Implementation of regional and international HIV prevention - SAfAIDS

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12.0 CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS12.1 ConclusionsSwaziland and Zambia have demonstrated their commitment to be guided by interventionalprinciples by virtue of being signatory to major international conventions that guide HIVresponses. Both governments have put in place policies and frameworks for domestication ofthese international conventions and protocols. However, Zambia has not yet made a deliberateattempt to put in place a legal framework that specifically addresses the various protocolsto which the country is a signatory. Many issues core to the declarations are said to beaccommodated in some clauses in other legal sources such as the Constitution and statutorylaw. Their accommodation may take the form of them being implied as opposed to beingexpress. Putting in place legislation specifically addressing the protocols engenders a rightsbasedapproach to the entire response framework. The need for a rights-based approach wasidentified as an essential element in Swaziland.Zambia has made strides in scaling up its response to the HIV and AIDS epidemic in the areasof prevention, treatment, care and support and mitigation. Despite the weaknesses alreadyidentified in the system, Zambia remains an enviable model for the region in the rapid rollout of the HIV and AIDS response from the centre to the periphery, using a multi-sectoralapproach. It is commendable that the HIV and AIDS Strategic Framework was produced in ahighly participatory manner, using a bottom-up approach. In other words, there was a broadbuy-in from stakeholders. However, one noteworthy element is that the Plan (2006-2010)does not take most of its remit from the National HIV and AIDS Policy. It ushers in some newcourses, obviously to compensate for the gaps in the HIV and AIDS Policy, and is an admissionby planners that the current policy is outdated. Furthermore, there are many current issuesimpacting on the HIV and AIDS national response that are not addressed such as provision ofsecond line medicine when the first regimen of ARVs has failed and tracking the impact ofcircumcision on the incidence of HIV.A multi-sectoral approach in planning and resource mobilisation was also adopted inSwaziland. Strategic planning and resource mobilisation of HIV and AIDS interventions areparticipatory in nature. There are systems that allow for the participation of the beneficiariesand communities in the development of sectoral operational programmes that go through thegovernment planning and budgeting processes. Priorities related to HIV and AIDS prevention,care and treatment are set based on a needs analysis and rational policy choices that addressthe needs of different segments of populations through clearly-outlined strategies. This iscritical in that not only does community ownership of interventions improve implementationof international conventions and declarations but rational prioritisation of interventions allowsfor efficiency and effectiveness in achieving set targets and goals in the national HIV response.52In Swaziland, information dissemination is subdued, despite this being critical for a rightsbasedresponse. For example, stakeholders lamented the inadequate dissemination ofNERCHA’s reports, especially at levels lower than national level. Although some reportsare available on NERCHA’s website, most stakeholders want NERCHA to be pro-activewith information dissemination. There is huge potential for harmonising interventions andincreasing co-ordination with the consortia of stakeholders working on gender, HIV andAIDS and food security established by CANGO. The starting point will be to develop credibleregisters of stakeholders with their response profiles, and to link this to the monitoring andevaluation efforts of SHAPMoS.
