slabost zadruge.<br />
Iz opšte ideje Trećeg Beograda i pomenute organizacione strukture se, kroz dijalog<br />
umetnika, razvila i čitava umetnička strategija koja se sastojala od dva elementa. Prvi
141<br />
Projects of urban Incubator <strong>Belgrade</strong><br />
The Third <strong>Belgrade</strong><br />
Micro-Utopia<br />
During and after the Urban Incubator project<br />
Selman Trtovac<br />
What was Third <strong>Belgrade</strong>?<br />
Structure / Artistic strategy / The political and social context in which Third<br />
<strong>Belgrade</strong> emerged<br />
Third <strong>Belgrade</strong> (Treći Beograd) 1 , a free artist collective, was founded in 2009 with<br />
the aim of creating a unique space; a simultaneously private and public space for<br />
art. The idea was subsequently augmented by the collaborative strategy of a group<br />
of artists with a view to defining a possible model for a micro-utopia. The idea of a<br />
micro-utopia, in essence, represents artistic creation, social elasticity, and resistance<br />
to general social hypocrisy, the vulgarity of liberal capitalism, and the decadent<br />
paradigm of late postmodernism.<br />
The collective, as a concept and an organizational model, was lifted from former<br />
socialist and rural cooperatives in which farmers would pool personal resources to<br />
achieve increased efficiency. The structure of the Third <strong>Belgrade</strong> Free Artist Collective<br />
was non-hierarchical, or rather rhizomatic. This structure was necessary for two<br />
reasons: first, because the collective was composed of distinct individuals who<br />
would not agree to a hierarchical structure and, second, because there was a desire<br />
to attempt a rhizomatic form of artistic organization in practice. On the one hand,<br />
such a structure was utopian but, on the other, it was the greatest weakness of the<br />
collective.
Stare kafane Savamale<br />
Nina Todorović / Predrag Terzić<br />
Naziv kafana označava ugostiteljsku radnju u kojoj se kuva i služi kafa. Reč je preuzeta<br />
od Turaka, koji su koristili reč kahvehane što je kovanica arapske reči qahve (kafa)<br />
i persijske reči khane (kuća). Za razliku od drugih ugostiteljskih objekata koji su se<br />
nalazili i van utvrđenih gradova i nudili i prenoćište, kafane su se nalazile isključivo<br />
u gradu i služile su, osim kafe, i hranu i piće. Koncept kafane je bio okupljanje<br />
muškaraca na piću i kafi, i raširen je od strane Otomanske imperije, a široko usvojen<br />
na prostoru Balkana. Kafana je na ovom podneblju označavala i specifičan način<br />
života; bila je prepuna stereotipa, predstavljala je utočište za nesrećne ljubavnike<br />
koji svoju tugu utapaju u alkoholu, nezadovoljne muževe koji beže od svojih žena,<br />
kancelariju političara i poslovnih ljudi, za obavljanje raznih, ponekad sumnjivih<br />
poslova. Nosila je takođe i hedonistički duh, spori ritam života, sklonost porocima,<br />
ali je i u kulturnom životu gradova na Balkanu odigrala veoma značajnu ulogu. Prva<br />
kafana u Beogradu otvorena je 1552. godine, a u istoriji se kafane ponovo pominju<br />
od 1738. godine, i to kao odvojeni ugostiteljski objekti, posebno za muslimane,<br />
posebno za hrišćane. Nakon ukaza Miloša Obrenovića 1826, kada se uvodi alkohol<br />
i porez na objekte, kafane dobijaju svoj sjaj koji je obeležio Beograd, a naročito<br />
Savamalu (na obali reke Save, arhetipske granice između Austrougarske i Srbije) koja<br />
tada doživljava potpuni preobražaj i procvat. Prvi put grad se spušta na rečnu obalu,<br />
a taj deo grada postaje stecište kulturne elite tadašnjeg Beograda.
