THE PHONEME 15In other cases, two sounds which phoneticians can equally easily tellapart will be regarded as the same by native speakers. For instance, saythe phrase kitchen cupboard to yourself, and think about the first sounds ofthe two words. Despite the difference in spelling (another case whereorthography, as we saw also in the last chapter, is not an entirely reliableguide to the sounds of a language), native speakers will tend to think ofthose initial consonants as the same – both are [k]s. However, if you saythe phrase several times, slowly, and think uncharacteristically carefullyabout whether your articulators are doing the same at the beginning ofboth words, you will find that there is a discernible difference. For thefirst sound in kitchen, your tongue will be raised towards the roof of yourmouth, further forward than for the beginning of cupboard; and for kitchen,your lips will be spread apart a little more too, while for cupboard yourmouth will be more open. Unless you are from Australia or New Zealand(for reasons we shall discover in Chapter 8), this difference is evenclearer from the phrase car keys, this time with the first word having theinitial sound produced further back in the mouth, and the second furtherforward.In IPA terms, these can be transcribed as [k], the cupboard sound, and[c], the kitchen one. However, in English [k] and [c] do not signal differentmeanings as [k] and [t] do in call versus tall; instead, we can alwayspredict that [k] will appear before one set of vowels, which we call backvowels, like the [] of cupboard or the [ɑ] a Southern British Englishspeaker has in car, while [c] appears before front vowels, like the [I] ofkitchen or the [i] in Southern British English keys. Typically, speakerscontrol predictable differences of this type automatically and subconsciously,and sometimes resist any suggestion that the sounds involved,like [k] and [c] in English, are different at all, requiring uncharacteristicallyclose and persistent listening to tell the two apart. The differencebetween [k] and [c] in English is redundant; in phonological terms, thismeans the difference arises automatically in different contexts, but doesnot convey any new information.Returning to our orthographic analogy, recall that every instance of ahand-written a or A will be different from every other instance, evenproduced by the same person. In just the same way, the same speakerproducing the same words (say, multiple repetitions of kitchen cupboard )will produce minutely different instances of [k] and [c]. However, ahierarchical organisation of these variants can be made: in terms ofspelling, we can characterise variants as belonging to the lower-case orcapital set, and those in turn as realisations of the abstract grapheme. The subclasses have a consistent and predictable distribution, withupper-case at the beginnings of proper nouns and sentences, and lower-
16 AN INTRODUCTION TO ENGLISH PHONOLOGYcase everywhere else: we can say that this distribution is rule-governed.Similarly again, we can classify all the variants we hear as belonging toeither fronter [c] or backer [k], although we are not, at least without alittle phonetic consciousness-raising, aware of that difference in the waywe are with a and A; presumably the fact that we learn writing later, andwith more explicit instruction, accounts for our higher level of awarenesshere.In turn, [c] and [k], which native speakers regard as the same, are realisationsof an abstract unit we call the phoneme (where the ending -eme,as in grapheme, means ‘some abstract unit’). Phonemes appear betweenslash brackets, and are conventionally represented by IPA symbols, inthis case /k/. As with graphemes, we could in principle use an abstractsymbol for this abstract unit, say /§/, or /❂/, or give it a number or aname: but again, it is convenient and clear to use the same symbol as oneof its realisations. Those realisations, here [k] and [c], are allophones ofthe phoneme /k/.To qualify as allophones of the same phoneme, two (or more) phones,that is sounds, must meet two criteria. First, their distribution must bepredictable: we must be able to specify where one will turn up, andwhere the other; and those sets of contexts must not overlap. If this istrue, the two phones are said to be in complementary distribution.Second, if one phone is exceptionally substituted for the other in thesame context, that substitution must not correspond to a meaning difference.Even if you say kitchen cupboard with the [k] first and the [c] second(and that won’t be easy, because you have been doing the opposite aslong as you have been speaking English – it will be even harder thantrying to write at your normal speed while substituting small a for capitalA and vice versa), another English speaker will only notice that thereis something vaguely odd about your speech, if that. She may think youhave an unfamiliar accent; but crucially, she will understand that youmean ‘kitchen cupboard’, and not something else. This would not be sowhere a realisation of one phoneme is replaced by a realisation ofanother: if the [k] allophone of /k/ is replaced by the [t] allophone of/t/, then tall will be understood instead of call.Finally, just as the orthographic rules can vary between languages andacross time, so no two languages or periods will have exactly the samephonology. Although in English [k] and [c] are allophones of the samephoneme, and are regarded as the same sound, in Hungarian they aredifferent phonemes. We can test for this by looking for minimal pairs:that is, pairs of words differing in meaning, where the only difference insound is that one has one of the two phones at issue where the other hasthe other (think of tall and call). In Hungarian, we find minimal pairs like
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CRITERIA FOR CONTRAST 65gradually m
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6 Describing vowels6.1 Vowels versu
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DESCRIBING VOWELS 69operate as diff
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DESCRIBING VOWELS 71Low vowels are
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DESCRIBING VOWELS 73This is not to
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One possible solution is to abandon
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DESCRIBING VOWELS 77be articulatori
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7 Vowel phonemes7.1 The same but di
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VOWEL PHONEMES 81by /r/. GA also la
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VOWEL PHONEMES 83r 9 NURSEi Ii 10
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VOWEL PHONEMES 85phones of those ph
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VOWEL PHONEMES 877.4 Phonetic simil
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isation of the KIT and DRESS vowels
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VOWEL PHONEMES 91which may be state
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VARIATION BETWEEN ACCENTS 93to that
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VARIATION BETWEEN ACCENTS 95vowels
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VARIATION BETWEEN ACCENTS 97Midland
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VARIATION BETWEEN ACCENTS 99bread -
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VARIATION BETWEEN ACCENTS 101in som
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VARIATION BETWEEN ACCENTS 103Recomm
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SYLLABLES 105the longest word in th
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SYLLABLES 1079.4.2 The Sonority Seq
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SYLLABLES 109(6)(a) l I t I little
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SYLLABLES 111Sequencing Generalisat
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SYLLABLES 113nations between sounds
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SYLLABLES 115first syllable of each
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10 The word and above10.1 Phonologi
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THE WORD AND ABOVE 119The interacti
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THE WORD AND ABOVE 121the onset of
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THE WORD AND ABOVE 123with the morp
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THE WORD AND ABOVE 125(6)ΣΣSΣWσ
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THE WORD AND ABOVE 127A: What are y
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THE WORD AND ABOVE 129stances, thes
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THE WORD AND ABOVE 131and phonetica
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Discussion of the exercisesChapter
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DISCUSSION OF THE EXERCISES 135writ
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ance of meaning, [ɹ] is in complem
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3. No specific answers can be given
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DISCUSSION OF THE EXERCISES 141Chap
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ReferencesAitchison, Jean (1983), T
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IndexNote: entries in bold give the
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INDEX 147larynx, 25, 26, 27lateral,