12.1.1 SwazilandA number of key stakeholders from the UN, civil society and practitioners agree that there ishigh level political commitment to the fight against HIV and AIDS in Swaziland. There are generalimprovements in co-ordination of the response, with NERCHA significantly resourced to meetits co-ordination task. National level M&E information is more available, with data showing someimprovements in general reporting, especially through the UNGASS and DHS processes. Yet thefigures do not show a rapid impact of responses. HIV prevalence, although indicating a possibledecline, is still very high, and the full impact of the epidemic is still to be realised.The country has also demonstrated its commitment to be guided by interventional principles,by virtue of being a signatory to major international conventions that guide HIV responses.However, budgetary allocations to key Ministries, including health, do not match the work thatstill needs to be done. HIV is still a politically and socially sensitive issue. As noted in the JointReview of 2005, the Swazi Government has admitted a lack of seriousness in dealing with theAIDS crisis. The allocation to Health, at 10.6%, still fails short of agreed commitments.The Swaziland national HIV and AIDS policy assumes that the provision of HIV and AIDSservices will entail a continuum of care where prevention, care and support co-exists, andare implemented in such a way that users are able to access required services as and whennecessary. In reality, there are clear differences between these three key categories, and withineach category. Prevention, for example, has two distinct components, including clinical-related,such as PMTCT, and community-based interventions, such as behaviour change communications.A number of practitioners lament lost opportunities in merging these components.Culture has impacted HIV transmission in a negative way. Men dominate women in allaspects of life in Swaziland’s culture. Women are not equals to men in this nation’s society andtherefore, are not empowered to stand up for their rights. They were and still are socialised tobe subservient to men, so much that even the family law works against them. Women have noproperty rights. They are the home makers and care-givers to the sick, thereby leaving themexposed and most at risk to be infected with HIV accidentally. Moreover, polygamy, inheritanceand beliefs that having sex with a virgin cures HIV makes women, especially young women andgirls, vulnerable. Swaziland is thus in a state of emergency, albeit, not well conceived by many.Socio-economic data show a declining quality of life and increasing poverty in Swaziland. Usersof health services talk about a more glorious past. A rights-based approach to programmingis therefore required. Essentially, such a human rights-based approach would integrate cultureand norms, standards and principles of the international human rights system into the plans,policies and processes of programme development. Basic principles of equity, empowerment,participation and accountability demand that the national HIV response shifts its paradigm.For example, more efforts will be required to ensure that the Swazi society recognises thatwomen need to have increased ability to protect themselves from HIV infection, by initiatingcondom use and deciding when to have sex and with whom. Society would need re-educationon the need to stick to one sexual partner and the Government and traditionalists would haveto realise that. These people should be able to lead by example. Under clause 20 of the AAA,the government of Swaziland shows its intention to deepen engagement with civil societyorganisations. The Government and donors undertook to invite CSOs to reflect on how they canapply the Paris principals of aid from a CSO perspective; and engage with them in a CSO-ledmulti-stakeholder process to promote effectiveness of development initiatives. This contradictsavailable evidence that points to Government’s inclination to control information flow.53
Page 3 and 4: ACKNOWLEDGEMENTSThis research was c
Page 5 and 6: 6.0 HIV/AIDS STRATEGIC PLANNING, MO
Page 7 and 8: SAfAIDS Southern Africa HIV & AIDS
Page 9 and 10: Generally, survey findings show tha
Page 11 and 12: The national HIV prevention, treatm
Page 13 and 14: RecommendationsSwaziland-specific r
Page 15 and 16: Civil Society Organisationsa) Co-or
Page 17 and 18: 1.0 INTRODUCTION1.1 BackgroundHIV i
Page 19 and 20: 2.0 METHODOLOGYThis assessment prim
Page 21 and 22: Table 2 below shows HIV and AIDS es
Page 23 and 24: Having developed its first PMTCT gu
Page 25 and 26: Zambia is one of the Sub-Sahara Afr
Page 27 and 28: During the reporting period it was
Page 29 and 30: In Zambia the HIV and AIDS response
Page 31 and 32: Convention or Declaration Date Swaz
Page 33 and 34: However, serious gaps exist. The tw
Page 35 and 36: Generally, HIV and AIDS data in bot
Page 37 and 38: through focus group discussions inv
Page 39 and 40: co-ordinate the national response a
Page 41 and 42: All these positions are filled. UNA
Page 43 and 44: 7.0 FUNDING MECHANISMS FOR HIV AND
Page 45 and 46: 8.0 HUMAN RESOURCE MANAGEMENTHuman
Page 47 and 48: 9.0 EXTERNAL OVERSIGHT MECHANISMSTh
Page 49 and 50: Nevertheless, the media in Zambia s
Page 51 and 52: 10.1.2 Specific lessons from Zambia
Page 53: 11.0 MECHANISMS FOR CO-ORDINATION O
Page 57 and 58: e) Strengthen M&E systems of key de
Page 59 and 60: REFERENCES1. A Report on the Assess
Page 61: ACTION POINTS FOR FUTURE USE59
Page 65: ACTION POINTS I WILL SHARE63

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