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Projects of urban Incubator <strong>Belgrade</strong><br />
Old Kafanas in <strong>Savamala</strong><br />
Nina Todorović / Predrag Terzić<br />
The term kafana denotes a public house where coffee is prepared and served, literally<br />
a coffee house. The word is a corruption of the Turkish kahvehane, itself a compound<br />
of the Arabic qahve (coffee) and the Persian khane (house). Unlike other inns and<br />
taverns, which were located outside the walls of cities and offered room and board,<br />
kafanas were located exclusively within the cities themselves and, along with coffee,<br />
also served food and other beverages. The concept of the kafana was a gathering place<br />
where men could go for a coffee or a drink and, spread by the Ottoman Empire,<br />
it was widely adopted throughout the Balkans. In this region the kafana became a<br />
by-word for a certain kind of lifestyle; often full of stereotypes, it was a refuge for<br />
unfortunate lovers to drown their sorrows, for disgruntled husbands looking to get<br />
away from their wives, and it was an office for politicians and businessmen to make,<br />
sometimes shady, deals. Kafana culture represented a hedonistic spirit, a slower pace<br />
to life, a penchant for vice, but it also played a very important part in the cultural<br />
life of Balkan cities. The first kafana opened in <strong>Belgrade</strong> in 1552, and they were written<br />
about again in 1738 as segregated hospitality establishments, with Muslims and<br />
Christians each having their own kafanas. Following a decree by Miloš Obrenović in<br />
1826, allowing the sale of alcohol and introducing a property tax, kafanas blossomed<br />
and began to leave their mark on the character of the city. This was especially true in<br />
<strong>Savamala</strong> which, located on the banks of the Sava, was a quintessential borderland
Manakova Kafana (Manak’s Coffee House)<br />
Gavrilo Princip 5<br />
Venecija (Venice)<br />
Brace Krsmanovic 3<br />
Dobro Jutro (Good Morning)<br />
At the corner of Balkanska and Nemanjina
163<br />
Solun (Thessaloniki)<br />
Savski Trg<br />
Zeleni Venac<br />
At the corner of Zeleni venac and Brankova<br />
Zlatan Konj (Gold Horse)<br />
At the corner of Brankova and Pop Lukina
Governments utilize a variety of resources to compete with other cities worldwide for<br />
investment, tourism, and riches. The flagship project represents a popular tool in this<br />
competition; it seeks to draw attention through so-called star architecture. Whereas<br />
at the end of the 20th century it was enough to have diverse cultural content like<br />
museums, theatres, and libraries as flagships, the competition between cities intensified<br />
in the 21st century to include the building of ever-taller towers. The Burj Khalifa<br />
in Dubai currently tops the list with a height of 828 meters.<br />
It is not surprising, then, that the <strong>Belgrade</strong> Waterfront project includes plans for<br />
construction of a central tower in <strong>Savamala</strong>. With a height of 180 meters, it is supposed<br />
to serve as a beacon of <strong>Belgrade</strong>’s future. The tower will house a hotel and gastronomic,<br />
residential, and commercial spaces. However, the plans for the <strong>Belgrade</strong><br />
Waterfront project do not leave room for any cultural spaces, even though <strong>Belgrade</strong>’s<br />
National Museum and the Museum for Contemporary Art in New <strong>Belgrade</strong> have<br />
been closed for years.
