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England's dreaming equity, trust and conscience - alastairhudson.com

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5. Conscience-thinkers are fascists: the lesson from HeydrichThere was one argument marshalled against defenders of <strong>equity</strong> which, Iwould suggest, demonstrated an astonishing level of puerility, love of rhetoricfor its own sake, <strong>and</strong> historical insensitivity. That was the argument that thosewho advanced a notion of “<strong>conscience</strong>” were falling into the same trap as theauthors of the Nazi’s final solution.This argument is set out by Prof Steve Hedley in the following terms, (“Thetaxonomic approach to restitution”, in Hudson ed., New Perspectives on Property,Obligations <strong>and</strong> Restitution, Cavendish Publishing, 2004):-‘Indeed, a noticeable recent tendency [in restitution scholarship] has been toaccuse <strong>equity</strong> lawyers of being no better than Nazis. This (slightly surprising)argument relies on the point that, like one famous Nazi, they sometimes appealto <strong>conscience</strong>. It appears that Reinhard Heydrich, chief of the Gestapo <strong>and</strong>director of the ‘final solution’, once used justified his conduct by reference to his<strong>conscience</strong>.“For the fulfilment of my task I do fundamentally that for which I can answer to my<strong>conscience</strong> ... I am <strong>com</strong>pletely indifferent whether others gabble about breaking the law”(Quoted in AH Campbell ‘Fascism <strong>and</strong> legality’ (1946) 62 LQR 141, 147).This is, apparently, too un<strong>com</strong>fortably close to the reasoning employed by otherswho do not subscribe to restitution of unjust enrichment.’This argument has now be<strong>com</strong>e absurd. First, it says that <strong>conscience</strong> thinkingcan be jettisoned because it is capable of leading to Nazism. Oddly, everyonewho advocates <strong>conscience</strong>-thinking in <strong>equity</strong> seems as far from being a fascistas it is possible to get. Secondly, this argument is monumentally insensitive tothe memory of the Holocaust: to use the views of the author of the FinalSolution to score a cheap debating point is truly appalling.Now, I must admit at this point that I had found at one time another quotationattributed to Heydrich in which he suggested that order <strong>and</strong> clear rules were the mostimportant thing for any society. I found it entirely by accident one afternoon readingsomething other than law. I cannot now find it. I remember very well my joy ondiscovering it, recognising the perfect refutation of Birks’s point, setting it aside <strong>and</strong>settling myself back with a feeling of satisfaction. Lamentably, I tidied up my studysubsequently <strong>and</strong> cannot for the life of me remember where I put it.However, some good has <strong>com</strong>e of it. I launched a search of my home from top tobottom. I re-read at speed every book I suspected I had so much as opened during thatsummer. Ditto every article <strong>and</strong> fragment I could find. While doing so, I reencountereda number of better ideas than simply meeting one quotation with another.As though such a process would prove anything. Instead I spent a lot of time withHannah Arendt’s work <strong>and</strong> with Zygmunt Bauman’s work (two people I suspected ofharbouring the quotation I sought). In so doing I was required to think through whatwas so wrong with Birks’s approach from a methodological st<strong>and</strong>point <strong>and</strong> also, moreimportantly, to think again about why I consider <strong>equity</strong> to be quite so important.The real reason why Birks’s argument strikes me as being so stupid is that it suggestsan ignorance of the history of national socialism. The Nazis were painfully precise.11www.<strong>alastairhudson</strong>.<strong>com</strong> | © professor alastair hudson

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