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THAILAND'S MOMENT OF TRUTH - ZENJOURNALIST

THAILAND'S MOMENT OF TRUTH - ZENJOURNALIST

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hidden behind large billboards reflecting this new official mood of forced optimism. One<br />

repeated, over and over, a single phrase:<br />

EVERYTHING WILL BE OK.<br />

EVERYTHING WILL BE OK.<br />

EVERYTHING WILL BE OK.<br />

Another giant banner proclaimed:<br />

REBUILDING ZEN, LOVING THAILAND<br />

May this Rebuilding bring Peace and Prosperity to Thailand.<br />

We must Reconcile as we are One Country, One Family and One People.<br />

Thailand’s military, which has good reason to fear ghosts having turned its guns on its own<br />

people so many times, made the extraordinary claim that none of the deaths or even any of<br />

the injuries during the April and May violence were caused by Thai soldiers. Everything had<br />

been caused by the shadowy “black shirts”, the “third hand” trying to destabilize Thailand.<br />

Although this claim was quite clearly unsupportable, Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva and<br />

Deputy Prime Minister Suthep Thaugsuban also sought to deny any responsibility for any<br />

of the deaths, including the six people killed at Wat Pathum Wanaram. Suthep repeatedly<br />

insisted that no soldiers were on the Skytrain tracks and the gunmen must have been arsonists<br />

or thieves; this claim has been comprehensively shown to be false. Jatuporn Prompan, the<br />

only Red Shirt leader not on the run or in jail, due to his immunity as an elected legislator,<br />

used a parliamentary no-confidence debate at the start of June to challenge the government’s<br />

claim that soldiers were not responsible for the May 19 killings in Wat Pathum Wanaram:<br />

What happened at Wat Pathum cannot be ignored. You can't hide the sky with your<br />

palm. The truth must come out.<br />

The spirits of the dead were being exorcised from Ratchaprasong, through the symbolic<br />

scrubbing of the streets, the frenzied insistence on peace and unity, and the attempt to absolve<br />

the military of blame. Thais were told to work together to build a better future, not dwell on<br />

the divisive quarrels of the past. There was little scope for any organized challenge to this<br />

official narrative. A state of emergency was enforced in Bangkok and across the Red Shirt<br />

heartlands in Thailand’s north and northeast. The senior leadership of the Red Shirts, with<br />

the exception of Jatuporn, were all in jail or in hiding. Most community radio stations in Red<br />

areas were shut down, accused of spreading discord and violence, but Yellow Shirt media<br />

were allowed to continue broadcasting often extremist propaganda. Websites critical of the<br />

military and the coalition government were blocked as threats to national security. Political<br />

gatherings and rallies were banned.<br />

Into this blighted, oppressive political landscape of military dominance and silenced voices<br />

came bicycling a slightly shambolic, bespectacled, floppy-haired figure who was to change<br />

the course of 2010 far more significantly than anyone had expected: 42-year-old veteran<br />

human rights activist Sombat Boonngamanong. Never part of the core Red Shirt movement,<br />

Sombat was regarded by the military as more of an irritant than a serious threat. He had been<br />

the first to organize a protest rally after the 2006 coup and was arrested for speaking at a<br />

pro-democracy rally in northern Thailand in July 2007, as reported by the U.S. consulate in<br />

Chiang Mai:<br />

8<br />

The July 6 arrest in Chiang Rai of an anti-coup activist provided pro-democracy<br />

campaigners new fuel to attack the Council for National Security (CNS) and the<br />

continued use of martial law in 35 provinces.<br />

Sombat Boonngarm-anong, a member of the Democratic Alliance Against

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