171<br />
and savamala’s future?<br />
4<br />
and<br />
savamala’s<br />
future?<br />
Instead, another familiar formula for urban economic success will be applied as a way<br />
to boost <strong>Belgrade</strong>’s economy: a shopping center. It will be the largest in all of the Balkans.<br />
What will happen to the lively <strong>Belgrade</strong> downtown and its many shops? What<br />
kind of effects will the shopping center have on traffic throughout the region?<br />
While the Urban Incubator project used subtle interventions to breathe new life into<br />
<strong>Savamala</strong> and engage its residents in participation within their own quarter, the <strong>Belgrade</strong><br />
Waterfront shows the opposite kind of city-planning ideology at work—a topdown<br />
development strategy that uses international capital and completely excludes<br />
<strong>Belgrade</strong>’s population. The activist group Ministry of Space has been protesting this<br />
project in a broad and creative manner, which has encouraged a public discussion;<br />
they are trying to influence the planning process. However, <strong>Savamala</strong>’s fate already<br />
seems sealed.<br />
The following entries analyze the impact of this mammoth project on the future of<br />
<strong>Savamala</strong> and <strong>Belgrade</strong> through multiple lenses.<br />
(PK)
Otvoreno pismo<br />
građanima Beograda<br />
Mi smo grupa od 50 naučnika i stručnjaka za urbani razvoj i planiranje iz raznih<br />
delova sveta, koja je posetila Beograd povodom 24. godišnje konferencije naše<br />
Međunarodne mreže za urbano istraživanje i akciju (INURA). Imamo bogato<br />
iskustvo u radu na projektima razvoja priobalja u gradovima poput Londona,<br />
Amsterdama, Hamburga, Barselone, Bostona, Njujorka, Toronta, Vankuvera, Hong<br />
Konga, Sidneja i Melburna.<br />
Veoma smo impresionirani jedinstvenim kvalitetima Beograda, a posebno<br />
kompaktnošću i raznolikošću njegovih gradskih prostora. Veza grada sa vodom<br />
mogla bi se obogatiti pažljivim razvojem oblasti između centra i reke Save. Jasno nam<br />
je da je projekat Beograd na vodi inicijativa koja vodi upravo ka ostvarenju te veze i<br />
pozdravljamo tu težnju. Međutim, videli smo i proučili planove i osećamo potrebu<br />
da prenesemo našu ozbiljnu zabrinutost povodom samog predloga projekta.<br />
Ekonomski rizici su veliki, a dobit za Beograd mala<br />
Beograd na vodi, kako je trenutno osmišljen, nosi izuzetno visoke rizike. Pre svega,<br />
mega projekti su uvek osetljivi na fluktuacije tržišta. Poveravanje čitavog projekta<br />
jednom investitoru samo povećava taj rizik: ukoliko kompanija postane finansijski<br />
neodrživa, Beogradu će ostati nedovršeni razvoj na ovoj centralnoj lokaciji.<br />
Uključivanjem većeg broja investitora mogao bi se barem ublažiti ovaj rizik.<br />
I sama očekivanja u vezi sa potencijalnim investitorom Eagle Hills su nerealna.<br />
Predlog projekta predviđa izgradnju dvesta novih zgrada, ali je ekonomski kontekst<br />
takav da samo oni objekti koji spadaju u tzv. „prvu A fazu“ projekta imaju izgleda<br />
da eventualno budu izgrađeni: dve stambene zgrade, dva hotela, kula-oblakoder i<br />
„najveći tržni centar na Balkanu”. Ovakav pristup ne može biti opravdan sve dok
195<br />
and savamala’s future?<br />
Open Letter to the<br />
People of <strong>Belgrade</strong><br />
We are a group of 50 international scholars and experts on planning and urban<br />
development, visiting the city of <strong>Belgrade</strong> for our 24th annual conference. We have<br />
expertise on waterfront developments in London, Amsterdam, Hamburg, Barcelona,<br />
Boston, New York, Toronto, Vancouver, Hong Kong, Sydney, and Melbourne.<br />
We are very impressed by the unique qualities of <strong>Belgrade</strong>, especially the fine-grained<br />
and mixed urban spaces that this city provides. <strong>Belgrade</strong> has a very rich cultural heritage<br />
and vibrant urban life, produced by its long history at the center of several European<br />
cultures. The connection of the downtown and the water could be enriched by<br />
a careful development of the area between the city center and the Sava River.<br />
We understand that the <strong>Belgrade</strong> Waterfront project is an initiative to make this connection,<br />
and we applaud the impulse. We have seen and studied the plans, however,<br />
and want to communicate some serious concerns about the current proposal.<br />
The economic risks are high and financial gains to <strong>Belgrade</strong> are low<br />
<strong>Belgrade</strong> on the Water as currently framed carries very high risks. Megaprojects are<br />
always vulnerable to market fluctuations. Giving the entire project to a single investor<br />
