THE CREATION OF THE URBAN COMMONS 71habitats and forest growth while maintaining access for traditional usersto forest resources often ends up benefiting both. The idea of protectingthe commons through enclosures is not always easily broached, however,when it needs to be actively explored as an anti-capitalist strategy. In facta common demand on the left for "local autonomy" is actually a demandfor some kind of enclosure.Questions of the commons, we must conclude, are contradictoryand therefore always contested. Behind these contestations lie conflictingsocial and political interests. Indeed, "politics;' Jacques Ranciere hasremarked, "is the sphere of activity of a common that can only ever becontentious:'6 At the end of it all, the analyst is often left with a simpledecision: Whose side are you on, whose common interests do you seek toprotect, and by what means?The rich these days have the habit, for example, of sealing themselvesoff in gated communities within which an exclusionary commonsbecomes defined. This is in principle no different than fifty users divvyingup common water resources among themselves without regard foranyone else. The rich even have the gall to market their exclusionary urbanspaces as a traditional village commons, as in the case of the KierlandCommons in Phoenix, Arizona, which is described as an "urban villagewith space fo r retail, restaurants, offices;' and so on.7 Radical groups canalso procure spaces (sometimes through the exercise of private propertyrights, as when they collectively buy a building to be used for some progressivepurpose) from which they can reach out to further a politicsof common action. Or they can establish a commune or a soviet withinsome protected space. The politically active "houses of the people" thatMargaret Kohn describes as central to political action in early twentiethcentury Italy were exactly of this sort.8Not all forms of the common entail open access. Some (like the air webreathe) are, while others (like the streets of our cities) are in principleopen, but regulated, policed, and even privately managed in the formof business improvement districts. Still others (like a common waterresource controlled by fifty farmers) are from the very start exclusive to aparticular social group. Most of Ostrom's examples in her first book wereof the last sort. Furthermore, in her initial studies she limited her inquiryto so-called "natural" resources such as land, forests, water, fisheries, and
72 REBEL CITIESthe like. (I say "so-called" because all resources are technological, economic,and cultural appraisals, and therefore socially defined.)Ostrom, along with many colleagues and collaborators, later wenton to examine other forms of the commons, such as genetic materials,knowledge, cultural assets, and the like. These commons arc also verymuch under assault these days through commodification and enclosure.Cultural commons become commodified (and often bowdlerized) by aheritage industry bent on Disncyfication, for example. Intellectual propertyand patenting rights over genetic materials and scientific knowledgemore generally constitute one of the hottest topics of our times. Whenpublishing companies charge for access to articles in the scientific andtechnical journals they publish, the problem of access to what shouldbe common knowledge open to all is plain to see. Over the last twentyyears or so there has been an explosion of studies and practical proposals,as well as fierce legal struggles over creating an open-access knowledgecommons.9Cultural and intellectual commons of this last sort are often not subjectto the logic of scarcity, or to exclusionary uses of the sort that apply tomost natural resources. We can all listen to the same radio broadcast orTV show at the same time without diminishing it. The cultural commons,Hardt and Negri write, "is dynamic, involving both the product of laborand the means of future production. This common is not only the earthwe share but also the languages we create, the social practices we establish,the modes of sociality that define our relationships, and so forth."These commons are built up over time, and are in principle open to all. 1 0The human qualities of the city emerge out of our practices in thediverse spaces of the city even as those spaces are subject to enclosure,social control, and appropriation by both private and public/state interests.There is an important distinction here between public spaces andpublic goods, on the one hand, and the commons on the other. Publicspaces and public goods in the city have always been a matter of statepower and public administration, and such spaces and goods do not necessarilya commons make. Throughout the history of urbanization, theprovision of public spaces and public goods (such as sanitation, publichealth, education, and the like) by either public or private means hasbeen crucial for capitalist development. 1 1 To the degree that cities have
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PREFACEHenri Lefebvre's VisionSomet
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PREFACExithe demolitions, what happ
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PREFACExiiiSo let us agree: the ide
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PREFACE:viithe relationship between
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Section 1:The Right to the City
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4 REBEL CITIEScity is the world whi
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6 REBEL CITIESthe capitalist faces
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8 REBEL CITIESrather than piecemeal
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10 REBEL CITIESAfrican-American) in
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12 REBEL CITIESports, pleasure pala
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18 REBEL CITIESand whose rents, eve
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122 REBEL CITIESsocial order. They
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128 REBEL CITIESabsolute condition
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130 REBEL CITIESas the prime site o
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132 REBEL CITIESUnited Sates, which
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136 REBEL CITIESthan it did in othe
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138 REBEL CITIESattributable to Lew
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140 REBEL CITIESleft as those of th
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142 REBEL CITIESwith respect to the
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144 REBEL CITIESin motion within Bo
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146 REBEL CITIESdeindustrialization
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148 REBEL CITIESreaching far back d
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CHAPTER SIXLondon 201 1 : Fera lCap
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FERAL CAPITALISM HITS THE STREETS 1
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160 REBEL CITIESThese principles an
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162 REBEL CITIESmost effective inst
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164 REBEL CITIESimportantly, in ter
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166 REBEL CITIESI would like to tha
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168 NOTES TO PAG ES 4 TO 203. Mike
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170 NOTES TO PAG ES 30 TO 36bust" a
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174 NOTES TO PAG ES 71 TO 816. Jacq
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182 REBEL CITIESBus Riders Union (L
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184 REBEL CITIESLabour Party (UK),
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186 REBEL CITIESSoHo, New Yo rk Cit