increases the risk: if the company becomes financially unviable, or shifts focus to<br />
another project, <strong>Belgrade</strong> will have an unfinished development on this prime site. At<br />
the very least, ensuring diversity of developers can mitigate these possibilities.<br />
The expectations of and for this investor are unrealistic. The proposal envisages 200<br />
new buildings, but the global economic context is such that only what is referred<br />
to as “the first A phase” of the project is likely to be constructed: two apartment<br />
buildings, two hotels, a high-rise tower, and the “largest shopping mall in the Balkans”.<br />
The prospect of these structures standing unsold and isolated on a cleared site,
Biographies<br />
Vladimir Dulović is a historian. He graduated at <strong>Belgrade</strong>’s Faculty of Philosophy<br />
and got his MA degree at CEU, Budapest. He is a researcher for the “New and<br />
Ambiguous Nation-building in South-eastern Europe” project, which has resulted<br />
in several publications such as The Ambiguous Nation: Case Studies from Southeastern<br />
Europe in the 20th Century (Munich: Oldenbourg Verlag, 2013). He is the author of<br />
several guidebooks (Serbia, Montenegro, Slovenia, <strong>Belgrade</strong>). He is also an associate<br />
at the Tačka komunikacije organisation, through which he works on projects such<br />
as Soundmap of <strong>Belgrade</strong> (www.zvucnamapabeograda.rs), Walk of the Century<br />
(http://setnjaveka.rs), and Architecture for Neighbors.<br />
Axel Humpert studied architecture at TU Graz and ETH Zurich. He is a board<br />
member of Camenzind and partner at BHSF architects. From 2004 to 2007, he<br />
worked for Meili, Peter architects in Zurich. Besides his practical work, he regularly<br />
teaches or acts as a guest critic.<br />
Philipp Klaus is a social and economic geographer. His research focuses on the<br />
role of culture, arts, and creative industries in the competition among cities and the<br />
impacts of cultural strategies on urban development. He runs the INURA Zurich
203<br />
Biographies<br />
Institute and is secretary of the International Network for Urban Research and Action<br />
INURA. He teaches at the chair of sociology in architecture ETH Zurich and<br />
the department of Geography, University of Zurich.<br />
Jürgen Krusche is a cultural studies scholar, an artist, and a curator. In addition to<br />
freelancing for curatorial and artistic projects, he has been teaching, researching, and<br />
publishing since 2001 at Zurich University of the Arts. His primary area of research<br />
involves neo-liberal city politics and their effect on public space, viewed through an<br />
inter-culturally comparative lens. Between 2007 and 2011, he led the research project<br />
Taking to the Streets at the Department of Architecture of the ETH Zurich. Since<br />
2011, he has been responsible for the research focus Public City at the Institute for<br />
Contemporary Art Research.<br />
Ivan Kucina is an assistant professor at the School of Architecture, University of<br />
<strong>Belgrade</strong>, and a guest professor at Parsons The New School for Design, New York,<br />
Dessau International School of Architecture, and Polis University, Tirana. His research<br />
is focused on the informal building strategies and participatory processes of<br />
urban transformation of the post-socialist cities. He is a practicing architect and<br />
runs an interdisciplinary architectural and design practice together with architect<br />
Nenad Katić, with projects that range from urban design to residential buildings<br />
and exhibitions.<br />
Rastko Novaković is a filmmaker, housing activist, and trade unionist based in London.<br />
He holds a degree in Contemporary Media Practice from the University of<br />
Westminster and an MA in Research Architecture from Goldsmiths College. He is<br />
currently touring his latest film Concrete Heart Land about the notorious “regeneration”<br />
scheme of London’s Heygate estate (www.concreteheartland.info). He is active<br />
in a number of community groups fighting for the right to housing and the city.<br />
www.rastko.co.uk<br />
Leila Peacock is a an artist, writer, and editor from Great Britain. Her work focuses<br />
on the space between writing and drawing. Her essays have been published in The<br />
White Review, The Junket, and The Bulletin of The Serving Library. She lives and works<br />
in Zurich.<br />
Ljubica Slavković has graduated at <strong>Belgrade</strong>’s Faculty of Architecture, University<br />
of <strong>Belgrade</strong>. Besides her architectural practice, her main interest lies in the fields of
urban-cultural discourse, public spaces and the city-development, and the contemporary<br />
architectural and urban planning theory and practice. She has published more<br />
than 100 articles for various local and international magazines and has been awarded<br />
by the 36th Annual Serbian Salon of Architecture in the category of Architectural<br />
Criticism. She is a co-editor of Kamenzind magazine, a board member of Urban<br />
Incubator, an architect and an editor at the Center for Cultural Decontamination in<br />
<strong>Belgrade</strong>.<br />
https://www.clippings.me/ljubicaslavkovic<br />
Boba Stanić is an architect based in Amsterdam. Having finished his studies in Interior<br />
Architecture at the University of <strong>Belgrade</strong>, he moved to the Netherlands where<br />
he gained his Architectural Masters degree at the Academie van Bouwkunst in Arnhem.<br />
His final year project, “The Lotus Project”, was selected as one of the ten best<br />
European sustainable projects by Cité de l’Architecture et du Patrimoine in Paris, and<br />
in 2009 was nominated for Archiprix International held in Montevideo. He worked<br />
at Claus en Kaan Architecten and Concrete Architectural Associates, both in Amsterdam.<br />
Since 2010 he has run his own office for Architecture—Boba Stanić Architect<br />
is based in Amsterdam and it participates in fields of architecture and interior design<br />
in both national and international projects. His work was exhibited at the Venice<br />
Architecture Biennale in 2008, CITE Paris, Conseil Economique et Social Européen<br />
in Brussels, and Virserum Art Museum in Sweden.<br />
Predrag Terzić graduated from the <strong>Belgrade</strong> Faculty of Fine Arts, Department of<br />
Painting in 2000, Professor Čedomir Vasić’s class and gained a Master’s degree at the<br />
same class (2003). In 2001, he became a member of the Association of Fine Artists<br />
of Serbia (ULUS). He obtained his PhD in the Interdisciplinary Studies of Theory<br />
of Art and Media, under the mentorship of Professor Divna Vuksanović, PhD, at the<br />
University of Arts, <strong>Belgrade</strong>. He has had 15 solo exhibitions and participated in more<br />
than 30 group exhibitions in <strong>Belgrade</strong> and abroad.<br />
www.predragterzic.com<br />
Nina Todorović graduated in 1999 from the Faculty of Fine Arts, Department of<br />
Painting, class of Professor Čedomir Vasić, and continued her post-graduate studies<br />
in the same class. In 2000, she became a member of the Serbian Association of Artists<br />
as a freelancer, and in 2002 she attained her Master’s Degree. In 2014 she obtained<br />
her PhD in Art (Mentor Professor Mileta Prodanović, PhD). Since 1995 she has<br />
had 37 solo shows and participated in more than 190 group shows and numerous
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Biographies<br />
art projects in Serbia and abroad. Winner of several awards, her works are present in<br />
museums and collections in Serbia and beyond.<br />
www.ninatodorovic.com / www.architectureofmemory.com /<br />
www.ninatodorovic.blogspot.com<br />
Selman Trtovac studied from 1990 until 1993 at the Faculty of Fine Arts <strong>Belgrade</strong> in<br />
the department of painting. In 1993, he moved to Kunstakademie Düsseldorf, in the<br />
art class of Professor Klaus Rinke, department of sculpture, where he was declared a<br />
Master of Art. Membership in IKG—the International Arts committee in 2003. He<br />
was also initiator and co-founder of Independent Artistic Association Third <strong>Belgrade</strong><br />
and Research Station for contemporary Arts Perpetuum Mobile. In 2012, he was<br />
awarded Doctor of Fine Arts at the Art Academy in <strong>Belgrade</strong>. He lives and works in<br />
<strong>Belgrade</strong>.<br />
www.selmantrtovac.com<br />
Dobrica Veselinović is a member of the Ministry of Space collective from <strong>Belgrade</strong>.<br />
He studied political science at <strong>Belgrade</strong> University and attended a large number of<br />
summer schools (i.e. Green academy, Vis Croatia 2011 and 2012, University of Social<br />
democracy 2009 and 2010), seminars, and debates at home and abroad, and held the<br />
same number of lectures and presentations. Areas of interest include political theory,<br />
ecology, and urban development issues.<br />
Maja Popović Vračar is an architect, educated at the Academy of Applied Arts in<br />
Utrecht and the Academy of Architecture in Amsterdam. She is interested in sociopolitical<br />
processes and their influence on the built environment within historical<br />
city quarters and heritage sites. She acts through the fields of scientific and artistic<br />
research, cultural and community activism, and curation. She is a member of a research<br />
platform, Failed Architecture Amsterdam, and the Urban Incubator <strong>Belgrade</strong><br />
initiative. She lives in Copenhagen.